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Title: the Emerge of Constitutional Government in Vietnam Author: Pham Duy Nghia
Title: The Emerge of Constitutional Government in Vietnam Author: Pham Duy Nghia This paper has been submitted to the conference ‘Vietnam: political and economic challenges and opportunities’ at the Australian National University on 3 October 2019 This is a preliminary version. It is not for quoting or citations. Do not remove this note. The Emerge of Constitutional Government in Vietnam Pham Duy Nghia* “In order to institutionalize the Party program to build Socialism, we the people of Vietnam, make this Constitution”. Preamble 2013 Constitution of Vietnam I. Introductory Overview Long synonymous as war, since 1986 transformed from one of the poorest countries into a low middle-income country, Vietnam is now one of the most dynamic emerging countries in the world1. With 95 million population, reaching the development level compatible to the Philippines or Egypt2, Vietnam is home for millions of private business and an attractive destination for foreign direct investment. The life of million Vietnamese was improved, poverty significantly reduced, by 2035 more than half of Vietnamese population are projected to join ranks of global middle class with consumption of $15 a day or more3. Aggressively integrated into the global economy, Vietnam is party of dozen free trade agreements, including Vietnam-EU, Vietnam-Japan, and CP- TPP4. In regard of trade openness, Vietnam ranks globally the fifth among the most open economies in the world, just following Luxembourg, Hongkong, Singapore, and Ireland5, with total trade more than double the size of its GDP. In contrast to rapid changes in dismantling the command economy and embracing market reforms, the political system undergone less visible evolution. -
Proposals for Constitutional Change in Myanmar from the Joint Parliamentary Committee on Constitutional Amendment International Idea Interim Analysis
PROPOSALS FOR CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGE IN MYANMAR FROM THE JOINT PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT INTERNATIONAL IDEA INTERIM ANALYSIS 1. Background, Purpose and Scope of this Report: On 29 January Myanmar’s Parliament voted to establish a committee to review the constitution and receive proposals for amendments. On July 15 a report containing a catalogue of each of these proposals was circulated in the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Legislature). This International IDEA analysis contains an overview and initial assessment of the content of these proposals. From the outset, the Tatmadaw (as well as the Union Solidarity and Development Party - USDP) has objected to this process of constitutional review,i and unless that opposition changes it would mean that the constitutional review process will not be able to proceed much further. Passing a constitutional amendment requires a 75% supermajority in the Union Legislature, which gives the military an effective veto as they have 25% of the seats.1 Nevertheless, the report provides the first official public record of proposed amendments from different political parties, and with it a set of interesting insights into the areas of possible consensus and divergence in future constitutional reform. The importance of this record is amplified by the direct connection of many of the subjects proposed for amendment to the Panglong Peace Process agenda. Thus far, the analyses of this report available publicly have merely counted the number of proposals from each party, and sorted them according to which chapter of the constitution they pertain to. But simply counting proposals does nothing to reveal what changes are sought, and can be misleading – depending on its content, amending one significant article may bring about more actual change than amending fifty other articles. -
Assessing the Marriage and Family Law of Vietnam
Walsh: The Law of the Family in Vietnam: Assessing the Marriage and Fami THE LAW OF THE FAMILY IN VIETNAM: ASSESSING THE MARRIAGE AND FAMILY LAW OF VIETNAM THOMAS J. WALSH * "To put the world in order, we must first put the nation in order; to put the nation in order, we must put the family in order; to put the family in order, we must cultivate our personal life; and to cultivate our personal life, we must first set our hearts right." Confucius' I. INTRODUCTION It is a virtual truism of human history that in war the biggest victims are the weakest segments of society-the children, the widows, the elderly. The war waged between the Vietnamese and the French, and subsequently between the Vietnamese and the Americans, lasted for thirty years. 2 It started as a struggle of colonialists versus * Thomas J. Walsh is a partner in the law firm of Walsh & Walsh, S.C., in DePere, Wisconsin, receiving his B.A. from Marquette University and his J.D. from Hamline University School of Law. He specializes in the area of family law. This article is dedicated to the men and women of the Gregg Herman Delegation to Vietnam and Cambodia sponsored by People to People (October 2010). Your input and contribution to the delegation has provided insight for this article. 1. This quotation is widely attributed to Confucius. See, e.g., Dennis Merritt Jones, Set Yourself Free: The Weight of Hate Is Too Big a Burden, Huffington Post (Aug. 22, 2011, 9:36 AM), http://www.huffingtonpost.com/dennis-merritt- jones/fear-into-hate b_930965.html. -
Law Relating Amyotha Hluttaw
The Union of Myanmar Chapter I The State Peace and Development Council Title, Enforcement and Definition The Law Relating to the Amyotha Hluttaw 1. (a) This Law shall be called the Law relating to the Amyotha ( The State Peace and Development Council Law No. 13 /2010 ) Hluttaw, The 13th Waxing Day of Thadinkyut , 1372 M.E. (b) This Law shall come into force throughout the country ( 21st October, 2010 ) commencing from the day of its promulgation. Preamble 2. The following expressions contained in this Law shall have the meanings Since it is provided in Section 443 of the Constitution of the Republic given hereunder: of the Union of Myanmar that the State Peace and Development Council shall (a) Constitution means the Constitution of the Republic of the carry out the necessary preparatory works to implement the Constitution, it has Union of Myanmar; become necessary to enact the relevant laws to enable performance of the legislative, administrative and judicial functions of the Union smoothly, to enable (b) Hluttaw means the Amyotha Hluttaw formed under the performance of works that are to be carried out when the various Hluttaws come Constitution for the purpose of this Law; into existence and to enable performance of the preparatory works in accord (c) Chairperson means the Hluttaw representative elected to with law. supervise the Hluttaw session until the Hluttaw Speaker and As such, the State Peace and Development Council hereby enacts this the Deputy Speaker are elected when the first session of a Law in accord with section 443 of the Constitution of the Republic of the Union term of Hluttaw commences; of Myanmar, in order to implement the works relating to Hluttaw smoothly in (d) Speaker means the Hluttaw representative elected as the convening the sessions of the Amyotha Hluttaw in accord with the Constitution Speaker of the Hluttaw for a term of the Hluttaw; of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. -
Pro Bono Practices and Opportunities in Vietnam1
Pro Bono Practices and Opportunities in Vietnam1 INTRODUCTION The Socialist Republic of Vietnam (“Vietnam”) is a socialist country under the leadership of the Communist Party.2 Since 1986 and the launch of the Doi Moi (Open Door) policy, Vietnam has implemented certain economic and political reforms that have helped it in its path towards greater international integration, including advancements in the legal sphere.3 When compared to the culture of pro bono work of other countries like the United States or the United Kingdom, Vietnam’s pro bono culture is still very much in its infancy. However, important legal developments have taken place which will hopefully pave the way for greater development of the practices of both legal aid and pro bono. OVERVIEW OF LEGAL SYSTEM The Justice System Constitution and Governing Laws The current constitution of Vietnam was adopted in 2013 and is the fifth constitution adopted by the Vietnamese National Assembly since Vietnam became independent in 1945. As the document with the highest legal authority, “it sets out the structure of the legal and political system, such as the relationship between the governing institutions, as well as the relationship between the institutions and the people.”4 The National Assembly is the highest authority responsible for lawmaking activities and is also the country’s representative and legislative body.5 The Government is the executive body of the National Assembly and the highest administrative body of the State.6 At a local level, the People’s Committees act as the executive arm of the provincial government.7 The Courts Levels, Relevant Types & Locations Under the Vietnamese judicial system, there are the People’s Courts and organizations for economic arbitration.8 The People’s Courts are made up of the Supreme People’s Court, the Superior People’s Courts, the Provincial Courts, the District Courts and the Military Courts. -
Constitutional Documents of All Tcountries in Southeast Asia As of December 2007, As Well As the ASEAN Charter (Vol
his three volume publication includes the constitutional documents of all Tcountries in Southeast Asia as of December 2007, as well as the ASEAN Charter (Vol. I), reports on the national constitutions (Vol. II), and a collection of papers on cross-cutting issues (Vol. III) which were mostly presented at a conference at the end of March 2008. This collection of Constitutional documents and analytical papers provides the reader with a comprehensive insight into the development of Constitutionalism in Southeast Asia. Some of the constitutions have until now not been publicly available in an up to date English language version. But apart from this, it is the first printed edition ever with ten Southeast Asian constitutions next to each other which makes comparative studies much easier. The country reports provide readers with up to date overviews on the different constitutional systems. In these reports, a common structure is used to enable comparisons in the analytical part as well. References and recommendations for further reading will facilitate additional research. Some of these reports are the first ever systematic analysis of those respective constitutions, while others draw on substantial literature on those constitutions. The contributions on selected issues highlight specific topics and cross-cutting issues in more depth. Although not all timely issues can be addressed in such publication, they indicate the range of questions facing the emerging constitutionalism within this fascinating region. CONSTITUTIONALISM IN SOUTHEAST ASIA Volume 2 Reports on National Constitutions (c) Copyright 2008 by Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Singapore Editors Clauspeter Hill Jőrg Menzel Publisher Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung 34 Bukit Pasoh Road Singapore 089848 Tel: +65 6227 2001 Fax: +65 6227 2007 All rights reserved. -
Burma Coup Watch
This publication is produced in cooperation with Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN), Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK), the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Progressive Voice (PV), US Campaign for Burma (USCB), and Women Peace Network (WPN). BN 2021/2031: 1 Mar 2021 BURMA COUP WATCH: URGENT ACTION REQUIRED TO PREVENT DESTABILIZING VIOLENCE A month after its 1 February 2021 coup, the military junta’s escalation of disproportionate violence and terror tactics, backed by deployment of notorious military units to repress peaceful demonstrations, underlines the urgent need for substantive international action to prevent massive, destabilizing violence. The junta’s refusal to receive UN diplomatic and CONTENTS human rights missions indicates a refusal to consider a peaceful resolution to the crisis and 2 Movement calls for action confrontation sparked by the coup. 2 Coup timeline 3 Illegal even under the 2008 In order to avert worse violence and create the Constitution space for dialogue and negotiations, the 4 Information warfare movement in Burma and their allies urge that: 5 Min Aung Hlaing’s promises o International Financial Institutions (IFIs) 6 Nationwide opposition immediately freeze existing loans, recall prior 6 CDM loans and reassess the post-coup situation; 7 CRPH o Foreign states and bodies enact targeted 7 Junta’s violent crackdown sanctions on the military (Tatmadaw), 8 Brutal LIDs deployed Tatmadaw-affiliated companies and partners, 9 Ongoing armed conflict including a global arms embargo; and 10 New laws, amendments threaten human rights o The UN Security Council immediately send a 11 International condemnation delegation to prevent further violence and 12 Economy destabilized ensure the situation is peacefully resolved. -
Development of Property Law in Cambodia, Vietnam and China What Is Behind the Legal Reforms in Transition to a Market Economy?
2010 DEVELOPMENT OF PROPERTY LAW IN HARVARD-YENCHING CAMBODIA, VIETNAM AND CHINA: INSTITUTE WORKING WHAT IS BEHIND THE LEGAL REFORMS IN PAPER SERIES TRANSITION TO A MARKET ECONOMY? Kuong Teilee | Nagoya University Draft paper for discussions – not for citation or quotation without approval Teilee Kuong Draft of July 19, 2010 Development of Property Law in Cambodia, Vietnam and China What is behind the legal reforms in transition to a market economy? Abstract This research reviews how constitutional, legal or political reforms in Cambodia, Vietnam and China throughout the last three decades have resulted in some recent conceptual changes in ownership protection and the system of (land) property management in these countries. The focus is on how the countries embarked on their respective approaches toward balancing and rebalancing the roles of the State, collectives (or communities) and autonomous private players in dealing with the question of ownership and marketization. The findings show that, despite a common rhetoric of marketization, the approaches have in fact led to the emergence of three distinctive models in the three evolving political and social contexts. Introduction When the socialist or former socialist countries publicly proclaimed that they would open up the economy and introduce the rules of market into their economic legal system, they might have expected that at a certain juncture down the road they would have to re-introduce some institutions which they tried so hard to discard at the earlier stage of the revolutionary struggles against capitalist way of life. In the subsequent legal and economic reforms, different experiments took place, some being more promising others less. -
Democracy in the Age of Pandemic – Fair Vote UK Report June 2020
Democracy in the Age of Pandemic How to Safeguard Elections & Ensure Government Continuity APPENDICES fairvote.uk Published June 2020 Appendix 1 - 86 1 Written Evidence, Responses to Online Questionnaire During the preparation of this report, Fair Vote UK conducted a call for written evidence through an online questionnaire. The questionnaire was open to all members of the public. This document contains the unedited responses from that survey. The names and organisations for each entry have been included in the interest of transparency. The text of the questionnaire is found below. It indicates which question each response corresponds to. Name Organisation (if applicable) Question 1: What weaknesses in democratic processes has Covid-19 highlighted? Question 2: Are you aware of any good articles/publications/studies on this subject? Or of any countries/regions that have put in place mediating practices that insulate it from the social distancing effects of Covid-19? Question 3: Do you have any ideas on how to address democratic shortcomings exposed by the impact of Covid-19? Appendix 1 - 86 2 Appendix 1 Name S. Holledge Organisation Question 1 Techno-phobia? Question 2 Estonia's e-society Question 3 Use technology and don't be frightened by it 2 Appendix 1 - 86 3 Appendix 2 Name S. Page Organisation Yes for EU (Scotland) Question 1 The Westminster Parliament is not fit for purpose Question 2 Scottish Parliament Question 3 Use the internet and electronic voting 3 Appendix 1 - 86 4 Appendix 3 Name J. Sanders Organisation emergency legislation without scrutiny removing civil liberties railroading powers through for example changes to mental health act that impact on individual rights (A) Question 1 I live in Wales, and commend Mark Drakeford for his quick response to the crisis by enabling the Assembly to continue to meet and debate online Question 2 no, not until you asked. -
A Study of Myanmar-US Relations
INDEX A strike at Hi-Mo factory and, 146, “A Study of Myanmar-US Relations”, 147 294 All Burma Students’ Democratic abortion, 318, 319 Front, 113, 125, 130 n.6 accountability, 5, 76 All India Radio, 94, 95, 96, 99 financial management and, 167 All Mon Regional Democracy Party, administrative divisions of Myanmar, 104, 254 n.4 170, 176 n.12 allowances for workers, 140–41, 321 Africa, 261 American Centre, 118 African National Congress, 253 n.2 American Jewish World Service, 131 Agarwal, B., 308 n.7 “agency” of individuals, 307 Amyotha Hluttaw (upper house of Agricultural Census of Myanmar parliament), 46, 243, 251 (1993), 307 Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom Agricultural Ministers in States and League, 23 Regions, 171 Anwar, Mohammed, 343 n.1 agriculture, 190ff ANZ Bank (Australia), 188 loans for, 84 “Arab Spring”, 28, 29, 138 organizational framework of, “arbitrator [regime]”, 277 192, 193 Armed Forces Day 2012, 270 Ah-Yee-Taung, 309 armed forces (of Myanmar), 22, 23, aid, 295, 315 262, 269, 277, 333, 334 donors and, 127, 128 battalions 437 and 348, 288 Kachin people and, 293, 295 border areas and, 24 Alagappa, Muthiah, 261, 263, 264 constitution and, 16, 20, 24, 63, Albert Einstein Institution, 131 n.7 211, 265, 266 All Burma Federation of Student corruption and, 26, 139–40 Unions, 115, 121–22, 130 n.4, 130 disengagement from politics, 259 n.6, 148 expenditure, 62, 161, 165, 166 “fifth estate”, 270 356 Index “four cuts” strategy, 288, 293 Aung Kyaw Hla, 301 n.5 impunity and, 212, 290 Aung Ko, 60 Kachin State and, 165, 288, 293 Aung Min, 34, -
Myanmar Amnesty International Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review Tenth Session of the UPR Working Group, January 2011
Myanmar Amnesty International submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review Tenth session of the UPR Working Group, January 2011 B. Normative and institutional framework of the State The administration of justice in Myanmar is marked by the absence of an independent judiciary and the criminalization of peaceful political dissent. The provisions of the 2008 Constitution and many laws do not meet international human rights standards. Myanmar has only ratified two international human rights treaties, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the Convention of the Rights of the Child; however, the provisions of these are not adequately reflected in domestic law. The Constitution The new Constitution was adopted in a referendum held in the immediate aftermath of Cyclone Nargis in May 2008. It will come into force after national elections slated to take place towards the end of 2010. Amnesty International has serious concerns in relation to a number of elements within the Constitution that undermine international human rights standards and enable impunity for perpetrators of human rights violations, including past violations: • There are no provisions explicitly prohibiting torture and other ill‐treatment. There are similarly no provisions guaranteeing the rights of arrested persons to be informed promptly of the nature and cause of any charges against them or to a fair and public hearing, and the right of those arrested to be brought before a court within 24 hours does not extend to “matters on precautionary measures” taken on security and similar grounds. Provisions on freedom of expression, association and assembly are restricted by vague references to “community peace and tranquillity” (Article 354). -
Burma's Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Assembly of the Union) Has Been the Country's First Experience of a Functioning Legislature for Almost Four Decades
Burma’s Pyidaungsu Hluttaw: a young legislature in a changing state By Liam Allmark Beginning in 2011, the inaugural session of Burma's Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Assembly of the Union) has been the country's first experience of a functioning legislature for almost four decades. After General Ne Win's 1962 coup d'état abolished the post-independence parliamentary system, legislative power was exercised by the military through a succession of internal structures, appointed councils and single-party bodies. Tentative moves towards restoring an elected assembly in 1990 were quickly aborted by the ruling regime when the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) secured a resounding majority of the vote. Consequently many of those who won seats spent the following years in prison or exile. This picture finally began to change with the adoption of a new constitution in 2008 establishing today's system of 'disciplined democracy'. Elections were held to the new Pyidaungsu Hluttaw in 2010 and since members took their seats at a purpose-built complex in Naypyidaw the following year, this young legislature has become a focal point of Burma's shifting political landscape. Parties and elections Whilst the military no longer exercises direct and complete control over Burma's legislative system, it nevertheless retains considerable influence: 25% of members in the 440 seat lower chamber (Pyithu Hluttaw, or House of Representatives) and the 224 seat upper chamber (Amyotha Hluttaw, or House of Nationalities) are Defence Service personnel directly appointed by the Commander-in-Chief. This is particularly significant given the requirement for any constitutional amendments to be approved by more than 75% of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, effectively creating a military veto.