AKB48 and the Idol Machine

AKB48 and the Idol Machine When entering Akihibara, Tokyo's electronics district more widely known as “the center of Japan's otaku culture”, one is almost immediately greeted by the faces of current AKB48 members. The music group, one of the most popular in Japan, was founded in 2006 and consists of around 140 rotating members-- all young women from their teens to early-mid 20s. Plastered upon the side of a building designated for their daily performances, the young women tower above the street, smiling coyly at the shoppers below. Akihibara is the group's headquarters, and it is hard to walk anywhere in the area without seeing reference to them. Their faces are plastered all over merchandise stalls, one can buy photobooks, keychains or mugs adorned with their faces. Of the groups 39 total singles, 26 have hit number one on Japan's “Billboard Hot 100” Charti. (For comparison, the Beatles had 20 number one singles on Billboard over their ten year careerii). Though not without their share of criticisms and controversies, the group is in many ways the poster child for the greater “idol” phenomena and, indeed, much of the Japanese approach to merchandising and popular culture. Music idols are a large component of Japanese music culture. The phenomena itself dates back to the 1960s, while the current diversified media technique was pioneered by Johnny Kitagawa in the early 1990s. The concept is simple: beautiful young boys/girls are set up in groups by a label and perform. They sing, dance, appear on talk shows and ads, and are more or less marketed to be idolized by other young people who aspire to be and/or date them. Future idols are groomed from childhood, sometimes being scouted as young as ten, signing into long term and highly restrictive contracts. They train for years in various skills such as singing, dancing, and acting, before making their “debut” into the professional realm, though this varies from label to label. While the process for AKB48 in particular has been described as “rolling American Idol style auditions”iii, the basic format of ascending from trainee to bona-fide idol after years of training remains the same. This ensures a continuous stream of fresh faces for the group, as a paramount is placed on youthfulness within idol culture. This narrative is to a certain degree a fantasy, though not one we as Westerners are used to. There is the idea that any young schoolkid could be walking around Shibuya and all of a sudden be scooped up into fame, while the traditional American celebrity narrative tends to include at least some mention of how the artist worked hard independently before being “discovered” at say, a school talent show. Prior talent is not a factor in the Japanese idol system. It tends to be more about appearance because as we will see, the foundation of the idol is fantasy. That being said, there are similarities between the Japanese idol system and (for lack of a better term) the American 'Disney star' system. Idols generally have a wide breadth of talents and are extremely ubiquitous. They make appearances in films and television, various variety shows, and of course concerts. This is not dissimilar to the ever present nature of celebrities like Miley Cyrus or The Jonas Brothers, who rose to fame through the Disney studio system as children. Often these young stars are a similarly packaged product, appearing in advertisements and their own television series, while also promoting their latest singles. In both countries, merchandising of the stars is common, with their images gracing everything from folders to cups to trading cards. There is a baseline assumption that the young stars will maintain an image of wholesomeness and innocence. However, the cultural responses to this tends to be where similarities fall apart. While the genesis of these celebrities and their ubiquity throughout the school supplies section are comparable, there are significant differences in the expectations surrounding these groups between cultures. In the United States we often find our celebrities caught up in scandals. These range from general 'who's-dating-who' gossip to the more provocative genre of drug scandals, melt-downs, et cetera. Immense cultural value is placed on the risky side of the celebrity performance. Outside the world of Tiger Beat, it often seems as though our expectation in America is for our celebrities to be messy, beautiful, and dangerous. Interestingly enough, some of the most iconic American celebrity melt down moments have involved individuals who came up through the idol-esqe “Disney” system. Lindsay Lohan, Britney Spears, Justin Bieber, and Miley Cyrus all have had spectacular public breakdowns, while having come up through an industry machine similar to that found in the idol system. During these “breakdowns”, such as Miley Cyrus' recent image upheaval, there is often public discussion about the celebrity's position in society as a “role model”. While many decried Cyrus' sudden transformation from proper country girl to hard partying club kid as a reckless and selfish move, others argued that it was a moment of empowerment for her. Never was Cyrus forced to make a public apology for the relative morality of her actions. She still sells well and has remained in the spotlight far longer than some of her other Disney counterparts, giving credence to the idea that in the United States, sometimes the walk we walk is different than the talk we talk. In contrast, the image of wholesomeness portrayed by most Japanese idols is meticulously maintained. They are marketed as the girl/boy-next-door, and largely only as that. Because many of the idols are often a jack of all trades and a master of none, their image is of the utmost importance and is often strictly outlined in their contract agreements. Those who step out of line, acting outside of the “morality clauses” in their contracts, are harshly punished. Hiroki Uchi of the boy band NewS, for example, was caught drinking underage in 2005 and promptly forced to cancel all upcoming performances and resign from the group.iv Once again, the basis of the idol industry is fantasy, the idea that the person you are watching perform is someone you would want to have bring you coffee in the morning and who you could take to family dinner. One song by the band Perfume, popular in 2015, has lyrics translating to 'Let's chat at a seat by the window/One two three/Your special seat'vvi It is a dreamy little song, with an accompanying music video that features the three women on a beach at sunrise, smiling at the viewer in flowing white dresses. Though the group is not quite to the scale of one like AKB48, the essential features of the idol remain the same. This image is consciously crafted, special care taken to a portrayal of innocence and purity as the women wander around an untouched beach at sunrise. Idols are young, with non-threatening lyrics and approachable demeanors. They create an image perfectly suited for personal projection by the audience. This wholesomeness makes certain aspects of the audience/idol relationship particularly curious. In 2009 the team behind AKB48 established a media event known as sousenkyo, or “general elections.” The basic structure is more or less as follows: a special “voting” single is released, those who buy the single along with all fan club members are then allowed to participate in the “election”. Votes are cast for favorite members of the group, and the girls with the highest number of votes (and thus, who brought in the most money from the process) are given what amounts to special privileges.vii The results are broadcast in a results show on Fuji Television, where rankings are announced and the women step forward to accept their trophies, openly and dramatically weeping. Those women are then selected to record the groups next single, with additional privileges given to the girl who comes in at number one. She is heavily featured in merchandise and advertising, given lead solos in the next single and music video. It is, I am assuming, a massive step forward career-wise as well. However, watching these young girls sob their way through the results broadcast seems sadistic. The entire process feels like the audience claiming ownership of these young girls. They are not in control of this event. The audience determines the results, and seems unphased by the drama unfolding on stage in front of them. This idea of ownership has, in many ways, been purposely crafted by Yasushi Akimoto, creator of AKB48. His base concept for the group is the idea that AKB48 are “idols you can meet every day.”viii The structure of the group makes this obvious, with the massive number of members split into five teams, plus an additional team of part-time members. This structure ensures that the group is able to be in multiple places at once, with one set able to perform at the group's cafe in Akihibara while another films a television promo. The establishment of the AKB48 cafe at the top of Don Quixote in Akihibara allows for daily performances and meet and greets by the group. The knowledge that more or less reliable access to seeing and meeting the girls helps to foster a sense of relationship between idol and fan. Watching the various pitfalls young members go through on their way to their debuts assists in creating a very personal relationship for the fans. The accessibility that fans have to the members of AKB48 intensifies the fantasy girlfriend narrative that is idol pop's stock and trade, making it of utmost importance that the pristine image of these ever-available, innocent young women remains intact, regardless of the needs or desires of the idols themselves.

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