THE TENETS AND CONSTITUENCY ROOTS OF LIBERALISM — OVERHAULING THE RED MACHINE

Jim Coutts

When Prime Minister Martin’s campaign strategists discarded the Liberal brand to run under the Team Martin banner in the last election, they abandoned the political trademark of a party that has governed Canada for most of the last century. Jim Coutts, a lifelong Liberal activist who served Prime Ministers Pearson and Trudeau, writes that the Liberals’ fabled Red Machine has actually been in long-term decline and is overdue for a major overhaul. He identifies five major “policy markers” that must be renewed: reform, French-English partnership, Canadian identity, balanced economic management and an open-door immigration policy. “These markers,” he writes, “have been part of the Liberal fabric long enough, and pursued consistently enough, to have become part of the Liberal identity.” Along with intellectual renewal, he writes, the Liberal Party needs to be rebuilt at the grassroots, and Martin has the opportunity “to become the first Liberal leader since Mackenzie King to pay serious attention to constituency-level party recruitment.”

En troquant l’étiquette libérale pour la bannière de « équipe Martin », les stratèges de campagne du premier ministre ont délaissé la marque d’un parti qui a gouverné le Canada pour l’essentiel du dernier siècle. Militant libéral de toujours et conseiller des premiers ministres Pearson et Trudeau, Jim Coutts juge que la légendaire « machine rouge » est en perte de vitesse depuis un bon moment déjà et qu’il est grand temps de la rénover en profondeur. Il faudrait ainsi renouveler cinq grandes doctrines libérales : réformisme, partenariat anglais-français, identité canadienne, gestion économique équilibrée et ouverture des politiques d’immigration. Ces marqueurs sont intégrés au tissu libéral et dictent les politiques du parti depuis si longtemps, estime l’auteur, qu’ils sont presque devenus indissociables de son identité. Au-delà du renouvellement de ces principes, ajoute-t-il, le Parti libéral doit également reconstruire sa base. Paul Martin a ainsi l’occasion d’être le « premier chef libéral depuis Mackenzie King à miser vraiment sur le recrutement au niveau des circonscriptions ».

few days after winning back a Liberal majority in the Pierre Trudeau could well ask the same question today. In A 1974 election, Pierre Trudeau invited his national cam- recent years, the mythic Red Machine has driven itself paign committee and media advisers to dinner at 24 Sussex unsteadily along the road and sometimes seemed headed Drive. He reminisced that evening about his father, Charlie, a straight for a cliff. A period of policy stagnation, the departure veteran Quebec campaign organizer for the conservative bleus. of two bruised leaders and rumblings against a barely installed Charlie Trudeau spoke with such awe of the vote-getting third, loud and divisive intra-party squabbling and a near elec- exploits of what he called the Liberals’ “Red Machine” that toral defeat — whatever happened to the Big Red Machine, one young Pierre pictured it as a giant unstoppable juggernaut, a of the world’s oldest and most successful political parties? And magic perpetual motion machine that chewed up and spat out what are the implications for Canada’s governance, which has all in its campaign path. That evening, the prime minister been entrusted to the Liberal Party for 75 of the last 105 years? looked around at his own rather bedraggled campaign organ- Writing as a Liberal partisan and party activist for most of izers, and bemusedly asked us: “Is this all there is?” my life, and a sympathetic colleague of friends in other par-

POLICY OPTIONS 9 NOVEMBER 2004 Jim Coutts

ties, perhaps I can best summarize my Liberals...Twenty-one subcommittees, two bad polls that the “Liberal” brand concerns about the current state of the on which every delegate and visitor was no longer useful and would have party by contrasting last year’s Liberal will have a chance to sit, will winnow to go. Many in the party returned the leadership convention with the first one down the resolutions and feed them to favor by sitting on their hands, or by I attended in 1958 —as a delegate, it so a central policy committee. From there complaining publicly (no less!) about happened, supporting Paul Martin’s they will go to plenary sessions of the Paul Martin and his campaign team. leadership candidacy. Though Paul Sr. rally for final decision.” For Liberals running against a newly came in a distant second, like other By contrast, the 2003 convention merged Conservative party in English opponents of Lester Pearson he was wel- was a lighter-than-air affair of balloons Canada, and a Bloc Quebecois many comed back with his supporters and and banners, with a foreign rock singer had left for dead, a minority govern- went on to play a distinguished role as to add philosophic content. Its sole ment barely snatched back in late campaign was decidedly The current weakening of the Liberal Party began well before not a brilliant outcome. In the advent of “Team Martin.” It probably would not have fact, it was ominous. The question now is occurred but for the neglectfulness of party leaders and their whether Martin has the tal- supporters (myself included) during the five decades since the ents, the team and, not retirement of William Lyon Mackenzie King. Perhaps the best least, the desire to get the example of the deterioration in grassroots political Red Machine back on the road. The answer is impor- participation is that campaign telephone calls that you get tant not only to Liberal asking for your support are apt to come from a professional partisans. The Grits are the phone bank working for two different parties at the same time. only Canadian party that has survived for 150 years, Pearson’s external affairs minister. By purpose seemed to be anointing Paul and for most of the past 105 years gov- contrast, the opponents of Paul Jr. were Martin Jr. as party leader and prime erned the country with some degree of shown the door, and not surprisingly minister. A collection of federal lobby- success. Whether they win or lose elec- fell to “un-Liberal” public squabbling. ists, paid Ottawa ministerial staff, pro- tions is probably of no great concern This was probably predictable given the fessional organizers, and wealthy to most Canadians. But win or lose, nature of the 2003 convention and its businessmen had spent ten years and Canadian public life would be far intra-party prelude. over $25 million to mount a more or poorer in my view if the Liberals were less hostile takeover, as the party elec- to lose their cohesion as a broad cen- n 1958, the leadership convention toral apparatus was systematically trist party. Such a development would I was preceded by and in some meas- closed to all but one candidate. permanently destroy both a major ure devoted to refining by party mili- Meanwhile, the weakest Liberal party source of Canadian thinking on the tants of new ideas that would president in memory spent two years shape of public policy, and a critical eventually provide the social reform trying to block election financing link between government and citizen. agenda of the Pearson government. In reform, convince the public that there In the corrupt and ineffectual big-city upstairs rooms at Ottawa’s Chateau was no real need for a leadership con- governments of the Tammany Hall era, Laurier Hotel a core of senior conven- test, and finally, tried to engineer the we see what happens when parties are tion delegates consolidated floor reso- withdrawal of the remaining candi- too strong. But there are also great lutions and unpaid policy advisors date. This, he cheerfully explained, dangers Canada should avoid in soci- refined them for inclusion in the new would save the party the expense of eties like Singapore where government leader’s acceptance speech. Three years actual balloting, and allow more time is efficient and effective but political later in 1961 a Liberal convention was for the US-style show-biz spectacle on parties are weak. The weakening of the organized to focus exclusively on a set prime time TV. It was a sad chapter for Liberals is of even greater concern of policy initiatives that would form the same Liberal party which in 1919 because Canada has already lost (at the platform and shape the issues in had first introduced democratic leader- least for now) its other great historic the 1962-63 elections and define the ship balloting to Canada. national party, the Tory party of legislative agenda when Pearson came Macdonald and Cartier. to power. I attended this meeting with erhaps no one should have been The thesis of this essay is that the great expectation, having read in the P surprised in the federal election two keys to Grit success were a strong Edmonton Journal: “Some 400 resolu- which followed when Liberal signage set of Liberal “policy markers,” and a tions have been drafted by constituen- was painted over with a “Team Mar- strong community-based party organi- cy organizations and individual tin” logo. Martin advisers opined after zation that operated year in and year

10 OPTIONS POLITIQUES NOVEMBRE 2004 The tenets and constituency roots of liberalism — overhauling the Red Machine out — not just in elections. The ero- ly exercise power. But that would be Liberals often seem to have mis- sion of both explains the Liberals’ cur- true for any Canadian party. What’s placed: a community-based party rent difficulties. more, Lester Pearson and others who organization, and the Liberal policy worked directly with Mackenzie King markers. Neither key can work with- he current weakening of the Liber- told me that he was anything but pas- out the other. T al party began well before the sively deferential to his regional minis- advent of “Team Martin.” It probably ters. A former finance minister recalled hat I refer to as “policy markers” would not have occurred but for the that King, placed high in a comfort- W are not platform promises, cam- neglectfulness of party leaders and able chair behind his desk, would keep paign issues or legislative programs. All their supporters (myself included) dur- three or four disputatious ministers of these are important but over time are ing the five decades since the retire- squirming for hours on small uncom- endless in number and changeability, ment of William Lyon Mackenzie King. fortable stool-like chairs until he got in order to adapt to changing govern- Our sins of omission were greatly rein- his way on key issues. ment priorities and public needs. By forced by the evolving political context He was able to do so in part contrast, policy markers are political which has affected all parties. Perhaps because he cultivated his own sources tenets of sufficient consistency and the best example of the deterioration of grassroots information. In my longevity to identify the party to its in grassroots political participation is southern Alberta hometown, two members and to potential voters. The that campaign telephone calls that you women active in the Liberal Party and markers are essential to party identity receive asking for your support are apt the community regularly wrote in order to attract and retain active to come from a professional phone informative letters to “Mr. King” and workers and candidates as well as an bank working for two different increasingly independent elec- parties at the same time. In my view, both party loyalty and torate. Students of politics know Mackenzie King provided regional coalitions worked only that elections are won by hav- the Liberal gold standard for ing your issue become the issue successful party leadership but because of the two fundamental for the voters. It is the long-time his success is often explained keys to the party’s success that markers that tell voters they can with the wrong reasons. Like all today’s Liberals often seem to have trust you on your issue. parties, Liberals win and lose misplaced: a community-based Some markers have disap- elections because of a combina- peared, like the old Liberal tion of leader, candidates, elec- party organization, and the Liberal identity as the protagonist for tion machinery, campaign policy markers. Neither key can rural Canada and provincial issues and sheer blind circum- work without the other. rights. Seventy years in power stance. None of these factors is in Ottawa tends to make a party particular to Canadian Liberal for- received not only one or more hand- more centralist, and Canadians have tunes. King, however, is often said to written replies every year, but an invi- moved en masse from farms and small have held power for so long by ruling tation to tea at Laurier House. King towns to large cities. The price for los- through a Cabinet coalition of region- was in regular touch with thousands of ing this Liberal marker was clear in al barons, often former premiers with individuals from every corner of the recent elections when rural and small- entrenched provincial machines, country. town English Canada voted solidly catering or deferring to their local Along with the regional baron the- Conservative, perceiving the Liberals as interests. This is a partial explanation ory, another popular explanation of a party that not only ignores rural but far from the whole story. Liberal success is that the Grits give Canada but willfully opposes it. their leader unshakable loyalty, while The current policy markers of the rue enough, the British North the Tories “always shoot their leader in Liberal party have evolved over time T America Act parliamentary system the back.” John Turner, Jean Chrétien and are fairly familiar to many is “similar in principle to that of the and even Paul Martin might be forgiv- Canadians. The most crucial Liberal United Kingdom,” one designed for a en if they disagree. More important, markers are these: small and populous island with more both theories confuse cause and effect. 1. Reform, which is so central to than a millennium of common histo- Barons and loyalists are important, but Liberal identity that it was the ry. It never in itself was adequate to don’t stick around very long when party’s name up to and during the govern a vast transcontinental federa- political failure looms. leadership of George Brown. The tion with a thinly stretched popula- In my view, both party loyalty marker has stood for political tion, speaking no common official and regional coalitions worked only reform, ranging from the introduc- language. Hence regional coalitions because of the two fundamental keys tion of responsible government were necessary to gain and successful- to the party’s success that today’s under Baldwin and Lafontaine, to

POLICY OPTIONS 11 NOVEMBER 2004 Jim Coutts

battling ruling-class power and markers have been part of the Liberal example, need serious rethinking in face patronage abuse at the time of fabric long enough, and pursued con- of corporate globalization and govern- Brown, Mackenzie and Blake, to sistently enough, to have become part ment privatization, a new generation of entrenching a constitutional of the Liberal identity. telecommunications, environmental Charter of Rights under Trudeau. What concerns me now, however, fragility vs. rising world resource Since the 1920s, the Liberal reform is that in recent years enough of these requirements, and other geopolitical marker has most importantly sig- markers have gotten blurred for challenges like US military hegemony. nified social reform, or the cre- enough of the time to raise a serious Similarly, the Liberals will have to cope ation and improvement of a question about the future of one of the much better with public pre-occupation modern welfare state. party’s two permanent foundations. with terrorism and urban complaints 2. French-English partnership, which The Liberal approaches to about overburdened infrastructure in has been essential to success of the Canadian independence and to bal- our largest cities if they intend to retain party, and ran from pre- anced economic management, for their Open Immigration marker. Confederation Canada to the era of the Official Languages Act. It is per- sonified by the unbroken French- English party leadership alternance begun with Sir Wilfrid Laurier. 3. Canadian identity, assuring inde- pendence first from Britain, then from the United States, as exem- plified by Laurier’s refusal to send troops to the Boer War and King’s role in creating the Statute of Westminster, Pearson’s stand against the Vietnam War and Jean Chrétien’s on the US invasion of Iraq, and numerous policies foster- ing cultural industries. 4. Balanced economic management, generally by navigating between strong support for the private sec- tor, and government intervention when necessary to protect or pro- mote the public interest. 5. Open immigration, which was extended to non-English-speaking Europe by Laurier and Clifford Sifton, and to developing coun- tries by Pearson, accompanied by public institutionalization of mul- ticulturalism. Some would define the five current Liberal markers a bit differently and no one would deny that other political parties pursued some of the same goals at different times. It is also true that some Liberal leaders contributed less than others to preserving the markers. And that others only did so over excru- ciatingly long periods of time Courtesy Jim Coutts (Mackenzie King), or after a swift kick Jim Coutts and Pierre Trudeau chat while walking down the driveway of 24 Sussex in the rear from the electorate (Trudeau in the mid-1970s. Coutts observes that Trudeau and his successors, like Lester B. Pearson before them, essentially ignored the grassroots of the Liberal in 1972 and 1979) or their own caucus Party between elections, using the Big Red Machine for electoral purposes. (Chrétien in 2001). But these five He argues it’s time to rebuild the party from the ground up.

12 OPTIONS POLITIQUES NOVEMBRE 2004 The tenets and constituency roots of liberalism — overhauling the Red Machine

ut it is the Canadian Liberal Party’s the challenges posed by new drugs and Martin should also look beyond the B two most deeply embedded policy technology, and new concepts of home professional campaign technicians who markers that have most clearly begun to care and community medicine. Instead ran his leadership and (less successfully) unravel. The party’s stewardship of the of pursuing reform, the Liberals mud- his election campaign to woo back some French-English partnership was called dled through the late 1990s with off- of the old-line Liberals they alienated, into question with the near-loss of the hand campaign promises to throw and more importantly, recruit new 1995 Quebec independence referen- some money back into the pot. Liberals with creative ideas to reinvigo- dum, and more recently with the outright loss of What I refer to as “policy markers” are not platform promises, nearly every Quebec fran- cophone Commons seat campaign issues or legislative programs. All of these are outside the Island of important but over time are endless in number and Montreal. Apart from changeability, in order to adapt to changing government Stephane Dion’s incisive priorities and public needs. By contrast, policy markers are “open letters” to sepa- ratist adversaries, Liberal political tenets of sufficient consistency and longevity to identify Ottawa in the past decade the party to its members and to potential voters. The markers has struck many Quebec are essential to party identity in order to attract and retain federalists mainly as a active workers and candidates as well as an increasingly source of warmed-over posturing — and more independent electorate. recently, of course, of the chicanery of the “sponsorship scandal.” During last spring’s election cam- rate the long-standing markers. Only Whatever ongoing investigations show paign, travelling in Ontario, B.C. and “big tent” parties work in Canada. In about the extent of criminal activity, the Prairies, I met a number of the 1920s Mackenzie King found ways many Quebecers already ask if the party Canadians (including past Liberal vot- to partner with the Progressives — a of Laurier now believes their loyalties ers) who told me they simply no longer breakaway prairie reform movement. can be bought by plastering Canada believe any party leader’s promises on Liberal leaders who failed this test shut logos onto sports arenas. medicare. As the election outcome good men out. King’s Liberal successors An even more visible problem has showed, the Grits can’t dine out indef- knew that — and so did former been the Liberals’ increasingly uncer- initely on old markers that are not con- Progressive Conservative Prime Minister tain performance on their single most stantly renewed. When it fails to Brian Mulroney. important marker, that of social deliver by adapting them to the coun- In 1979, one reason Joe Clark lost reform. The apparent weakening try’s new needs, a “grand old party” the House of Commons — and his began during the middle Trudeau years becomes what the right and left have government — was that he systemati- but greatly accelerated under Jean called the Liberals — an old-line party. cally excluded Diefenbaker people Chrétien. The chief reasons probably At September’s First Ministers’ from the front bench. Mulroney lie in the urgency assigned to control Conference, Prime Minister Martin brought them back. In other ways, the of the federal deficit and, less under- made modest progress toward move- Mulroney leadership provides an apt standably, Prime Minister Chrétien’s ment on medicare reform, and toward cautionary tale for the challenges belief that Canadians wanted a “stand unfreezing relations with Quebec City. Martin and the Liberals now face. pat” government. They may have. But As a Liberal partisan, I have every hope catering to a then-current mood sim- that he can restore much-needed lustre artisan considerations aside, I had ply accelerated the serious blurring of to key Liberal markers with specific P high hopes when Brian Mulroney this vital Liberal marker. new policy initiatives. After all, this is assumed the Progressive Conservative not the first time the Liberal policy leadership. Here was a political party he clearest result, though not the markers have been in eclipse. What’s that had given a great deal to Canada T only one, is the widespread deteri- more, Martin is an incurable policy and a new leader with mainstream eco- oration of Canada’s public medicare. wonk and has always said his political nomic and social views and superbly Less obvious but just as serious was the goal is to emulate his father, an archi- honed political skills. Mulroney neglect of child care, welfare, education tect of Canadian social reform. But to promptly won two impressively large and environmental initiatives. The succeed, Martin will have to overcome majorities based upon campaigning medicare system has been brought low his tendency to speak in expletives and organizing skills, classical regional not only by federal funding cuts but by (“Cities! Youth! Aboriginals!”), while coalition building, and several cam- neglect of necessary reforms to meet dithering over what to do about them. paign issues astutely chosen to attract

POLICY OPTIONS 13 NOVEMBER 2004 Jim Coutts

disaffected Westerners and nationalist But mass federal patronage (unlike plums ship and election campaigns have an Quebecers. But he created no markers for the corporate or professional elite) is important role to play. But they are no and ignored those that Conservatives largely a thing of the past, and satellite substitute for committed volunteers, had in place. dishes on the roof have supplanted polit- including a core of thoughtful men After eight years, the hated Liberal ical spell-binders in the curling rink. By and women who believe their ideas can National Energy Policy was gone; Meech eliminating two past sources of party loy- add to the evolution of Liberal policies. Lake and Charlottetown came and were alty, these changes have reinforced a Unless Martin can restore the gone; Mulroney was gone; but so, alas, party’s identification with its policy mark- credibility of the traditional Liberal was Canada’s historic Progressive ers as a reason for ongoing voter support. markers, the party will probably be Conservative Party, at least for the fore- For the same reason, a party’s pol- unable to address the erosion in recent seeable future. Mulroney had both the icy markers are even more essential times of its second pillar of past suc- political opportunity and the leadership than before to attract and retain the cess and future prospects, a permanent skills to restore his party for several gen- thousands of volunteers who serve as community-based party organization. erations, but failed. In my view he workers, counselors and candidates. But refurbishing policy markers, while ignored precisely the lesson that Martin Politicians can and do “buy” the serv- necessary, will not be sufficient. For will now have to act upon. one thing, all party organiza- It begins with the knowl- tions now face a negative cli- edge that individual campaign At September’s First Ministers’ mate toward partisan politics, issues can turn from winners to Conference, Prime Minister Martin especially among the young. losers, and interest-based region- made modest progress toward When several young peo- al coalitions are not permanent movement on medicare reform, and ple recently called on me for enough to give a party long and advice about “getting involved healthy life. That can happen toward unfreezing relations with in politics,” my suggestion that only if it nurtures policy markers Quebec City. As a Liberal partisan, I they learn the ropes by work- that have wide appeal, remain have every hope that he can restore ing with a community-active intrinsic to the party’s core iden- much-needed lustre to key Liberal MP in his or her constituency tity and adaptive to changing office astonished them. What national needs. Mulroney failed markers with specific new policy they really wanted was help to act upon that knowledge, and initiatives. Martin is an incurable finding a paid job at a minis- Martin must not. policy wonk and has always said his ter’s office in Ottawa, “a valu- political goal is to emulate his father, able career experience.” irstly, a party’s policy markers an architect of Canadian social F are more essential than ever t a time when fewer young before if one-time issue voters reform. But to succeed, Martin will A (and less young) Canadi- (like Mulroney’s anti-NEP have to overcome his tendency to ans even bother to vote, Albertans and pro-Meech speak in expletives (“Cities! Youth! bemoaning the decline of vol- Quebecers) are to stick around unteer grassroots participation long enough to become regular — Aboriginals!”), while dithering over in a political organization may or at least frequent — party sup- what to do about them. sound self-indulgently nostal- porters. When I first worked for gic. But rightly or wrongly, I the Liberals in post-war Alberta, many ices of campaign professionals, either believe that politics in general and the still maintained an underlying belief in with policy promises (as Mulroney did federal Liberal Party in particular suffer Liberal reform, a massive homestead poli- in Quebec) or literally with money public indifference in considerable cy and a sense that Liberals were building (most commonly in leadership cam- measure precisely because career profes- a Canadian identity. But prairie families paigns). But it is not the sign of a sionals have come to call the shots. also could still identify with the federal healthy party. That was obvious when Some professional organizers are essen- Liberals partly because they enjoyed an prominent PCs went off to join the tial to help win leadership contests and outing to hear Agriculture Minister Reformers or the Quebec sovereignists election campaigns. But when they Jimmy Gardiner deliver a three-hour in the early 1990s. wholly supplant the influence of those barn-burner (not including the 45- In the Liberal party, alarm bells who come to politics as an avocation, minute intermission for country fiddle should have gone off well before party the tendency is to transform citizens music), or because a grandfather fre- veterans in Hamilton and Vancouver into government service “consumers,” quently reminded them that “Mr. began flirting publicly with the NDP. and communities into target “markets.” Laurier” personally got him a good job on Political “professionals” like some of I doubt that a broad-based the CPR or sorted out his homestead title. those prominent in the Martin leader- Liberal Party will long survive in its

14 OPTIONS POLITIQUES NOVEMBRE 2004 The tenets and constituency roots of liberalism — overhauling the Red Machine present form without the rebirth of that outlined how we should deal with A related weakness for Martin to its national grassroots organization. I the lack of Liberal presence on the correct is the party’s failure to use new don’t know whether Mr. Martin can Prairies. “We’ll certainly want to take a communications technologies to reverse the Liberal organizational look at that,” he smiled, tossing it into broaden its base, not just to test and decline, but the problems he must his in-box. He changed the subject and target voters. Liberal organizers were address are evident: never mentioned the paper again. He, always notorious importers of US cam- restoring the party’s policy markers; St-Laurent and Trudeau came late to paign techniques from Washington, recruiting grassroots volunteers; politics, and party organization and D.C. They now could more profitably re-establishing the Liberal Party recruitment were not their cup of tea. look toward Burlington, Vermont continuum; By contrast, Paul Martin Jr. has where young Howard Dean supporters rethinking the use of communica- displayed enormous enthusiasm and revolutionized political recruiting and tions technology and political talent for recruiting during his two- fundraising via the internet and e-mail. funding; and decade-long leadership quest. He also True enough, many blame mod- boosting the constituency role of MPs. must be aware that he was able to cap- ern communications technology for Minority government is probably ture the party’s apparatus in part the breakdown between party politics and the citizen. But as Dr. George Gallup used to say Unless Martin can restore the credibility of the traditional about the political polls he Liberal markers, the party will probably be unable to address helped invent, “Don’t the erosion in recent times of its second pillar of past success blame the temperature on and future prospects, a permanent community-based party the thermometer.” What is at fault is the way Liberals organization. (and others) have used the technology. not the time for the kind of full-scale because Chrétien became indifferent Though sometimes abused, noth- national policy review that then-party to it once he gained office, and Martin ing is intrinsically wrong about using president Vincent Massey organized at will want to avoid the same mistake. imagery to help put across ideas, or Port Hope in 1933 or that Walter The leadership campaign now polling to probe citizens’ needs. But Gordon and Tom Kent led at Kingston behind him, Martin should ensure political polling on issues should be in 1960. But “mini-Kingstons” would recruitment is clearly targeted to asking citizens: “What’s your take? be fine. So much the better if such pol- strengthen the party — and not just to What information do you need to make icy shops follow the Kingston/Port strengthening his own grip on a weak an informed judgement?” The party Hope model and reach outside the party structure. After a divisive and organization has failed to use commu- party for participants. A few of those ham-handed start, a good beginning nications as a means to educate and to invited might even decide to stay would be to tear down the Team Martin initiate discussion on the set of policies around the party, not because they are banners and replace them with the that Liberals choose to espouse. In the rabid partisans, but because their poli- familiar Liberal Party of Canada banner. late 1930s and 1940s, Liberals like Paul cy initiatives are making progress. Winning a leadership race was one mat- Martin Sr. and David Croll devoted ter. But a strong party organization can- eight years to publicly promoting the ut a far more systematic approach not exist without restoring the proposal for the first unemployment B is required if Martin is to become traditional feeling of Liberal continu- insurance plan and persuading the pub- the first Liberal prime minister since um. Trying to explain why thousands lic to accept the fiscal risk. By contrast, Mackenzie King to pay serious atten- of volunteers keep on devoting a signif- the Liberals’ 2003 election campaign, tion to constituency-level party icant portion of their lives to the party, supposedly devoted to medicare recruitment. Prime Ministers St- former environment minister John reform, featured ads attacking Stephen Laurent, Pearson and Trudeau paid lit- Roberts says: “We always had the view Harper’s stand, to the exclusion of tle if any attention to constituency there was something there before we spelling out exactly how the Liberals recruitment. In 1963, on my first day came along, and there would be some- would tackle the reforms. at work at the PMO, I had just run the thing there many years later. While we federal Liberal campaign in Alberta may have contributed in our time, the o politician should play the and assumed I was expected to provide important thing is that there is a con- N helpless victim of modern com- a bit of much-needed “Alberta expert- tinuum.” Party recruitment is not just a munications technology. Instead, ise.” I proudly handed Prime Minister matter of attracting new members, but Liberals and others can learn from Pearson a thick document I had pre- of retaining old ones, along with their anti-poverty, environmental and com- pared on Alberta party strategy — one experience and institutional memory. munity groups who have used the

POLICY OPTIONS 15 NOVEMBER 2004 Jim Coutts

technology to connect more financial support for elected members skill...and is highly vulnerable to its effectively to the public, to publicize of Parliament, and all four party lead- critics in the press. issues as well as to raise funds and ers have spoken of a stronger role for At the active constituency level, recruit supporters. Decades ago, politi- the MP in the House of Commons. the political show never closes, and cians as different as René Lévesque, That is well and good. But Martin will the volunteer is not in the audience Mitchell Sharp and Ernest Manning miss an important opportunity to help but on the stage. Yet people want to be achieved office after years of attending lessen estrangement between part of something that not only is three or four neighbourhood coffee Canadians and their politicians — entertaining, but that matters and will discussion groups per evening to including the Liberals — if he simply continue to. This is one of the reasons debate their ideas. Today, community enables MPs to spend more time and why restoration of both the Liberal activists are showing that perhaps Web resources in Ottawa. policy markers and the party continu- chat rooms are the venue of choice. In um are so essential. It also means the the last election, the Liberal win in o less important is to strengthen party must restore to the center ongo- several seats in Toronto was influ- N their presence in the nation’s ing policy discussion and spot issue enced by massive e-mailing from arts constituencies, the grassroots commu- response at the local constituency and broadcasting groups strongly nities where the MP can and should level. Quite apart from recruiting opposed to Conservative candidates’ play a stronger role as a hinge between members, a successful party must work cultural policies. citizens and their government. In the regularly with community activists case of the Liberal Party, it is probably who may not have a partisan bone in long with technology, the role of the individual member of Parliament their body. The goal is not to convert A big-money in politics is widely who can play the most important sin- them into campaign workers, party blamed for cutting political parties off gle role in kick-starting a rebuilding of zealots or even necessarily Liberal vot- from the grassroots; for the last elec- the party’s national organization into a ers. Rather, it is to better connect the tion, some backbench MPs spent up to functional grassroots part of public life. Liberal party to the needs and con- $150,000 to get elected. Chrétien’s Even at a time when partisan poli- cerns of the community. reform of political financing will do tics is not in high repute, I am not dis- For many years now, the party has much to deal with the problem of couraged about the prospects for been dominated by a national execu- where the money comes from. But building citizen participation at the tive and powerful PMO-controlled Martin also should re-address what constituency level. My experience is campaign committees, increasingly party (and government) money in that people are willing to get involved pre-occupied at the expense of all else political life is spent for. in party work if they feel that what with leadership and election cam- When Prime Minis- ter Pearson travelled to The leadership campaign now behind him, Martin should ensure Toronto, his hotel would send a courtesy car to recruitment is clearly targeted to strengthen the party — and not pick him up at the airport just to strengthening his own grip on a weak party structure. while his secretary fol- After a divisive and ham-handed start, a good beginning would lowed behind in a Toron- be to tear down the Team Martin banners and replace them with to taxicab, lugging the office typewriter on the familiar Liberal Party of Canada banner. which she typed his speeches. I doubt that our parliamen- they do can matter. It perhaps is no paigns. The Liberal constituency tary democracy has been greatly accident that our greatest campaign organizations led by MPs (including enhanced by the awesome spectacle of events have taken place in hockey ministers and nominated candidates) more recent prime ministers who travel rinks and theatres: politics is drama, an can stand up and take the lead in try- with their own television stage set, entertaining spectacle in which all par- ing to break this inward-looking syn- including custom-made podium, offi- ticipants have a role. drome. They can do so if they reach cial crest and special backdrop curtain, A well-run election campaign is out to local citizens and groups who as well as two or three Ottawa techni- like a Broadway show: it runs for a few are committed to given issues and cians to set it all up. Whether paid by months; intensely engages people’s ready to consider how they can most government or party, too much money attention and emotions; involves a effectively pursue those issues in coali- is spent on the imagery of political lead- cast of characters working together in tion with others, including a national ership instead of on the reality of it. an atmosphere of high excitement; political party with access at times to Canada’s last few prime ministers succeeds by content and presentation the levers of government. Sometimes have greatly increased government but fails without promotional the political pendulum will swing too

16 OPTIONS POLITIQUES NOVEMBRE 2004 The tenets and constituency roots of liberalism — overhauling the Red Machine far in this direction of outreach, and expressed public concern during the quickly decamp again if they find that become mere cronyism. But right now last election campaign. the Liberal pipeline gets clogged when it that is not a danger. Our politics are at A special challenge exists in con- reaches Ottawa. Whether that happens the opposite end of the pendulum stituencies where for decades no will ultimately be up to the Liberal Party swing, where parties and citizens are Liberal MP has been elected. One leader. Only with Paul Martin’s active far too isolated from one another. approach there would be for several participation and support can the party thoughtful Liberals to partner with a re-establish its policy markers, recruit he Red Machine will not function community organization to involve new and retain old activists, and re- T effectively again without over- the public in small policy development open its lines to the community. coming the disconnect between groups around locally vital issues. Martin‘s immediate Liberal and Tory activist and community groups, which On both sides of the House, a predecessors as PM learned with dismay is where the action is, and the nation- number of MPs (including several that diverting all party resources to lead- al party organization, where the action Liberal ministers) have made exception- ership and election victories is ultimate- increasingly isn’t. I am convinced that al efforts to understand and serve their ly self-defeating, both for the party and Liberal MPs and their local supporters communities’ needs. One useful for the leader himself. can at least start to bridge this gap. approach for parliamentarians is to That might have been less realistic in spend more constituency time with f the Liberal Party does not correct its the era when MPs shared a one-room their “kitchen cabinet” of perceptive I course under Martin, some may even- office and the services of a sin- tually propose a more radical gle secretary. Now their way to re-open the party’s resources have expanded to Even at a time when partisan politics pipeline from its constituency include a research bureau and is not in high repute, I am not grassroots. That would be by individual political staffs of discouraged about the prospects for amending the party constitution their own. It will be a sad irony to select and remove its leader, if these new apparatchiks only building citizen participation at the as the British Tory party does, by occupy time chatting up the old constituency level. My experience is a majority vote of the parlia- apparatchiks in the PMO and that people are willing to get mentary caucus. Despite world- the Ottawa bureaucracy, instead involved in party work if they feel wide prestige and a Commons of helping their MP or minister majority, Prime Minister deal with the citizens and that what they do can matter. It Margaret Thatcher was forcibly organizations in the communi- perhaps is no accident that our evicted from 10 Downing Street ties they represent. greatest campaign events have when her MPs concluded that During the 1960s, federal taken place in hockey rinks and she had lost touch with the Liberals ran what were called needs and realities of the public. “campaign clinics” where theatres: politics is drama, an My own view is that the experts taught candidates the entertaining spectacle in which all Liberals’ choice of leader by techniques of electioneering. participants have a role. the party as a whole is a better Perhaps party constituencies system and will continue to could now organize “issue clin- serve us well. But it is based on ics” to further educate politicians friends and neighbours. During the the proposition that the Liberal Party about public issues seen from the Pearson and Trudeau administrations, of Canada remains able to form gov- ground up. MPs and party workers kitchen cabinets rather than Ottawa ernments of and for our citizens — and would sit down to learn more about were the source of creative initiatives that will now require a refurbished set the specific concerns and ideas of like the Canada Development Corp., of Liberal policy markers, and a reno- community groups. Home care deliv- Katimavik and the Company of Young vated national party organization. ery requirements, for example, could Canadians. Focusing more attention in be tracked by neighbourhood physi- the communities where Canadians live, Jim Coutts, a lifelong Liberal from cians, senior citizens and their fami- rather than in Ottawa where politicians Nanton, Alberta, was appointments sec- lies, and representatives of patients’ mingle with bureaucrats and lobbyists, retary to Prime Minister Pearson (1963- rights groups and the regional health should also help the Liberals to avert 66) and principal secretary to Prime board. Some Liberal MPs and their monumental cock-ups like the sponsor- Minister Trudeau (1975-81). His last staffs could be talking regularly with ship or gun registry fiascos. article for Policy Options, “Windows of local environmental activists, while While the constituencies are the Opportunity — Social Reform Under others are following up with those arts most obvious place for the party to Lester B. Pearson,” appeared in and broadcasting groups that reconnect, community activists will November 2003.

POLICY OPTIONS 17 NOVEMBER 2004