12. Opposing a Dominant Party
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1 Singapore's Dominant Party System
Tan, Kenneth Paul (2017) “Singapore’s Dominant Party System”, in Governing Global-City Singapore: Legacies and Futures after Lee Kuan Yew, Routledge 1 Singapore’s dominant party system On the night of 11 September 2015, pundits, journalists, political bloggers, aca- demics, and others in Singapore’s chattering classes watched in long- drawn amazement as the media reported excitedly on the results of independent Singa- pore’s twelfth parliamentary elections that trickled in until the very early hours of the morning. It became increasingly clear as the night wore on, and any optimism for change wore off, that the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) had swept the votes in something of a landslide victory that would have puzzled even the PAP itself (Zakir, 2015). In the 2015 general elections (GE2015), the incumbent party won 69.9 per cent of the total votes (see Table 1.1). The Workers’ Party (WP), the leading opposition party that had five elected members in the previous parliament, lost their Punggol East seat in 2015 with 48.2 per cent of the votes cast in that single- member constituency (SMC). With 51 per cent of the votes, the WP was able to hold on to Aljunied, a five-member group representation constituency (GRC), by a very slim margin of less than 2 per cent. It was also able to hold on to Hougang SMC with a more convincing win of 57.7 per cent. However, it was undoubtedly a hard defeat for the opposition. The strong performance by the PAP bucked the trend observed since GE2001, when it had won 75.3 per cent of the total votes, the highest percent- age since independence. -
Institutionalized Leadership: Resilient Hegemonic Party Autocracy in Singapore
Institutionalized Leadership: Resilient Hegemonic Party Autocracy in Singapore By Netina Tan PhD Candidate Political Science Department University of British Columbia Paper prepared for presentation at CPSA Conference, 28 May 2009 Ottawa, Ontario Work- in-progress, please do not cite without author’s permission. All comments welcomed, please contact author at [email protected] Abstract In the age of democracy, the resilience of Singapore’s hegemonic party autocracy is puzzling. The People’s Action Party (PAP) has defied the “third wave”, withstood economic crises and ruled uninterrupted for more than five decades. Will the PAP remain a deviant case and survive the passing of its founding leader, Lee Kuan Yew? Building on an emerging scholarship on electoral authoritarianism and the concept of institutionalization, this paper argues that the resilience of hegemonic party autocracy depends more on institutions than coercion, charisma or ideological commitment. Institutionalized parties in electoral autocracies have a greater chance of survival, just like those in electoral democracies. With an institutionalized leadership succession system to ensure self-renewal and elite cohesion, this paper contends that PAP will continue to rule Singapore in the post-Lee era. 2 “All parties must institutionalize to a certain extent in order to survive” Angelo Panebianco (1988, 54) Introduction In the age of democracy, the resilience of Singapore’s hegemonic party regime1 is puzzling (Haas 1999). A small island with less than 4.6 million population, Singapore is the wealthiest non-oil producing country in the world that is not a democracy.2 Despite its affluence and ideal socio- economic prerequisites for democracy, the country has been under the rule of one party, the People’s Action Party (PAP) for the last five decades. -
Jaclyn L. Neo
Jaclyn L. Neo NAVIGATING MINORITY INCLUSION AND PERMANENT DIVISION: MINORITIES AND THE DEPOLITICIZATION OF ETHNIC DIFFERENCE* INTRODUCTION dapting the majority principle in electoral systems for the ac- commodation of political minorities is a crucial endeavour if A one desires to prevent the permanent disenfranchisement of those minorities. Such permanent exclusion undermines the maintenance and consolidation of democracy as there is a risk that this could lead to po- litical upheaval should the political minorities start to see the system as op- pressive and eventually revolt against it. These risks are particularly elevat- ed in the case of majoritarian systems, e.g. those relying on simple plurality where the winner is the candidate supported by only a relative majority, i.e. having the highest number of votes compared to other candidates1. Further- more, such a system, while formally equal, could however be considered substantively unequal since formal equality often fails to recognize the es- pecial vulnerabilities of minority groups and therefore can obscure the need to find solutions to address those vulnerabilities. Intervention in strict majoritarian systems is thus sometimes deemed necessary to preserve effective participation of minorities in political life to ensure a more robust democracy. Such intervention has been considered es- pecially important in societies characterized by cleavages such as race/ethnicity, religion, language, and culture, where there is a need to en- sure that minority groups are not permanently excluded from the political process. This could occur when their voting choices almost never produce the outcomes they desire or when, as candidates, they almost never receive the sufficient threshold of support to win elections. -
Religious Harmony in Singapore: Spaces, Practices and Communities 469190 789811 9 Lee Hsien Loong, Prime Minister of Singapore
Religious Harmony in Singapore: Spaces, Practices and Communities Inter-religious harmony is critical for Singapore’s liveability as a densely populated, multi-cultural city-state. In today’s STUDIES URBAN SYSTEMS world where there is increasing polarisation in issues of race and religion, Singapore is a good example of harmonious existence between diverse places of worship and religious practices. This has been achieved through careful planning, governance and multi-stakeholder efforts, and underpinned by principles such as having a culture of integrity and innovating systematically. Through archival research and interviews with urban pioneers and experts, Religious Harmony in Singapore: Spaces, Practices and Communities documents the planning and governance of religious harmony in Singapore from pre-independence till the present and Communities Practices Spaces, Religious Harmony in Singapore: day, with a focus on places of worship and religious practices. Religious Harmony “Singapore must treasure the racial and religious harmony that it enjoys…We worked long and hard to arrive here, and we must in Singapore: work even harder to preserve this peace for future generations.” Lee Hsien Loong, Prime Minister of Singapore. Spaces, Practices and Communities 9 789811 469190 Religious Harmony in Singapore: Spaces, Practices and Communities Urban Systems Studies Books Water: From Scarce Resource to National Asset Transport: Overcoming Constraints, Sustaining Mobility Industrial Infrastructure: Growing in Tandem with the Economy Sustainable Environment: -
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Singapore Academy of Law From the SelectedWorks of Jack Tsen-Ta LEE December, 2012 Shall the Twain Never Meet? Competing Narratives and Discourses of the Rule of Law in Singapore Jack Tsen-Ta Lee Available at: https://works.bepress.com/jacklee/37/ School of Law Singapore Management University 60 Stamford Road, #04-11, Singapore 178900 [email protected] y http://www.law.smu.edu.sg 3 October 2012 Shall the Twain Never Meet? Competing Narratives and Discourses of the Rule of Law in Singapore Jack Tsen-Ta Lee* * LLB (Hons) (Nat’l University of Singapore), LLM (UCL, Lond); PhD (B’ham); Advocate & Solicitor (Singapore), Solicitor (England & Wales); Assistant Professor of Law, School of Law, Singapore Management University. © 2012. This article was published as [2012] Singapore Journal of Legal Studies 298– 330 and may be downloaded at http://law.nus.edu.sg/sjls/articles/SJLS-Dec-12- 298.pdf. It may also be obtained from the Singapore Management University Repository at http://works.bepress.com/jacklee/37/ and the Social Sciences Research Network at http://ssrn.com/abstract=2236053. Singapore Journal of Legal Studies [2012] 298–330 SHALL THE TWAIN NEVER MEET? COMPETING NARRATIVES AND DISCOURSES OF THE RULE OF LAW IN SINGAPORE Jack Tsen-Ta Lee∗ This article aims to assess the role played by the rule of law in discourse by critics of the Singapore Government’s policies and in the Government’s responses to such criticisms. It argues that in the past the two narratives clashed over conceptions of the rule of law, but there is now evidence of convergence of thinking as regards the need to protect human rights, though not necessarily as to how the balance between rights and other public interests should be struck. -
Singapore Local Government System Falls Broadly Within the Allan Model of Virtual Local Government
Virtual Local Government in Practice: * The Case of Town Councils in Singapore Brian Dollery School of Economics University of New England ARMIDALE NSW 2351 Wai Ho Leong Lin Crase Barclays Capital School of Business Level 28, One Raffles Quay La Trobe University South Tower WODONGA VIC 3689 SINGAPORE 048583 Scholars of governance have long sought to develop taxonomic systems of local government that encompass all conceivable institutional arrangements for delivering local goods and services under democratic oversight. A complete typology of this kind would include not only observable real-world municipal models, but also theoretically feasible prototypes not yet in existence. However, despite a growing literature in the area, no universally accepted taxonomy has yet been developed. Notwithstanding this gap in the conceptual literature, existing typological schema have nevertheless proved valuable for both the examination of the characteristics of actual local government systems as well as for comparative studies of different municipal institutional arrangements. For instance, Dollery and Johnson’s (2005) taxonomy of Australian local government has formed the basis of an embryonic literature that seeks to locate the many new municipal * Brian Dollery acknowledges the financial support provided by Australian Research Council Discovery Grant DP0770520. The authors would like to thank Mr Chong Weng Yong of the Singapore Housing and Development Board for his kind and valuable assistance in the research for this paper. The views expressed in the paper are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not represent the views of any organization. © Canadian Journal of Regional Science/Revue canadienne des sciences régionales, XXXI: 2 (Summer/Été 2008), 289-304. -
Impact of Public Housing Upgrading on Residents
APNHR CONFERENCE Housing and Social Development: Emerging Theoretical Issues in Asia-Pacific 5-6 February 2004 The University of Hong Kong Impact of Public Housing Upgrading on Residents Shi-Ming YU Department of Real Estate National University of Singapore Abstract The upgrading of HDB flats has a direct impact on residents in many ways. First, from the economic perspective, they have to make a financial commitment with the aim to enhance the value of their assets as a result of upgrading. Second, as the upgrading works are carried out with occupation, they will have to cope with the attendant problems and inconvenience of upgrading. And third, from the social and community perspective, upgrading provides the precinct and neighbourhood an opportunity to create an identity and improve the overall living environment. Given this impact, residents must play a direct and active role in the upgrading process. This paper discusses the impact of upgrading through residents’ perception as well as the mechanisms, methods and management of resident participation in the upgrading projects. While upgrading and renewal are an important component of public housing, they need to be carried out with a complete understanding of residents’ needs and perceptions, which may change over time. Key words: HDB upgrading, impact on residents, resident participation Introduction Upgrading of flats built by the Housing and Development Board (HDB) in Singapore has gained significance over the last decade as the majority of flats built in the 1960s, 70s and 80s have become less attractive when compared to the new HDB flats built since the 1990s. Given the terminability of the life cycle of buildings, upgrading has become imperative if these older flats are to be able to continue to provide the standard of living environment comparable to that being provided by the new flats. -
Parliamentary Elections Act (Chapter 218)
FRIDAY, JUNE 9, 2006 1 First published in the Government Gazette, Electronic Edition, on 8th June 2006 at 5.00 pm. No. 1432 — PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS ACT (CHAPTER 218) NOTICE UNDER SECTION 75 Notice is hereby given, pursuant to section 75 of the Parliamentary Elections Act, that the returns respecting the election expenses and their accompanying statements in connection with the contested parliamentary elections held on 6 May 2006 were received from the election agents of the candidates whose names are set out in the first column of the Schedule on the dates set out in the second column thereof. The returns and statements may be inspected at the office of the Returning Officer, 11 Prinsep Link, Singapore 187949, during office hours on any working day during the period of 6 months from the date of the publication of this Notice. THE SCHEDULE First column Second column 1. Ling How Doong 18 May 2006 2. Steve Chia Kiah Hong 24 May 2006 3. Chiam See Tong 27 May 2006 4. Mohamed Isa B Abdul Aziz 29 May 2006 5. Sin Kek Tong 29 May 2006 6. Yong Chu Leong 29 May 2006 7. Chee Siok Chin 30 May 2006 8. Sng Choon Guan 30 May 2006 9. Abdul Salim Bin Harun 31 May 2006 10. Chan Soo Sen 31 May 2006 11. Cynthia Phua Siok Gek 31 May 2006 12. Denise Phua Lay Peng 31 May 2006 13. Eric Low Siak Meng 31 May 2006 14. Fong Chin Leong 31 May 2006 15. Gan Kim Yong 31 May 2006 16. George Yong-Boon Yeo 31 May 2006 17. -
Annual Report 2020
TANJONG PAGAR TOWN COUNCIL Annual Report 2019/2020 Tanjong Pagar Town Council | Annual Report 2019/2020 Tanjong Pagar Town Council Audited Financial Statements, Auditor’s Report and Annual Report for FY 2019/2020 S. 107 of 2021 12 March 2021 Contents Page Chairman's Message 3 主席的话 4 Amanat Pengerusi 7 தலைவ쏍 செயத鎿 8 Composition and Structure 10 Financial Statements 11 - 53 1 Tanjong Pagar Town Council | Annual Report 2019/2020 Chairman’s Message Dear Residents, I hope that you are staying well during these trying times. COVID-19 has been a test of our social fabric, and our strong collective response is testament to the strong community bonds that we have fostered over the years. But the fight against the pandemic will be long, and I hope that everyone continues to remain vigilant. In recent months, Tanjong Pagar Town Council has been working hard to ensure that our neighbourhoods remain a safe space for all, while preparing to further improve our estates in the coming years. Initiatives such as increasing the frequency of cleaning and disinfecting of common areas, observing safe distancing and crowd control at markets are some of the precautionary measures taken by our Town Council’s frontline workers. We also launched our new Town Council 5-year Masterplan. In the coming years, one of our key focus areas is to enhance the biodiversity within our Town so that our residents can enjoy more green spaces in their neighbourhoods for recreation and leisure activities. Cleanliness of our estates will continue to be an important focus, and we will work with you to make our Town one of the cleanest estates in Singapore. -
Competing Narratives and Discourses of the Rule of Law in Singapore
Singapore Journal of Legal Studies [2012] 298–330 SHALL THE TWAIN NEVER MEET? COMPETING NARRATIVES AND DISCOURSES OF THE RULE OF LAW IN SINGAPORE Jack Tsen-Ta Lee∗ This article aims to assess the role played by the rule of law in discourse by critics of the Singapore Government’s policies and in the Government’s responses to such criticisms. It argues that in the past the two narratives clashed over conceptions of the rule of law, but there is now evidence of convergence of thinking as regards the need to protect human rights, though not necessarily as to how the balance between rights and other public interests should be struck. The article also examines why the rule of law must be regarded as a constitutional doctrine in Singapore, the legal implications of this fact, and how useful the doctrine is in fostering greater solicitude for human rights. Singapore is lauded for having a legal system that is, on the whole, regarded as one of the best in the world,1 and yet the Government is often vilified for breaching human rights and the rule of law. This is not a paradox—the nation ranks highly in surveys examining the effectiveness of its legal system in the context of economic compet- itiveness, but tends to score less well when it comes to protection of fundamental ∗ Assistant Professor of Law, School of Law, Singapore Management University. I wish to thank Sui Yi Siong for his able research assistance. 1 See e.g., Lydia Lim, “S’pore Submits Human Rights Report to UN” The Straits Times (26 February 2011): On economic, social and cultural rights, the report [by the Government for Singapore’s Universal Periodic Review] lays out Singapore’s approach and achievements, and cites glowing reviews by leading global bodies. -
The Ethnic Triangle: State, Majority and Minority in Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarBank@NUS THE ETHNIC TRIANGLE: STATE, MAJORITY AND MINORITY IN INDONESIA, MALAYSIA AND SINGAPORE SUN TSAI-WEI NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2010 THE ETHNIC TRIANGLE: STATE, MAJORITY AND MINORITY IN INDONESIA, MALAYSIA AND SINGAPORE SUN TSAI-WEI MA (National Taiwan Univ.; UCLA) A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2010 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I owe thanks to many people for helping me during my doctoral work. My deepest gratitude goes first and foremost to Associate Professor Hussin Mutalib, my main supervisor, for his constant encouragement and guidance. Words cannot express my gratitude for Professor Hussin’s firm support and illuminating comments. Most importantly, without his patience with my slow writing process, this thesis could not have reached its present form. I would also like to record my heartfelt gratitude to my three co-supervisors: Dr. Kenneth Paul Tan, Dr. Jamie Davidson, and Dr. Wang Cheng-Lung, for their valuable comments and suggestions on the draft of my thesis. I particularly appreciate their tolerance of my insistence on writing this thesis my way. I am also greatly indebted to the professors at the Department of Political Science—Professor Shamsul Haque, A/P Lee Lai To, Dr. Kilkon Ko, Dr. Ethan Putterman, and Dr. Bradley Williams—for their kind words of encouragement and support during my time at NUS. I also owe my sincere gratitude to my friends and my fellow classmates Yew Chiew Ping, Ang Ming Chee, and Andy Mickey Choong, who assisted me in adapting to life in Singapore, preparing for my qualifying exams and fieldworks, as well as lending a listening ear and helping me work out my problems during the difficult course of my study. -
Lim Boon Heng Says Bye to Political Stage
60 cents | MICA (P) 142/09/2010 25 15February aPrIL 2011 2011 UBudget Care Fund Lim Boon Heng Says IsGoogies Halfway There p5 Bye To Political Stage But NTUC Links Will Remain We respect Boon Heng a lot because he is not only an outstanding leader, but also a “selfless leader. He always gives his best in serving the workers and people. At the same time, he also does his best to nurture his successors and next generation of leaders. In the Labour Movement, he guided me and made me his successor as Secretary-General of NTUC when he was only 58-years- old. And now, as the Chairman of PAP, he is retiring early to make way for younger leaders to step forward. It shows how much he cares for the success and progress of Singapore, not just the present, but also the future.” NTUC Secretary-General Lim Swee Say Minister Lim Boon Heng (left), Finance Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam (centre) and NTUC Deputy Secretary-General Halimah Yacob (right) after winning Jurong GRC in 2006. By Marcus Lin urious political pundits finally got the answer.a fter more than 30 stand for the presidential election due later this year, Minister Lim said years of public service, Minister in the Prime Minister's Office and categorically “I do not wish to be President” and that his future plans anchor Minister for Jurong GrC Lim boon Heng, 63, will call it are more modest. a day at the end of this electoral term. He broke the news at the Importantly, he said the PaP has found a slate of very good launch of the Jurong Town Council's five-year concept master candidates who meet the standards, thus allowing him to “retire, plan on 10 april 2011.