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58 Andrea Mariani [286] of the Plague on the Lives Within Their Communities

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58 Andrea Mariani [286] of the Plague on the Lives Within Their Communities ZAPISKI HISTORYCZNE — TOM LXXXI — ROK 2016 Zeszyt 2 http://dx.doi.org./10.15762/ZH.2016.65 ANDREA MARIANI (Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań) JESUITS OF THE LITHUANIAN PROVINCE IN THE FACE OF THE EPIDEMIC OF PLAGUE IN THE YEARS 1708 – 1711* Keywords: the Society of Jesus, contagious diseases, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the 18th century, the Great Northern War (1700 – 1721) Epidemics were a characteristic aspect of life and death in ancient centuries which deeply affected the psyche of contemporary people. Between the mid-14th and the beginning of the 18th century, the plague was among the most danger- ous infectious diseases afflicting European society.1 Apart from its economic and demographic consequences, a subject worthy of research are the reactions and ac- tions of our ancestors in the face of this direct life threat: the plague. As part of the study area, the subject of this article is the activity of the Jesuits during the plague that spread in Central and Eastern Europe in the early 18th century. In the context of the ongoing Great Northern War (1700 – 1721), the aforementioned epidemic caused a significant drop in population. The Fathers of Society could not remain indifferent to this event. The plague made the Jesuits face two major challenges which were: the fulfillment of the Order’s mission to support the mortals in achiev- ing salvation, and the protection of their human and material resources, in order to continue their pastoral work and teachings through the end of the epidemic. As part of the broader subject of the relationship between the Church and so- ciety, the analysis of the various initiatives taken by the Jesuits will highlight both the strategies used by the monks in times of imminent threat, as well as the impact * This article is an English version of the article which appeared in “Zapiski Historyczne”, vol. 81, 2016. Translation was part of the task “The publication of ‘Zapiski Historyczne’ in the English lan- guage version, Vol. 81, 2016, books (zeszyt 1 – 4)” financed as part of the agreement 698/P-DUN/2016 with the resources of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education devoted to the popularization of science. 1 See: Philippe Ariés, Człowiek i śmierć, trans. Eligia Bąkowska, Warszawa 1989; Samuel K. Co- hen, The Cult of Remembrance and the Black Death in Six Central Italian Cities, Baltimore 1997; Patrick J. Geary, Living with the Dead in the Middle Ages, Ithaca (NY) 1994; David Herlihy, The Black Death and the Transformation of the West, Cambridge (MA) 1995; Colin Platt, King Death: The Black Death and Its Aftermath in Late-Medieval England, Toronto 1997. www.zapiskihistoryczne.pl 58 Andrea Mariani [286] of the plague on the lives within their communities. Although the basic data on the victims of the plague does not raise objections, a careful reading of the Jesuit sources leads to the conclusion that they still hold much hitherto unexplored in- formation. This article exists precisely to fill this gap in research. The key question is: to what extent were the perceptions and the behaviour of the Jesuits – a coherent group of people joined by a spiritual and legal bond – similar to the views and ac- tions of the society, or did they differ? The plague spread out to the Baltic Sea in the first decade of the 18th century as part of a pandemic which extended from Central Asia, where it had started in the end of the 17th century. In the Polish-Lithuanian state, its expansion did not remain within the bounds of transportation and trade routes. The scale of the epidemic was increased by the marches of armies involved in the Great Northern War.2 After the first outbreaks in 1702, the bubonic plague swept across the following areas: the Ruthenian region, Podolia and Volhynia,3 then Lesser Poland, Great Poland, Mazovia4 and Royal Prussia, to finally reach Gdańsk in 1709.5 The emergence of pathogens in that city accelerated the expansion of the epidemic across the Baltic Sea, including Königsberg (today’s Kaliningrad). From there it penetrated areas of the Republic bordering with the Baltic region including Warmia, a part of the border region of Samogitia and Troki. The epidemic spread to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in 1710, which was conducive to two factors: the great famine caused by an extremely cold winter, and the taking over of the eastern coast of the Baltic Sea by the Russian army.6 This allowed Peter I to redirect his forces, who were carriers of the plague, to other fronts. Retreating from the battle fields along the Daugava River, the Russian army spread the epidemic, among others, to Dünaburg (Latvi- an: Daugavpils), Polotsk (Belarussian: Polack), and Vitebsk (Belarussian: Vicebsk). Troops sent to the west, marching through Courland, Samogitia and Lithuania, also spread the plague, among other places, to Mitawa (Latvian: Jelgava), Szom- berga (Latvian: Skaistkalne), and Kroże (Kražiai). 2 The connection between plagues and activities of the armies have been touched upon in litera- ture many times. See: Andrzej Karpiński, W walce z niewidzialnym wrogiem. Epidemie chorób za- kaźnych w Rzeczypospolitej XVI – XVIII wieku i ich następstwa demograficzne, społeczno-ekonomiczne i polityczne, Warszawa 2000, pp. 291 – 295. 3 Only in Lvov (Ukrainian: Lviv) it led to the decrease in the population of about 40% (Łucja Charewiczowa, Klęski zaraz w dawnym Lwowie, Lwów 1930, p. 67). 4 A. Karpiński, W walce z niewidzialnym wrogiem, p. 71. 5 Eugeniusz Sieńkowski, Dżuma w Gdańsku w 1709 r. Studium z dziejów epidemiologii, Ar- chiwum Historii Medycyny, vol. 33: 1970, no. 3 – 4, pp. 329, 355. It caused there the death of about 25 000 people; Zdzisław Kropidłowski, Formy opieki nad ubogimi w Gdańsku od XVI do XVIII wie- ku, Gdańsk 1992, p. 143. 6 Riga, defended by the Swedish Staff, was sieged from November 1709 to July 1710. In May a plague broke out there, which was quickly transmitted onto Russian soldiers. The same happened in other sieges: Wyborg (Russian: Vyborg), Kexholm (Russian:. Priozersk), Rewel (Estonian:. Tallinn) and Parnau (Estonian: Pärnu), which gave in in the period between June and September 1710 (Karl- Erik Frandsen, The Last Plague in the Baltic Region. 1709 – 1713, Copenhagen 2009, pp. 42 – 43). www.zapiskihistoryczne.pl [287] Jesuits of the Lithuanian province in the face of the epidemic… 59 Since the outbreak of the early 18th century had its most significant impact in the regions adjacent to the Baltic Sea, the range of the considerations here can be narrowed down to the geographical area covered by the boundaries of the Lithuanian Province of the Society of Jesus. Constituting the administrative unit, established in 1608, this was not only most of the territory of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, but also included Livonia and Courland, Warmia and the northern part of Podlachia [Podlasie] and Mazovia as well. The province should be viewed in two ways: as an administrative unit consisting of a number of institutions (colleges, residences, or missions) as well as a group of monks under the authority of their supervisor, called provincial superior.7 *** Infectious diseases have for a long time been of interest to researchers, primarily to those engaged in historical demography and the history of medicine. In Polish historiography, the essential works on the subject are: the monograph of Francis Giedroyc,8 the studies of Andrzej Karpiński9 and Jan Kracik,10 as well as several articles published both as a collective work, and separately in scientific journals.11 In the case of the plague which occurred at the beginning of the 18th century, how- ever, the studies have a rudimentary character, as they merely illustrate the impact of the epidemic on the lives in particular cities or regions.12 Valuable information 7 Generally about the personnel of the Lithuanian province, see: Andrea Mariani, Personalein- satz und -mobilität in der litauischen Provinz der Gesellschaft Jesu im 18. Jahrhundert, Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropaforschung, Jg. 63: 2014, H. 2, pp. 163 – 213. 8 Franciszek Giedroyć, Mór w Polsce w wiekach ubiegłych, Warszawa 1899. 9 A. Karpiński, W walce z niewidzialnym wrogiem. 10 Jan Kracik, Pokonać Czarną Śmierć. Staropolskie postawy wobec zarazy, Kraków 1991. 11 See: Małgorzata Jaszczuk, Dżuma w polskim piśmiennictwie w XVIII wieku, Medycyna Nowo- żytna, vol. 1: 1994, issue 2, pp. 31 – 59; Charitas. Miłosierdzie i opieka społeczna w ideologii, normach i praktyce społeczności wyznaniowych w Rzeczypospolitej XVI – XVIII wieku, ed. Urszula Augusty- niak, Andrzej Karpiński, Warszawa 1999; Wśród córek Eskulapa. Szkice z dziejów medycyny i higie- ny w Rzeczypospolitej XVI – XVIII wieku, ed. Andrzej Karpiński, Warszawa 2009. 12 See: E. Sieńkowski, op. cit., pp. 309 – 401; Z. Kropidłowski, op. cit., pp. 146 – 160; Janusz Charytoniuk, Walka z epidemią dżumy w Elblągu na początku XVIII wieku, Rocznik Elbląski, vol. 10: 1985, pp. 35 – 57; Stanisław Flis, Dżuma na Mazurach i Warmii w latach 1708 – 1711, Komunika- ty Mazursko-Warmińskie, 1960, no. 2, pp. 473 – 523; Jolanta Śliżewska, Dżuma na Mazurach w la- tach 1708 – 1711, [in:] Życie codzienne na dawnych ziemiach pruskich. Człowiek a środowisko, ed. Hanna Królikowska, Olsztyn 1999, pp. 45 – 51; Georg Brandt, Die Pest der Jahre 1707 – 1713 in der heutigen Provinz Posen, Zeitschrift der Historischen Gesellschaft für die Provinz Posen, Bd. 17: 1902, pp. 301 – 328; Jarosław Burchardt, Roman K. Meissner, Dorota Burchardt, „Oddech śmier- ci” – zaraza dżumy w Wielkopolsce i w Poznaniu w pierwszej połowie XVIII wieku, Nowiny Lekarskie,
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