Dublin City Profile

Ellis, G., & Kim, J. (2001). City Profile. Cities, 18/5, 355-364.

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Download date:01. Oct. 2021 Cities, Vol. 18, No. 5, pp. 355–364, 2001 Pergamon  2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. PII: S0264-2751(01)00039-7 All rights reserved Printed in Great Britain 0264-2751/01 $ - see front matter www.elsevier.com/locate/cities City profile Dublin Geraint Ellis* School of Environmental Planning, Queen’s University Belfast, David Keir Building, Stranmillis Rd, Belfast BT9 5AQ, UK Jong Kim1 County Council, Town Centre, , Dublin 24,

The has witnessed dramatic economic growth in the last ten years, resulting in the major social, physical and cultural transformation of Dublin, its capital. This growth has out- stripped the city’s ability to expand its infrastructure, so that Dublin now faces severe crises in transport and housing supply. A strong policy and institutional framework has now been put in place to address these shortcomings, although a number of key constraints remain. This profile describes a number of initiatives in key policy areas and highlights current debate concerning the institutional capacity to deliver major infrastructure programmes.  2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

Introduction torical evolution of Dublin described in Recent economic and ‘Dublin: City Profile’ (MacLaran, demographic change In 1984, a City Profile of the capital of 1984; see also MacLaran, 1993), but the Republic of Ireland, Dublin, por- will concentrate on recent aspects of The last ten years have seen rapid trayed it as having the characteristics of the city’s experience, particularly growth in Ireland’s economy, with a declining industrial city (MacLaran, GDP per capita increasing by 6.3% 1984). The intervening years have seen focusing on the 1990s and the initiat- 1990–2001 (OECD, 2001a), well in spectacular economic change in the ives introduced to guarantee the long excess of all other OECD countries. Republic of Ireland, which has fuelled term economic and environmental Furthermore, between 1990 and 2000 a revolution in Irish society and the viability of Dublin. The article will unemployment dropped from 14% to urban landscape that supports it. This cover issues faced by the entire city only 4% (OECD, 2001b), far out- transformation is at its most extreme in region, known as the Greater Dublin stripping European averages (Barry, Dublin, whose city-region is home to Area (GDA, see Fig. 1), which has a 40% of the country’s 3.6 million total population in excess of 1.4 1999), leading to a convergence of Irish people. It therefore seems remarkable million. This area includes not only the living standards with European levels, that less than twenty years ago Dublin commercial and urban core, but also which rose from 59% of EU15 in 1987 could have been seen as a failing city; the surrounding counties of Wicklow, to 88% in 1997. This period has seen it is now a prime tourist destination and Kildare and Meath, which are strongly the Irish economy transformed from the heart of a buoyant national econ- influenced by the city and where com- one based on agriculture and protec- omy, straining under the weight of its muting is particularly significant tionist policy into an increasingly urban own success and the pressure placed on (Horner, 1994). and industrially based economy, its physical and social infrastructure. The profile first sets out some of the closely integrated with global markets. This profile will not reiterate the his- factors of economic and demographic The causes of such phenomenal growth change, followed by a discussion of the are complex, but include a fiscal stabil- evolving administrative and policy con- isation of the 1980s; a substantial injec- *Corresponding author. Tel.: +44-028-90- text. The second half of the paper takes tion of EU structural funds (amounting 274370; e-mail: [email protected] to 3% of GNP in the early 1990s, Fitz- 1 a more detailed look at some of the Tel.: +353-01-4149000. Jong Kim is a Gerald, 1998); increased education and key policy challenges facing Dublin: Town Planner with South Dublin County skill levels of the workforce; and until Council. The views expressed are personal housing, urban regeneration and recently, relative wage moderation and and are not necessarily the views of South transport. Dublin County Council. peaceful labour relations (Barry, 1999).

355 City profile Dublin: G Ellis and J Kim highest population increases in the whole of the country. Dunshaughlin (25 km to the north west) has increased by 68% and Maynooth (20 km to the west) by 42% between 1991 and 1996, compared to an average national popu- lation increase of only 2.8% (Dublin Corporation, 1999). This reflects a greater willingness to trade off increased commuter distances for mod- erately lower housing costs in outlying towns (Horner, 1999b). The form of suburban development is typically that of low density detached houses, adding to concerns of urban sprawl, estimated by Horner (1994) as contributing 286 hectares (or about 1.2%) to the built up area every year. The increase in development press- ure in Dublin is reflected in a spectrum of phenomena, including increasing house prices, commuting distances and traffic congestion, as well as shortages of labour in the construction industry. One crude indicator of this is the 65% increase in planning applications between 1993 and 1999. It has been extremely difficult for central and local Figure 1 The planning authorities to cope with the resulting workload, leading to a major crisis in planning administration across the Dublin area. The high cost of living Combined, these have provided a cli- 1991, including population. In common and a shortage of skilled planning pro- mate that has been extremely success- with many other European cities, inner fessionals have left planning authorities ful in attracting foreign owned ventures city Dublin witnessed major employ- seriously understaffed. Nationally, (particularly American based IT ment and emigration from the 1960s about 25% of all planning posts are companies) and a major share in the onwards, resulting in severe physical vacant, with Dublin being one of the expanding tourist market. Dublin is decay and population decline. Horner most acute areas of shortage (Irish now one of the top tourist city desti- (1999a) has analysed the changing Independent, 2001). Ironically, new nations in Europe with over two million demographic dynamic within the city statutory responsibilities will nearly visitors annually, generating in excess region, showing how the urban popu- double the demand for qualified plan- of £400m a year. While this success has lation within 48 km of the city centre ners in the next few years, and although been witnessed across the country, had doubled since 1936, while the inner the Republic’s Planning schools have Dublin’s urban primacy has ensured it city population has declined. Although an increased output (from 25 in 1999 has been central to economic expan- the inner city once made up half the to 60 in 2001), the ongoing programme sion, contributing 33% more Gross total urban population, it now accounts of local government reform proposes Value Added per capita than the rest of for less than 7%. However, for the first the abolition of the highest professional the country (Central Statistics time since 1971, recent years have seen planning position in local government Office/Northern Ireland Research and increases in the inner city population (County/City Planning Officer) (see Statistics Agency, 2000). This growth (+13% in 1990s), interpreted by Horner Department of the Environment and has had a major impact on the physical (1999a) as being symptomatic of wider Local Government, 1996). and social infrastructure of the city demographic restructuring, including a Given the scale of change in the last (e.g. see Killen and MacLaran, 1999) shift to smaller household sizes and ten years, it is not surprising that there and as the economy has continued to increased immigration. Despite this has been a lack of consensus over how expand, Dublin is experiencing mount- newly emerging trend, the overall pat- Dublin should facilitate and react to ing stress in a number of key sectors, tern is still one of suburbanisation, as increased development pressures. Con- including housing, transport and office employment disperses and residential flicts have arisen between local and space. development decentralises. Therefore, national government (Walsh, 1998), Table 1 illustrates some of the indi- the satellite towns around the Greater between those defending cators of this growth in the GDA since Dublin Area are still experiencing the conservation/environment interests and

356 City profile Dublin: G Ellis and J Kim Table 1 Key growth indicators for Greater Dublin area, 1991Ð2016a

Greater Dublin Area 1991 1996 1999 2016

Population (million) 1.35 1.41 1.46 1.75 Households (000) 402 446 521 675 Employment (000) 452 549 602 878 Unemployment rate 16% 12% 6% 5% Car ownership (per 1000 population) 247 292 342 480 % growth in GDP since 1991 – 42% 79% 260% aSource: Dublin Transportation Office (2000). those advocating development and spective (EU Commission, 1999), the development and restricting opport- modernisation (Skillington, 1998) and National Sustainable Development unities for participation. Central between socially deprived and wealthy Strategy (1997) and the National government also guides the planning communities (Prunty, 1995). This last Development Plan (1999). The Sus- system by issuing policy directives and issue is of particular significance as tainable Development Strategy empha- general guidance on specific topics some communities have been left sises the need to focus development on such as retailing (Department of the behind by the tide of affluence and the brownfield sites or public transport Environment and Local Government, 1990s have witnessed a widening of nodes and emphasises the role of the 1999). income disparities, increasing relative Environmental Protection Agency in The evolution of the physical struc- poverty and a deepening of the inten- controlling large-scale industry and ture of Dublin also presents a challenge sity of deprivation (Callan and Nolan, protection of the environment. The to the form of government that can best 1999). National Development Plan 2000–2006 deliver political accountability and pol- (National Development Plan, 1999) icy guidance for the changing city. sets out the main objectives of the Although this debate has historic ante- Administrative and policy government, recognises the importance cedence (Horner, 1994), it has intensi- context of Dublin to the national economy and fied in recent decades, resulting in a The management of urban issues is acknowledges the major infrastructure major programme of reform. In governed by a hierarchical institutional deficits of the capital. The plan makes 1994/95, local authorities in the Dublin and policy framework, headed by the a total provision of EURO 22,360 region were reorganised into the Department of Environment and Local million for economic and social infra- present arrangement (see Fig. 1), leav- Government, which oversees planning, structure over these six years, EURO ing the central core under the responsi- transport, waste management and sus- 2012 million of which will be spent on bility of the Dublin Corporation and the tainable development. The Minister of public transport in the Greater Dublin suburban areas under three new coun- the Environment also has “general area. The spatial dimension to these ties: in the north, Dun supervisory jurisdiction” over local central government programmes is cur- Laoghaire-Rathdown in the south east authorities (Keane, 1982, p. 149), rently being formulated through Irel- and South Dublin in the southwest. The although there is a tendency for the and’s first National Spatial Strategy, outlying parts of the GDA remain Minister to focus on establishing policy due to be completed in 2002. This aims under the control of the counties of guidelines or quangoes rather than to identify a broad national spatial Wicklow, Kildare and Meath, with the direct intervention in individual development pattern and develop a eight smaller Urban Districts having decisions. This illustrates a willingness dynamic conception of the Irish urban responsibility for the largest towns. to sacrifice accountability for adminis- system (Department of Environment Like their British counterparts, Irish trative efficiency and is partly a back- and Local Government, 2000). For local authorities are subject to the lash to previously questionable Minis- Dublin, this will attempt to define its supremacy of central government, terial interference in the planning role within the European urban system, rather than having powers of general system (see Zimmerman, 1980). This improve its transport links with other competence. Indeed, the Irish political has also resulted in the establishment of regions and will seek to address the system is characterised by centralised an independent planning appeals board, imbalance in development between the control over a whole range of policy An Bord Pleana´la, which has powers to capital and the rest of the country. areas, including transport and industrial decide any planning appeal (both for In terms of land use regulation, all policy (Tomaney, 1995), land use plan- and against planning permission), previous legislation has been consoli- ning (Bannon, 1989) and urban regen- resulting in the removal of any conten- dated by the Planning and Develop- eration (McGuirk, 2000). The scope of tious planning proposal from direct ment Act 2000, which represents the political discretion over urban manage- political influence. most radical revision to the planning ment issues is further restricted by the Central Government policy is guided system since it was established in 1963. Irish system of County or City Man- by a number of key documents, the This has included strengthening the agers who have their own wide-ranging most important of which are the EU’s requirements for development plans, statutory powers. European Spatial Development Per- streamlining the system to facilitate At the local level, each planning

357 City profile Dublin: G Ellis and J Kim authority must prepare a binding devel- of public services” (Local Government because their marginalisation from the opment plan, with seven County Devel- Act, 1991), “Better Local Government” power flows of new policy networks. opment Plans and eight Development (Department of the Environment and To further clarify how these insti- Plans for Urban Districts covering the Local Government, 1996) proposed tutions and policies relate to the last ten GDA area. Although there have been that planning guidelines should be years of economic growth, three key major delays in reviewing the city’s jointly prepared with the mid-east issues will now be explained in a little planning policy in the past (Davis and Region (Kildare, Meath and Wicklow), more depth — urban regeneration, Prendergast, 1995), all the County which would have to be respected by housing and transport. development plans have been updated the development plans of the constitu- since 1998, with the plan for the central ent councils. The “Strategic Planning Urban regeneration area completely revised in 1999. This Guidelines for the Greater Dublin City Development Plan (Dublin Cor- Area” were published in 1999 (Brady Urban renewal is a relatively recent poration, 1999) provides a strategic Shipman Martin et al, 1999). This pro- phenomenon in the Irish Republic, overview for future development of the vides a broad spatial strategy for land compared to most other European central city and integrates the objec- use and infrastructure for the area up countries, as it did not become a con- tives of the Dublin Transport Initiative to 2011 (see Fig. 2), based on major certed government activity until the (see below). This plan is supported by transport corridors, the consolidation of 1980s. At this time, the whole of Ire- a number of more detailed Integrated development in key areas, enhanced land was in deep economic recession, Area Plans in areas requiring concerted public transport and increasing overall with widespread urban decay through- regeneration assistance. These rep- densities. out the country, leading to Dublin resent a move away from a traditional The Dublin Regional Authority is being described as “probably the land use based plan to include more progressively taking on additional areas shabbiest, most derelict city in Europe” social and economic issues and empha- of strategic co-ordination, being the (MacDonald, 1985), with 65 hectares sising local consultation (Gleeson, key organisation behind the Dublin of derelict land within the inner city. 1999), discussed in more detail below. Waste Management Strategy, the Dub- Although there were small fragmented Central Government has also lin Transportation Office (see below), initiatives in the early 1980s, such as a initiated a programme of internal local Agenda 21 Regional Network and a programme of inner city housing government reform, under the banner renewal (MacLaran, 1999) and ad hoc European Office for Dublin in Brussels. of “Better Local Government” proposals under the Inner City and The future arrangements for strategic (Department of the Environment and Development Areas Bills of 1982, it planning are, however, once again Local Government, 1996), aimed at was not until the late 1980s that a more under review, with the publication in increasing accountability and efficiency substantive approach was adopted. In March 2001 of proposals to establish a of Ireland’s local authorities. This has 1986, drawing on the market orientated new statutory agency for strategic land proposed extending the remit of local approaches of the UK and US, the Irish use planning, transport planning and authorities, providing additional public government kick-started the urban implementation for the GDA area. It is scrutiny and performance indicators, renewal process with the introduction while introducing a new system of expected that legislation will be intro- of the Urban Renewal Act. This con- government finance so that they receive duced for this new agency in Autumn tained two main mechanisms, first it all the proceeds from motor taxation. 2001 (Department of Environment and promoted the creation of special bodies This programme of reform has also Local Government/Department of Pub- to oversee redevelopment of specific begun to restructure council commit- lic Enterprise, 2001). areas, thus bypassing the local auth- tees, with the creation of Strategic Pol- Set against these formal institutional orities (McGuirk, 1994) and second, it icy Committees for policy areas such arrangements has been the propensity allowed the Minister for the Environ- as Environment, Economic Develop- for urban management to become more ment to designate areas of Irish cities ment and Roads, which incorporate not market-orientated and a tendency to for tax incentive purposes. The com- only political representatives, but also incorporate development interests into bined impact of these has been pro- interest groups and partnership organis- policy networks at the expense of local found, stimulating a major develop- ations. politicians and officers. McGuirk ment boom in office and residential “Better Local Government” also (1994, 2000) has illustrated how this development (MacLaran, 1999). While addressed a historical policy vacuum at has affected planning and urban regen- there are now urban regeneration the regional scale, which had pre- eration in Dublin from the 1980s initiatives distributed across the inner viously been blamed for failures to suf- onwards with cumulative restrictions city and city fringe, two city areas have ficiently co-ordinate planning activities placed on the role and responsibilities had particularly high profiles. First is by the local authorities in the Dublin of the local planning authorities, offset the Docklands area, which has pursued area (MacLaran, 1993). Although a non by more direct central government a market-led regeneration strategy seen statutory Dublin Regional Authority intervention. As such, McGuirk (2000) in a host of waterfront areas across the (covering the Dublin Corporation, Dun (p. 658) suggests that local planners world, while the second, Temple Bar, Laoghaire-Rathdown, Fingal and South have played only a minor role in cre- has provided a highly innovative and Dublin) was formed in 1994 with “the ating the major shifts in the physical, successful cultural regeneration limited role of promoting co-ordination social and cultural fabric of the city approach.

358 City profile Dublin: G Ellis and J Kim

Figure 2 Planning strategy for the Greater Dublin area (from Brady Shipman Martin et al, 1999)

Lying just to the east of the main the Northside of the docklands, known ing in the area. The IFSC is now only central business district is Dublin as the Custom House Dock. The one of the major developments in the Docklands. By the 1980s port activities CHDDA was given powers to acquire, area, with Dublin Docklands now a had retreated downstream, leaving a hold and manage land, in a similar way firmly established prime office location vast area of industrial dereliction and to the UK’s Urban Development Cor- (see Fig. 3). deprivation characterised by low value porations, with a statutory duty to pre- On the back of this success, Central land uses, a chronic shortage of public pare planning schemes for the initial Government established a new regener- amenities and a residual population lar- redevelopment of the area. Although ation organisation, the Dublin Dock- gely dependent on state benefits initially the concept of an International lands Development Authority (DDA) (Moore, 1999). In the light of the Financial Services Centre (IFSC) was in 1997, responsible for over 213 hec- Urban Renewal Act 1986, a large part not within the redevelopment plans, the tares of land in the docklands area. of Docklands was handed over to a new Taoiseach (Prime Minister) Charles Although more accountable than the regeneration agency, the Custom House Haughey, not unknown to intervene in earlier CHDDA, the DDDA, has taken Dock Development Authority planning issues, actively backed the a similar approach by initially luring (CHDDA). Its first brief was to secure idea, leading to generous tax con- development into the area through fis- the redevelopment of a 27-acre site on cessions for financial companies locat- cal incentives and a flexible planning

359 City profile Dublin: G Ellis and J Kim

Figure 3 The International Finance Services Centre

regime. A key element of the strategy overly ambitious development with the has turned around its fortunes through has been the use of the “Planning conventional planning process. The the intervention of the national govern- Scheme”, which allows conforming development of the site is key to the ment via Temple Bar Properties, a development to gain fast track planning regeneration of the docklands as it company established to rejuvenate the permission and avoid the risks entailed accounts for over 25% of the area as a cultural, residential and small in third party appeals. A planning developable area (Kim, 2000). How- business district. The story of Temple scheme details the proposed type, ever, after Ireland’s biggest planning Bar has been well documented (e.g. see extent and overall design of develop- enquiry, a refusal was issued for the Montgomery, 1995; McCarthy, 1998; ment for an area, together with require- majority of the scheme and the devel- Russell, 2000), and by using a series of ments of meeting the transport, amenity opers are now entering into negoti- financial incentives, conservation, and environmental implications of ations with the DDDA for a more mod- environmental improvements and mar- development. The scheme is subject to est Planning Scheme. Although the keting initiatives, it has rapidly trans- extensive consultation and, when regeneration of Dublin’s docklands still formed the area into one of the trend- adopted, developers may then apply to faces a number of issues such as estab- iest places in the city and a major the Authority for a “Certificate of Com- lishing a comprehensive public trans- keystone in the city’s buoyant tourist pliance”, in the same way as they port system and delivering jobs for the market. would for a normal planning appli- local communities (Drudy, 1999) it has The Temple Bar experience has con- cation. Once it can be demonstrated been able to attract a range of overseas tributed to an evolving approach to that a proposal complies with the Plan- investors and has provided a stock of regeneration, now being taken forward ning Scheme, a Certificate of Com- good quality office accommodation by Dublin Corporation in its Integrated pliance will be issued very quickly, needed to support Dublin’s burgeoning Area Plans (IAPs), covering different effectively providing immediate plan- financial sector. inner city areas and focusing on physi- ning permission, yet immune from the The second key area is Temple Bar, cal, socio-economic and environmental risks and delays linked to a third party an area of approximately 24 acres on regeneration of the distressed parts of appeal. Unfortunately, as in the case of the south bank of the River Liffey, the city surrounding the main commer- the largest Northside dockland site at often held up as a model of cultural cial core (Gleeson, 1999). Five IAPs Spencer Dock, in the context of a buoy- regeneration. Once characterised by were designated under the 1998 Urban ant property market, the developers industrial dereliction and destined to Renewal Scheme, Kilmainham/ attempted to secure permission for the become a transportation interchange, it Inchicore, O’Connell Street, North East

360 City profile Dublin: G Ellis and J Kim Inner City, Liberties/The Coombe and economic convergence with Euro- important planning applications. the Historic Area Rejuvenation Project pean living standards; rapid growth SDZs will allow large-scale residen- in the rate of household formation — (HARP). This represents a very differ- itself the result of economic influ- tial development to be streamlined. ent approach to the property-led initiat- ences as well as changing social pat- Development proposals are set out ives followed in Docklands, offering terns — and existing development in “Planning Schemes”, similar to more opportunity to integrate land use norms of low density housing by that used in Docklands. To date comparison with the standards pre- regulation with a local social and econ- vailing in the major urban centres of three SDZs have been approved: omic agenda. countries with whom economic con- Adamstown and Hansfield in Dublin Although the previous Urban vergence is taking place. (Bacon and and Clonmaggedden Valley in Renewal Schemes have delivered £2bn Associates, 1998:iii) Navan, Co. Meath. of investment and over 2 million sq. m. ț Increasing the size of extensions to of commercial floor space in Dublin As a consequence, from the begin- existing houses that are exempt and regarded as successful in improv- from planning permission. ning of 1996 to early 2000 alone, the ț ing derelict areas and levering private price of existing houses in Dublin Introducing an anti-speculative pro- investment, there has been some criti- increased by 150%, reaching a peak perty tax of 2% (subsequently cism of the approach taken, particularly rate of inflation of 33.8% in early 1998 increased to 9%) on the declared of the Custom House and Temple Bar (Bacon and Associates, 2000) and Fig. value of residential properties pur- Initiatives. It has been suggested that chased for investment reasons. 4 illustrates the even bigger increase in ț these have failed to link property led the private rental market. Although the Promoting social and affordable regeneration properly with social increase in prices has eased off in 2000 housing by increasing local auth- renewal and have contributed to the (to an inflation rate of 16%), they are ority construction, improving land spiralling of land prices (McCarthy, expected to continue to increase by supply, increasing mortgage allow- 1998; KPMG, 1996). As a conse- 10% during 2001 (Hooke and MacDon- ances and introducing a requirement quence, Dublin’s inner city has under- ald Estate Agents, 2001). for local authorities to prepare a gone a shift in social balance as a well- The National Development Plan housing strategy as part of their paid, young, middle class has taken expects 350,000 new dwellings to be development plans. Local auth- advantage of the waves of gentr- required in the south and eastern region orities are also required to secure ification, leaving the problems of the that includes Dublin (National Devel- 20% social/affordable housing original, deprived communities unre- opment Plan, 1999), with between 8000 within any residential development. solved (MacLaran, 1999; Drudy, 1999). and 9000 new houses needed in the Over the last five years there has, how- Greater Dublin area per annum in the ever, been a gradual evolution of the next decade (Dublin Corporation, Ironically, recent research by Hooke regeneration to one that is far more 1999). Although there is likely to be and MacDonald Estate Agents (2001) holistic, offering more opportunities for adequate land availability up to 2006, suggests that some of the measures that local participation and has begun to there is some uncertainty about land have already implemented are actually incorporate social exclusion objectives supply after this, meaning housing having a negative impact on the supply (McGuirk and MacLaran, 2001). pressure is likely to continue in Dublin side, causing several major property for the foreseeable future, with the like- investors to shift from the residential Housing demand and supply lihood that house prices will remain out market to the now more lucrative com- of the reach of most of the work force. mercial sector. This is likely to mean Housing is perhaps the most important The Government has subsequently that many sites in urban areas ear- issue facing Dublin, with average introduced a variety of measures in a marked for residential schemes will house prices well beyond the reach of bid to increase supply and lower prices. now be subject to commercial develop- most workers, leading to increased pay This has included an initiative to ment proposals. Furthermore, the sup- demands and a threatening inflationary increase relatively low densities of 35– ply of new homes, especially starter spiral. With a young population, a high 50 dwellings per hectare (McCabe et al, homes has actually fallen during 1999 level of inward investment, a strong 1999) and releasing the development to 2000, with housing completions up educated workforce, a tradition of own- potential of sites in the outlying Mid less than 1% in Dublin (14,280 to ership and historically low interest East region by substantial investment in 14,381), compared to an increase of 8% rates, the property market has not been transport and other infrastructure. The in other urban areas. This has also been able to meet recent demand. The revised planning legislation of 2000 blamed on the recently introduced anti- impact on wage demands and labour also introduced a number of initiatives speculative measures, particularly the shortages has forced the Government to aimed at increasing housing supply, requirement for 20% social housing. take action, initially by commissioning namely: With the economy continuing to in-depth research on the national hous- experience bullish growth, there is still ing market (Bacon and Associates, ț Introduction of Strategic Develop- a considerable challenge in achieving 1998, 1999) and on residential densities ment Zones (SDZ), to ensure more stability in the housing market. The (McCabe et al, 1999). The first of these certainty in relation to securing government has introduced a wide reports summarised the housing prob- planning permission and the time it range of measures, which attempt to lems as being: takes to process strategically address the imbalance of supply and

361 City profile Dublin: G Ellis and J Kim

Figure 4 Average rents for two-bedroom apartments (650–700 sq. ft) in Dublin 1990–2001. Source: Hooke and MacDonald Estate Agents (2001) demand, although the prospect of this and land use planning. The initiative step in meeting the transport conse- is still some years away. recommended a shift away from pre- quences of growth in a more balanced vious policy approaches and an empha- way than previous policy. The National sis on sustainable development. The Development Plan (1999) has made a Transport key elements of the £1.28 billion strat- provision of public transport develop- By the late 1980s, Dublin was already egy included: ment in Dublin (e.g. EURO 1191m for facing major transport difficulties that ț LUAS and EURO 233m for DART) completion of orbital motorway (C- and is being supplemented by EU have been accentuated many times over Ring), but no significant increase in following a decade of rapid economic structural funds. However, having a radial road capacity within this ring; strategy is one thing, actually being growth. As a result, the demand for ț restraint of commuter parking in the AM peak hour travel increased by 65% able to deliver the key elements is City Centre; another matter. Some progress has been between 1991 and 1999 and is expected ț provision of Park and Ride facilities to nearly double again by 2016 (Dublin made with 10 Quality Bus routes, linked to high quality public trans- increased capacity and extensions of Transportation Office, 2000). With the port at sites near the C-Ring; the DART to Greystones and private car accounting for a growing ț improved management and enforce- complete and 2700 Park and Ride proportion of trips (72% in 1997), Dub- ment policies; spaces provided. However, the record liners face a daily transport crisis with ț investment in cycling and pedestrian of delivery is poor, with the Port Tun- increased journey times and major con- facilities; and nel, LUAS, and further DART exten- gestion. Indeed, Dublin can be seen to ț major upgrading of public transport, sions being delayed as a result of sus- have a lower proportion of public trans- including three new light rail routes tained political opposition, project port trips, higher car use and lower linking city centre with suburbs management deficiencies and inad- public subsidy for public transport than (LUAS), ten new radial quality bus equate resources (Department of most comparable cities (Killen, 1999). routes, extension of suburban rail Environment and Local In the face of these problems, a major service (DART) and a new rail ser- Government/Department of Public transportation strategy was completed vice to Dublin Airport. in 1995 known as the Dublin Transpor- Enterprise, 2001). The major element tation Initiative (Steer Davies Gleave, of the strategy was the LUAS, a new 1994). Funded 75% from EU funds, While the DTI can be criticised as light rail system that has been subject this initiative was subject to public con- not going far enough on sustainability to a debate of whether it should be sultation and launched with the promise grounds and neglecting to address key street or underground running in the of providing innovative solutions to issues such as economic disincentives city centre. The Government finally Dublin’s transport problems by cre- for car use such as tolls and fees gave the go-ahead to the project in ating strong links with travel demand (O’Rafter, 1996), it did represent a first 1998 and construction has now begun

362 City profile Dublin: G Ellis and J Kim on the first line, which is expected to world-class city. This has not, however, Bacon, P and Associates (2000), The Hous- be open by late 2002 and the whole been achieved without cost. As national ing Market in Ireland: An Economic Evaluation of Trends and Prospects. planned phase complete in 2005. Fur- and local governments have created a Report submitted to the Department of thermore, since completion of the DTI policy regime that has attracted mobile Environment and Local Government, was finalised in 1994, its growth capital and created a favourable busi- Dublin, June. assumptions were quickly outstripped; ness climate, less attention has been Barry, F (ed.) (1999) Understanding Irel- and’s Economic Growth. Macmillan, the population assumptions of 2001 placed in supporting this with infra- Basingstoke. were exceeded by 1997, the employ- structure development. Spiralling house Bannon, M J (1989) The Irish Planning ment predictions of 2011 exceeded by prices, urban sprawl, intensifying con- Experience. Wolfhound Press, Dublin. 1996 and the car ownership levels of gestion and increased commuting times Brady Shipman Martin et al (1999). Stra- 288 per 1000 population, dwarfed by all threaten the sustainability of the tegic Planning Guidelines for the Greater Dublin Area. Dublin Corpor- the 317 reached in 1997. growth process. With the economy pro- ation, Dublin. The slippage in the implementation jected to continue to grow in the short Callan, T and Nolan, B (1999) Income of the DTI, plus revised growth fore- to medium term there may be no pros- inequality in Ireland in the 1980s and casts have led to a reappraisal of the pect of abatement for Dublin’s housing 1990s. In Understanding Ireland’s Economic Growth, (ed.) F Barry. Mac- approach and resulted in an new inte- and transport crises. However, the last millan, Basingstoke. grated transport strategy for Dublin, “A few years have seen the progressive Central Statistics Office/Northern Ireland Platform for Change” covering 2000– development of a more robust policy Research and Statistics Agency (2000). 2016 (Dublin Transportation Office, and institutional framework for tack- Ireland North and South: A Statistical 2000), closely complementing the Stra- ling these problems, with a National Profile. CSO/NISRA, Dublin and Belfast. tegic Planning Guidelines for the Development Plan that makes commit- Davis, J and Prendergast, T (1995) Dublin. Greater Dublin Area, referred to above. ments to major infrastructure develop- In European Cities, Planning Systems This is being taken forward as a strat- ment and the development of a and Property Markets, (eds) J Berry and egy, with the two principal elements of National Spatial Strategy that will S McGreal. E&FN Spon, London. 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