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Dublin City Profile Dublin City Profile Ellis, G., & Kim, J. (2001). Dublin City Profile. Cities, 18/5, 355-364. Published in: Cities Queen's University Belfast - Research Portal: Link to publication record in Queen's University Belfast Research Portal General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Queen's University Belfast Research Portal is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The Research Portal is Queen's institutional repository that provides access to Queen's research output. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact [email protected]. Download date:01. Oct. 2021 Cities, Vol. 18, No. 5, pp. 355–364, 2001 Pergamon 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. PII: S0264-2751(01)00039-7 All rights reserved Printed in Great Britain 0264-2751/01 $ - see front matter www.elsevier.com/locate/cities City profile Dublin Geraint Ellis* School of Environmental Planning, Queen’s University Belfast, David Keir Building, Stranmillis Rd, Belfast BT9 5AQ, UK Jong Kim1 South Dublin County Council, Town Centre, Tallaght, Dublin 24, Ireland The Republic of Ireland has witnessed dramatic economic growth in the last ten years, resulting in the major social, physical and cultural transformation of Dublin, its capital. This growth has out- stripped the city’s ability to expand its infrastructure, so that Dublin now faces severe crises in transport and housing supply. A strong policy and institutional framework has now been put in place to address these shortcomings, although a number of key constraints remain. This profile describes a number of initiatives in key policy areas and highlights current debate concerning the institutional capacity to deliver major infrastructure programmes. 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. Introduction torical evolution of Dublin described in Recent economic and ‘Dublin: City Profile’ (MacLaran, demographic change In 1984, a City Profile of the capital of 1984; see also MacLaran, 1993), but the Republic of Ireland, Dublin, por- will concentrate on recent aspects of The last ten years have seen rapid trayed it as having the characteristics of the city’s experience, particularly growth in Ireland’s economy, with a declining industrial city (MacLaran, GDP per capita increasing by 6.3% 1984). The intervening years have seen focusing on the 1990s and the initiat- 1990–2001 (OECD, 2001a), well in spectacular economic change in the ives introduced to guarantee the long excess of all other OECD countries. Republic of Ireland, which has fuelled term economic and environmental Furthermore, between 1990 and 2000 a revolution in Irish society and the viability of Dublin. The article will unemployment dropped from 14% to urban landscape that supports it. This cover issues faced by the entire city only 4% (OECD, 2001b), far out- transformation is at its most extreme in region, known as the Greater Dublin stripping European averages (Barry, Dublin, whose city-region is home to Area (GDA, see Fig. 1), which has a 40% of the country’s 3.6 million total population in excess of 1.4 1999), leading to a convergence of Irish people. It therefore seems remarkable million. This area includes not only the living standards with European levels, that less than twenty years ago Dublin commercial and urban core, but also which rose from 59% of EU15 in 1987 could have been seen as a failing city; the surrounding counties of Wicklow, to 88% in 1997. This period has seen it is now a prime tourist destination and Kildare and Meath, which are strongly the Irish economy transformed from the heart of a buoyant national econ- influenced by the city and where com- one based on agriculture and protec- omy, straining under the weight of its muting is particularly significant tionist policy into an increasingly urban own success and the pressure placed on (Horner, 1994). and industrially based economy, its physical and social infrastructure. The profile first sets out some of the closely integrated with global markets. This profile will not reiterate the his- factors of economic and demographic The causes of such phenomenal growth change, followed by a discussion of the are complex, but include a fiscal stabil- evolving administrative and policy con- isation of the 1980s; a substantial injec- *Corresponding author. Tel.: +44-028-90- text. The second half of the paper takes tion of EU structural funds (amounting 274370; e-mail: [email protected] to 3% of GNP in the early 1990s, Fitz- 1 a more detailed look at some of the Tel.: +353-01-4149000. Jong Kim is a Gerald, 1998); increased education and key policy challenges facing Dublin: Town Planner with South Dublin County skill levels of the workforce; and until Council. The views expressed are personal housing, urban regeneration and recently, relative wage moderation and and are not necessarily the views of South transport. Dublin County Council. peaceful labour relations (Barry, 1999). 355 City profile Dublin: G Ellis and J Kim highest population increases in the whole of the country. Dunshaughlin (25 km to the north west) has increased by 68% and Maynooth (20 km to the west) by 42% between 1991 and 1996, compared to an average national popu- lation increase of only 2.8% (Dublin Corporation, 1999). This reflects a greater willingness to trade off increased commuter distances for mod- erately lower housing costs in outlying towns (Horner, 1999b). The form of suburban development is typically that of low density detached houses, adding to concerns of urban sprawl, estimated by Horner (1994) as contributing 286 hectares (or about 1.2%) to the built up area every year. The increase in development press- ure in Dublin is reflected in a spectrum of phenomena, including increasing house prices, commuting distances and traffic congestion, as well as shortages of labour in the construction industry. One crude indicator of this is the 65% increase in planning applications between 1993 and 1999. It has been extremely difficult for central and local Figure 1 The Greater Dublin area planning authorities to cope with the resulting workload, leading to a major crisis in planning administration across the Dublin area. The high cost of living Combined, these have provided a cli- 1991, including population. In common and a shortage of skilled planning pro- mate that has been extremely success- with many other European cities, inner fessionals have left planning authorities ful in attracting foreign owned ventures city Dublin witnessed major employ- seriously understaffed. Nationally, (particularly American based IT ment and emigration from the 1960s about 25% of all planning posts are companies) and a major share in the onwards, resulting in severe physical vacant, with Dublin being one of the expanding tourist market. Dublin is decay and population decline. Horner most acute areas of shortage (Irish now one of the top tourist city desti- (1999a) has analysed the changing Independent, 2001). Ironically, new nations in Europe with over two million demographic dynamic within the city statutory responsibilities will nearly visitors annually, generating in excess region, showing how the urban popu- double the demand for qualified plan- of £400m a year. While this success has lation within 48 km of the city centre ners in the next few years, and although been witnessed across the country, had doubled since 1936, while the inner the Republic’s Planning schools have Dublin’s urban primacy has ensured it city population has declined. Although an increased output (from 25 in 1999 has been central to economic expan- the inner city once made up half the to 60 in 2001), the ongoing programme sion, contributing 33% more Gross total urban population, it now accounts of local government reform proposes Value Added per capita than the rest of for less than 7%. However, for the first the abolition of the highest professional the country (Central Statistics time since 1971, recent years have seen planning position in local government Office/Northern Ireland Research and increases in the inner city population (County/City Planning Officer) (see Statistics Agency, 2000). This growth (+13% in 1990s), interpreted by Horner Department of the Environment and has had a major impact on the physical (1999a) as being symptomatic of wider Local Government, 1996). and social infrastructure of the city demographic restructuring, including a Given the scale of change in the last (e.g. see Killen and MacLaran, 1999) shift to smaller household sizes and ten years, it is not surprising that there and as the economy has continued to increased immigration. Despite this has been a lack of consensus over how expand, Dublin is experiencing mount- newly emerging trend, the overall pat- Dublin should facilitate and react to ing stress in a number of key sectors, tern is still one of suburbanisation, as increased development pressures. Con- including housing, transport and office employment disperses and residential flicts have arisen between local and space. development decentralises. Therefore, national government (Walsh, 1998), Table 1 illustrates some of the indi- the satellite towns around the Greater between those defending cators of this growth in the GDA since Dublin Area are still experiencing the conservation/environment interests and 356 City profile Dublin: G Ellis and J Kim Table 1 Key growth indicators for Greater Dublin area, 1991–2016a Greater Dublin Area 1991 1996 1999 2016 Population (million) 1.35 1.41 1.46 1.75 Households (000) 402 446 521 675 Employment (000) 452 549 602 878 Unemployment rate 16% 12% 6% 5% Car ownership (per 1000 population) 247 292 342 480 % growth in GDP since 1991 – 42% 79% 260% aSource: Dublin Transportation Office (2000).
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