Confronting the Nuclear Power Structure in India Dhirendra Sharma
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7 Confronting the nuclear power structure in India Dhirendra Sharma Published in Brian Martin (editor), Confronting the Experts (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1996), pp. 155-174 In 1974, after my return from the United in academic councils, scientific meetings, States, I joined the most prestigious national seminars and through my writings. I organised university in New Delhi, named after India’s street marches against nuclear power when first Prime Minister: Jawaharlal Nehru Uni- only a few knew about radiation hazards. I versity (JNU). I joined as associate professor took up the task of educating members of with a promise to be elevated in due course to parliament, petitioned the heads of govern- full professor, and was also made chairperson ments against nuclear weapons and actively of the recently established Centre for Studies opposed India’s secret nuclear programme. in Science Policy at the School of Social Though I challenged the political power- Sciences, JNU. brokers and their operative influence in scien- Those were the years when India was ruled tific and technological decision making, I did by dynastic Prime Minister Mrs. Indira not join any political party. Nor did I establish Gandhi. She was autocratic and corrupt and a my own political group. All through my years shrewd manipulator of money forces and of struggle in India (and earlier in the US) I industrial and government machinery to her sought no political advantage, and basically I personal advantage. She wanted India’s major remain anti-establishment. Fundamentally, I scientific and academic institutions and followed my academic discipline and tried to governmental agencies to work towards her implement my findings in socio-political dynastic aspirations and, therefore, the new policy decisions. university established in the early 1970s on the Perhaps that was my mistake or perhaps it US academic pattern was named after her was my strength. I have no way to measure my illustrious father, Jawaharlal Nehru. For success. What mistakes, tactical or otherwise, obtaining research grants or for advancement I made are for the reader to judge. I shall here of your institution, you were supposed to attempt to narrate my story of confronting the praise the dynasty. It was, therefore, no combined forces of political corruption and coincidence that almost all top scientists in secret scientific sub-government of atomic India panegyrized the Nehru family. energy in India — including the retribution I Within a few months of my joining JNU, received. Mrs. Gandhi was found guilty of corrupt practices by the Supreme Court. Instead of The politics of nuclear power resigning, she imposed what was called the In 1975-76, I began studying the sociology of Emergency. Thousands of citizens and science purely as an academic undertaking. opposition leaders were imprisoned, democ- Unaware of the seriousness of problems ratic freedoms were removed, press censorship related to science policy in general and atomic was imposed, and free associations, meetings, energy policy in particular, I, as chairperson of discussions, demonstrations and unions were the Centre for Studies in Science Policy at banned. It was in that historic moment of JNU, organised seminar lectures on energy national crisis that I decided to dissent in policy. Among those invited to give a series of academic circles, and offered a critical voice lectures was Professor B. D. Nag Chaudhuri, a against corruption and misuse of science for brilliant nuclear scientist and former director narrow political ends. I challenged the system of Saha Institute of Nuclear Physics. Nag 94 Confronting the experts Chaudhuri had been the Scientific Adviser to contact with Dr. Atma Ram, once the the Prime Minister and headed the Defence President of Indian National Science Academy Research Organisations. I was to learn later and former Director-General of the Council of that he was one of the six advisers of Mrs. Scientific and Industrial Research. In the Gandhi when she decided to explode a nuclear Janata Government, Atma Ram was the bomb at Pokharan in the Rajasthan desert on Scientific Advisor to Prime Minister Moraraji May 18, 1974. But now he was my Vice- Desai. He invited me to examine the nuclear Chancellor and had shown keen interest in my establishment critically and report my findings research. In fact, he was instrumental in to the new government. Prime Minister Desai appointing me to the chair of Science Policy and Atma Ram both were known to be Studies. Gandhian and anti-nuclear in their philosophi- During his lectures on energy policy, Nag cal inclinations. Chaudhuri was evasive on issues of nuclear During 1978-79, a few months were energy. But he encouraged me to investigate available to me to peep into the secret and suggested that little work had been done in chambers of nuclear sub-government. But India on this critically important subject. soon after, due to Mrs. Gandhi’s machinations, There existed no critical writings on the the Janata government fell, and I received a subject and most academics, politicians and curt note from a Joint Secretary of the the media were not aware of critical assess- government debarring my visits to nuclear ments of nuclear technology in the west. A facilities. I was also asked to seek clearance powerful and insular group controlled the before I made public any information gathered nuclear establishment, comfortably protected during my visits to nuclear establishment. It by the Atomic Energy Act 1962, which was then, when I challenged the order, that I provided them with all-pervasive legal was shown the provisions of the Atomic authority to refuse the public access to any Energy Act 1962 which bar any disclosure information. The Act forbade any disclosure about the nuclear programme. Around that of information which relates to “an existing or time, the US Energy Research and Develop- proposed plant used or proposed to be used for ment Administration downgraded its forecast the purpose of producing, developing or using of 1,200 nuclear plants of 1,000 MWe atomic energy.” The Act further read that “No capacity each to about 400 plants by the year person shall disclose, or obtain or attempt to 2000, and Sweden adopted a new policy of obtain any information” about nuclear energy phasing out its 12 reactors by 2010. activities which was thus restricted under the I prepared a comprehensive critical analysis Act. of nuclear power, including a cost-benefit Because of such repressive provisions and analysis. In a two-part article published by The in view of the strategic importance of the Times of India I challenged, for the first time programme, no one in my country had in India, the official claims to “clean, safe and ventured to look into the affairs of the nuclear cheap source of energy.”2 In the conclusion I energy department. The patriotic and populist stated that the arguments against nuclear political culture backed by the dynastic regime technology were too well-established to be of Mrs. Gandhi had reinforced denial of public rejected as “anti-science.” Little debate was access to critical scientific information. permitted by the government on the question During the internal Emergency imposed by of advantages and disadvantages and undue Mrs. Gandhi from 1975 to 1977, I joined publicity and the glamour attached to the “big underground activities.1 During those dark bang” grossly distorted our national perception days of political repression, underground of nuclear reality. Otherwise, “every million activism brought me closer to some of the earmarked now for the nuclear programme political bigwigs who later became ministers will simply drag us into a quagmire of many in the Janata (People’s) Government during a more millions within a few years. It is brief spell of 1977-79. In 1978, I came in close imperative that we consider the economic, Nuclear power structure in India 95 industrial and ecological implications of our nuclear programme in India in spite of all the nuclear policy seriously and give the due official restrictions. importance to renewable energy sources.” I In December 1980 I visited England and concluded, “There is a great danger of our met Rt. Hon. Tony Benn, who had been the energy policy becoming the captive of the Energy Secretary from 1974 to 1979 and who nuclear technological elite. Our national was known for his critical view on nuclear energy planning and our military and defence energy. During long discussions with Benn I interests would be better served by developing learned about the secret functioning of nuclear solar technology.” establishments and received some important In the Indian context, this was the first ever tips for comparative analysis of nuclear critical evaluation of nuclear power in relation establishments in India and abroad. to solar energy, and these articles became To make a critical study of any government basis for active campaigning for renewable policy is not an easy task, especially when one sources of energy. Until then, the Indian investigates activities relating to strategic government had made no move to spend importance. The state acts as if it has some- anything on research and development in solar thing to hide from its own people, and I energy. confirmed with Benn that most policies are conceived and executed without the Alarm bells start ringing knowledge of the citizens. More often than By early 1981, Mrs. Gandhi was back in not, even legislators do not know the official power and her anti-people and undemocratic secrets. In India the citizens have no legal style of governance was evident in a study rights to information and the situation is still released by the Press Council of India in July worse as there exists no group such as a 1981.