UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA SAN DIEGO Popular Politics of Social Emancipation in Bolivia from the 1930S to the Present
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SAN DIEGO Popular Politics of Social Emancipation in Bolivia from the 1930s to the Present: Indigeneity, Revolution and the State A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in History by Younghyun Kim Committee in Charge: Professor Christine Hunefeldt, Chair Professor Misha Kokotovic Professor Dana Velasco Murillo Professor Nancy Postero Professor Eric Van Young 2018 Copyright Younghyun Kim, 2018 All rights reserved. The Dissertation of Younghyun Kim is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Chair University of California San Diego 2018 iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page………………………………………………………………………… iii Table of Contents……………………………………………………………………... iv List of Illustrations…..………………………………………………………………... vi List of Tables………………………………………………………………………….. viii Acknowledgments…………………………………………………………………….. ix Vita……………………………………………………………………………………. xii Abstract……………………………………………………………………………….. xv Introduction…………………………………………………………………………… 1 Chapter 1 – Rural Unrest in the 1930s-1940s: Toward Emancipation and Destabilization………………………………………………………………………… 27 1.1 – Chaco War………………………………………………………………..... 31 1.2 – Hacienda: A System of Opression…………………………………………. 34 1.3 – Indigenous Education……………………………………………………… 38 1.4 – Sit-down Strikes (1939-1943)……………………………………………… 55 1.5 – National Indigenous Congress……………………………………………... 64 1.6 – Rural Unrest, 1946-1947…………………………………………………… 66 1.7 – The Force of Destabilization……………………………………………….. 73 Chapter 2 – The National Revolution: Permanent Disorder and the Revolutionary Establishment………………………………………………………………………….. 78 2.1 – Militant Miners……………………………………………………………... 82 2.2 – Peasant-State Alliance, 1953-1970…………………………………………. 100 2.3 – Conclusion: A Permanet Disorder………………………………………….. 117 Chapter 3 – Indianism and Katarism: Aymara-Quechua Radicalism………………….. 121 3.1 – Cracks in State Control in the Countryside………………………………… 126 3.2 – Fausto Reinaga’s Indianism………………………………………………... 130 3.3 – Katarist Challenge to the Military-Peasant Pact……………………………. 142 3.4 – Tiwanaku Manifesto of 1973……………………………………………….. 148 3.5 – Struggle against Persistent Marginalization………………………………… 151 3.6 – Indianism, Katarism, and Mestizaje……………………………………….... 157 Chapter 4 – City of Migrants: El Alto’s Rise in National Imaginary………………….. 170 4.1 – El Alto: A Space of Marginality……………………………………………. 174 4.2 – El Alto: A Space of Struggle……………………………………………….. 195 4.3 – State in El Alto……………………………………………………………... 208 iv Chapter 5 – The Massacre of September-October, 2003: A Rupture………………..... 215 5.1 – Popular Challegnes to the Neoliberal State (1985-2002)…………………... 219 5.2 – Black February in El Alto-La Paz, 2003…………………………………… 229 5.3 – Gas Export and “Maya y Paya”…………………………………………….. 233 5.4 – Memory of September-October, 2003…………………………………….... 238 5.5 – Massacres…………………………………………………………………… 250 5.6 – Popular Responses to the Massacre………………………………………… 254 5.7 – Epilogue: Victims Demanding Justice……………………………………… 260 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………… 265 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………. 271 v LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS <Illustration 1.1> The nine Departments of Bolivia……………………………… 76 <Illustration 1.2> Department of La Paz with twenty Provinces…………………. 77 <Illustration 2.1> The pueblo shouts against its enemies………………………… 83 <Illustration 2.2> Dead miners testify to the state violence and the wounds inflicted upon the collective body of the pueblo…………………………………………………… 84 <Illustration 2.3> Miners applaud the proposition of armed struggle……………. 96 <Illustration 3.1> The ex-comunario stares at his pasts with the Andean landscape in the background……………………………………………………………………... 160 <Illustration 3.2> The ex-comunario has fallen down on the verge of dying from his performance of the Danzanti………………………………………………………………….. 162 <Illustration 3.3> The reborn comunario looks at the funeral of his past that has been embraced by the community…………………………………………………………………... 163 <Illustration 4.1> The administrative division of El Alto according to the 1992 census……………………………………………………………………………. 179 <Illustration 4.2> Expansion of El Alto from the year of first documented settlement of migrants until 2001………………………………………………………………………… 180 <Illustration 4.3> Urban expansion of El Alto from 1912 to 2012……………….. 181 <Illustration 4.4> A typical cityscape of Ceja in El Alto…………………………. 184 <Illustration 4.5> Convergence of pedestrians, street vendors, and vehicles in an intersection of alleys in Ceja…………………………………………………………………….. 186 <Illustration 4.6> El Alto at the beginning of the twentieth century……………… 187 <Illustration 4.7> Dolls hanged to evince the seriousness of public insecurity to which El Alto’s barrios have responded in their own ways……………………………………….. 193 <Illustration 4.8> The singing cat stands in front of the paintings, showing his encounter with the mysterious beautiful lady………………………………………………………… 206 <Illustration 4.9> The cholet in El Alto signals the economic power of qamiris in Bolivian society…………………………………………………………………………….. 210 vi <Illustration 5.1> El Alteño shows the last moment of Luis Villca Gavincha begging for medical attention……………………………………………………………………………. 246 <Illustration 5.2> The front page of Semanario Pulso demanding the resignation of Sánchez de Lozada. The so-called Ninja Alteño (Ninja of El Alto) has become an emblematic image of El Alto’s rebellion against Sánchez de Lozada in October 2003……………………… 256 vii LIST OF TABLES <Table. 5.1> The new taxation rates proposed by Sánchez de Lozada in February 2003……………………………………………………………………………….. 231 viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Everybody in this game should acknowledge that intellectual works are products of a collective process of mutual support, feedbacks, and dialogues between the author(s) and various actors. I would like to acknowledge Professors Christine Hunefeldt, Dana Velasco Murillo, Eric Van Young, Misha Kokotovic, and Nancy Postero for their support and guidance of my research. I am especially grateful for Professor Hunefeldt’s guidance and support as the chair of my committee. Through multiple drafts, her guidance has proved to be invaluable. I would like to acknowledge my colleagues, comrades, friends and brothers and sisters in and from the University of California, San Diego (UCSD) for their comradeship and friendship that have sustained my critical spirit to confront various issues. I particularly express my gratitude to Crystal Pérez, Mohammed Abumaye, Gerardo Ríos, Jael Vizcarra, Troy Araiza Kokinis, James Deavenport, Jonathan Abreu, Jorge Ramírez, and Manuel Morales Fontanilla. Luis Sánchez López, Ruben Silverman, and Stephanie Fairchild read drafts of my dissertation and gave me invaluable comments. I express my sincere gratitude to Luis, Ruben, and Stephanie. I would like to express my special thanks to Patric Kearney for giving me electronic copies of dozens of Fausto Reinaga’s books during my first year in UCSD, which were my first introduction to Indianism. My research would have been impossible without support of my friends, brothers and sisters in Bolivia. I deeply appreciate the kindness that the family of Braulio Rojas Choque has shown me. I thank Susan Elison for introducing me to this lovely family, and my UCSD colleage Amy Kennemore for introducing me to Susan. My jilatas and kullakas in El Alto and La Paz have provided me with invaluable emotional and intellectual support. I particularly express my gratitude to Alejandro Mérida Luján, Isabel Brisseida Nina Quispe, Jesús Humérez Oscori, ix Edwards Mamani Alvarado, Felipe Callisaya, Franklin Calani Yenz, Issac Rivera, Iván Apaza Calle, Jaime Amaru Flores, José Luis Sajama Tapia, Nelson Cussi, Roberto Pacosillo Hilari, and Roger Adán Chambi Mayta. I deeply appreciate the generosity and kindness of Abraham Delgado Mancilla, Carlos Macusaya Cruz, Carlos Mamani Condori, Denise Arnold, Juan de Dios Yapita, Franklin Calani (the father of my friend Franklin Calani Yenz), Kawi Jaime Kastaya Quispe, Pablo Mamani Ramírez, Pablo Velásquez Mamani, Pachakuti Aqarapi Wanka, Patricio Mamani Chipana, Pedro Portugal Mollinedo, Rosalia Del Víllar, and Rodolfo Quisbert to respond to my questions and provide me with indispensable insights. Jaime Amaru Flores and Pablo Velásquez also kindly invited me to the commemoration of the Gas War in Sorata in 2016, which was crucial for the development of my thinking on that war. I express my gratitude to members of the Fundación Wayna Tambo, particularly Gonzalo Choquehuanca Quispe, Negrita Gabby, Nina Uma, and Pablo Beque Arias, for always welcoming me with kindness and warmness. I thank members of La Asociación de las Víctimas de la Masacre de Septiembre- Octubre, 2003 for sharing their stories that stemmed from the tragic events in September- October, 2003. I also deeply thank Jaime Amaru Flores for putting me in contact with La Asociación. I sincerely appreciate the generosity of Edwin Mamani Luna, journalist of El Alteño, to permit me to access his private notes on the Gas War. There are three bolivianas especiales, to whom I would like to express my gratitude. They were the first Bolivians, whom I personally got to know during my first visit to the country in 2013. In retrospect, my interactions with them have been crucially related to my relationships with many other people in Bolivia. I especially thank two of them for providing me with emotional support in different moments of my stay in the country. I sincerely thank one of them for