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The Clergy, the Poor, and the Non-combatants on the First Crusade Author(s): Walter Porges Source: Speculum, Vol. 21, No. 1 (Jan., 1946), pp. 1-23 Published by: Medieval Academy of America Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2856833 . Accessed: 08/01/2015 12:52

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VOL. XXI JANUARY, 1946 No. 1

THE CLERGY, THE POOR, AND THE NON- COMBATANTS ON THE FIRST CRUSADE1 BY WALTER PORGES

WHEN Pope Urban preachedthe First Crusade at Clermont,he did not have in mind a purely militaryexpedition. Ever since the time of Constantine,large numbersof pious or adventurouspilgrims of both sexes had made theirway to the Holy Land. Althoughinterrupted now and again by the convulsionsperiodi- cally shakingthe Levant, in the tenth and eleventh centuriesthe pilgrimages continuedto flourish.The pilgrimstravelled mostly in small groups,and ap- parentlydid not bear arms,even forself-defense; but duringthe firsthalf of the eleventhcentury, the small pilgrimbands were supplementedby largerenter- prises,numbering several hundredto several thousandparticipants. The great Germanpilgrimage of 1064-1065included from seven to twelvethousand persons - the equivalentof a respectablemedieval army.2 The pope could not escape the influenceof this vigoroustradition. The petty feudal wars of westernEurope could not offerhim a model forhis stupendous undertaking.The pilgrimagewas the only large-scale,long-distance expedition with whichhe was familiar;moreover, he knew the power of the pilgrimideal. ThereforeUrban combinedthe idea of the Palestine pilgrimagewith that of the holywar. He implementedhis plans forthe recoveryof the Holy Land -notby an appeal limited to the chivalryof Europe, but by stirringup the latent pilgrim enthusiasmwhich pervaded all classes,raising it to an unprecedentedpitch, and directingit into new,more warlike channels. By armingthe pilgrimagethe pope created the crusade. The termperegrinus, the verbperegrinari now servedto designatethe crusader, as well as the pilgrim,and describe his activity. The crusadersin the main followedthe land route throughHungary and Bulgaria, and down the Balkans to the Golden Horn, preferredby pilgrimssince the conversionof the Magyars. 1 I wishto expresshere my gratitudeto ProfessorEinar Joransonof the Universityof Chicago for his generousaid and encouragementin the preparationof this essay. 2 Einar Joranson,'The Great GermanPilgrimage of 1064-1065,' The Cru8adesand OtherHistorical E"says Presentedto Dana C. Munro, ed. L. J. Paetow (New York, 1928), pp. 39-40; J. C. Pletz, 'Eleventh CenturyPilgrimages from Western Europe to the Holy Land' (UnpublishedA.M. disserta- tion,Department of History,University of Chicago, 1938), pp. 11-15. 1

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Of those who took the alternatepath throughItaly, many identifiedthemselves even more closelywith pilgrimtradition. Some, when they had worshippedat St. Peter's, consideredtheir vows fulfilled;others, deserted by theirleaders in Calabria, 'took up theirpilgrim staves again, and ignominiouslyreturned home.'3 The faithful,who persisted to theend, had as theirreward the plenary indulgence, the usual goal of pious pilgrims. Urban's dependenceupon the pilgrimmovement had its disadvantages.The crusade had before it a desperatelydifficult military task, and efficiencyde- manded a carefulselection of recruits. But thenew movement was caughtbetwixt and between: rooted in the pilgrimage,the crusade attractedlarge numbersof noncombatants,such as had always gone on pilgrimages;while as a military expeditionthe crusade found it inexpedientor even dangerousto admit very many of them. Urban was aware of the contradiction.Although he found the inclusionof noncombatantsimplicit in his crusade conception,and his appeal took their participationfor granted, he took pains, nevertheless,to limittheir number and supervisetheir selection.4 The pope laid down the rule that all personswere to consulttheir local clergybefore going on crusade. In addition,he emphasized the need forfighting men, and formen wealthyenough to bear the cost of the journey,and discouragedthe participationof the aged and sick.But he permitted womento go, ifproperly escorted, and reservedan especiallyimportant place for the clergy.Urban also invitedthe poor; not,however, as noncombatants,but as potentialfighters, to be equipped and maintainedby the charityof the wealthier crusaders.In thisrespect the pope's expectationswere deceived. Before the cam- paign was half over, the poor had been reduced to a noncombatantor at best semi-combatantcondition. Unfortunately,the pilgrimtradition, reinforced by the deep enthusiasmroused by itinerantpreachers, overwhelmed Urban's attemptsto limitparticipation in the crusade. More than five prematureexpeditions, collectively termed the peasants' crusade, did not sufficeto drawoff the excess of unarmedand unfit. Some of these expeditionswere reasonablywell-armed and well-disciplined,and failedlargely because theywere premature.5Others, however, were belated pil- grimexcursions, best viewedaA half-way stages between the unarmedpilgrimage and the crusade proper.Fired by a new and unrestrainedzeal, theyattracted a strangemixture of priestsand laymen,women, children, and thosewont to prey upon them,false prophets and simple-mindedbelievers. Many ofthe participants wereunarmed, and expectedto overcomethe Saracensby the directintervention of God, ratherthan by the use of earthlyweapons. Most ofthem left their bones on the plains of Hungaryand Bulgaria,or were slaughteredby the Turks on the thresholdof Asia Minor.

3 Fulcher of Chartres,Gesta Francorum Jerusalem expugnantium, x, 7. iii, v, ed. H. Hagenmeyer (Heidelberg,1913), pp. 166, 168. 4 For an analysisof Urban's speechwith complete source references, see D. C. Munro,'The Speech of Pope Urban II at Clermont,1095,' A.H.R., xi (1906), 231-242. 6 F. Duncalf, 'The Peasants' Crusade,' ibid.,xxvi (1921), 440-453.

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Nevertheless,there were more than enoughnoncombatants left over to swell the ranksof the main army.Urban's admonitionswent unheeded. The aged and sick trudgedalong, seeking the earthlyJerusalem; campfollowers and harlots trailedas ever in the wake of the army.No informationexists to justifyeven a roughestimate of the actual numberof noncombatants. The chroniclers,who esti- mate the size of the armyin very round numbers,scarcely honor any but the fightingmen withmore than passing mention,6while all the descriptionsof the army beforeit reached Nicaea seem vitiated by confusionwith the peasants' crusade. But some informationmay be gleaned fromFulcher of Chartres'eye- witnessaccount of the situationat Nicaea: 'Then out ofmany armies, one army was there created, whichthose who were skilled in reckoningestimated at six hundredthousand men fit for combat, of whom one hundred thousand were armed with cuirasses and helmets,not countingthe unarmed,that is, clerics, monks,women, and children.'7There are pictorialnumbers; but if only about one-sixthof the armywas equipped with cuirassesand helmets,a large part of the remaindermust have been half-armedpoor. The formof the statementalso suggeststhat the numberof noncombatants was high. If such was the conditionof the army at Nicaea, it did not long remainun- altered.Thereafter the relativenumber of combatantsfell steadily, and that of the noncombatantssteadily increased.Battles and skirmishestook a constant toll of fightingmen. Chronic illness reduced many to noncombatantstatus. Exhaustion of funds,necessitating the sale of arms and armor,might reduce a knightto a foot-soldier,or a foot-soldierto an unarmedpauper.8 That the greater part of the invalidand destitutesoldiers never returned to fullfighting efficiency is made plain by the fact that fromthe defeatof Ierbogha untilthe captureof Jerusalem(June, 1098 to July,1099), the periodof the greatestmilitary suprem- acy ever enjoyed by the Christianarmy, the crusaderswere sadly deficientin armed strength,and the unarmedhost greatlyoutnumbered the fighters.Thus, in January,1099, when the countof Toulouse wishedto lead some of the poor on a plunderingraid to obtain food,his intimatesobjected, saying,'In the army [i.e.,in Raymond's contingent]there are scarcelythree hundred knights, and no great numberof other armed men.... '9 Those opposingthe diversionof the crusade to Egypt urged in protest: 'There are hardlyfifteen hundred knights in the army,and no greatnumber of armed foot-soldiers.... 'IOAlbert remarks that the crusadersmarched on Jerusalemalong the coast, instead of by way of Damascus, because the Turks were feweralong the seashore,and only twenty thousandmen out of an army of fiftythousand were fitto fight.'1After the fall ofJerusalem, Raymond numbers the fightingmen at not morethan twelvethou- sand knightsand nine thousandfoot.'2 6 Hagenmeyersummarizes their estimates (op. cit.,p. 183. nn. 11-12). 7 Op. cit., I, 10, iv-v (Hagenmeyer,pp. 183-185). 8 Albertof Aix, Liber Christianae expeditionis, iv, 54, in Recueildes historiens des croisades,historiens occidentaux(hereafter cited as RHO), iv, 427B-E; La Chansond'Antioche, ed. P. Paris (2 vols, Paris, 1848), ii, 152, 218-214. 9 Raymondof Agiles,Historia Francorum qui ceperuntJerusalem, ch. 14, RHO, III, 271J. 10 Ibid., ch. 19, p. 292C. 1-Albert, v, 41, loc. cit.,p. 460A. 12Ch. 21, loc. cit.,p. 304A.

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The noncombatants,too, sufferedserious losses all along the way; but their numberswere sWelled by a steadyinflux from the dwindlingranks of the fighters. In addition,the sturdypoor, in the beginningof some militaryvalue, earlysank into such a miserablecondition, that most of themwere not called upon to fight exceptin great emergencies,and constituteda standingburden upon the army. Thus, by the timethe siege ofAntioch was well underway,the noncombatants thesick, crippled, and destitute,the women,children, and clergy- had captured and maintainedan absolute and overwhelmingmajority.

The forminto whichUrban cast the crusade, the inclusionof the clergyand other noncombatants,is evidence not only of his dependence upon pilgrim tradition,but of his beliefthat the Holy Land was not be be won by forceof armsalone; that the powerof the Wordwas greaterthan the powerof the Sword; that the righteousnessof the crusadingarmy was a sure protection.As the spiritualheir of GregoryVII, how could the pope have thoughtotherwise? The main strengthof the papacy was moral.Whatever the pope undertook,he could not depend upon earthlyarms alone; and howeverdisinterested his motives,he could not allow his project to become entirelysecularized. ThereforeUrban plannedthe crusade as an essentiallyChristian undertaking, in whichthe clergy were to play an importantpart fromstart to finish.The formalpurpose of the crusade was religious- to freethe Eastern Church.The crusaderswere called by the clergyto take the cross; theyconsulted their parish priests before taking the irrevocablevow;13 they looked forwardto a spiritualreward, the papal in- dulgence;and theywere led, in so faras the crusadehad a singleleader, by the papal legate, Adhemar,bishop of Puy. The clergynot onlyconceived and planned,14but helpedto organizethe expedi- tion. While Urban toured France, papal lettersand legates travelledswiftly to England,Normandy, and Flanders,to Genoa and Bologna, exhorting,command- ing,and persuading.When earlyin 1096 the squabbles ofWilliam Rufus with his brotherRobert of Normandy threatened to preventlarge-scale Norman participa- tion,Urban sent his legate'5to negotiatea peace. As a resultof his intervention, Robert mortgagedNormandy to William for ten thousand silver marks, and joined the crusade togetherwith many ofhis vassals. Later in the same year the pope sent the bishops of Orange and Grenobleto preach the crusade at Genoa, and bringthe formidableGenoese sea-powerinto the war.16 Their mission was suc- cessful,and a Genoese supplyfleet gave the crusaderssubstantial aid at Antioch and Jerusalem. Once upon the march, the crusadersmaintained constant liaison with the westernclergy, regarding them as their supportersand propagandistson the

13 Robert the Monk, Historia Iherosolimitana,ch. 2, RHO, iII, 729F. 14 F. Duncalf, 'The Pope's Plan forthe First Crusade,' Munro Essays, pp. 44-56. 15 Gerento,abbot of St Benignede Dijon. See Hugh of Flavigny,Chronicon, in MonumentaGerma- niae Historica,Scriptores, viiI, 474-475; cf. C. W. David, RobertCurthose, Duke ofNormandy (Cam- bridge,1920), pp. 90-91. 16 September,1096. H. Hagenmeyer,Chronologie de la premierecroisade, 1094-1100 (Paris, 1902), no. 71.

This content downloaded from 142.58.129.109 on Thu, 8 Jan 2015 12:52:56 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The First Crusade 5 home front,and dependingupon themfor reinforcements in men and money.17 To such prelates as Manasses, archbishopof Rheims,they confided their needs and difficulties,entrusted their familiesand estates, addressed theirpleas for masses and prayers.'8Many ofthem considered Urban the truehead ofthe army. Whateverthe political motives of the leaders, a vein of sincerityruns through theirinvitation to the pope to come and take chargeof the expedition.With his seat at Antioch,he would directoperations against Jerusalem,extirpate heresy, and reducethe wholeworld to obedience.19Urban refused, but aided thecrusaders all he could by holdingcouncils at Rome and Bari, and threateningthose who failed to fulfilltheir vows with excommunication. The pope, it seems,was not preparedto take up the bishopof Puy's unfinished task - a task whichAdhemar had performedwith exemplary patience and skill untilhis death at Antioch,August 1, 1098. Urban had investedthe bishopwith a sort of maius imperium,urging the crusaders to obey him completelyin all matterspertaining to thecrusade.20 But thepapal legatewas in no sensea general- issimo.Though not hesitatingto plunge into battle whenevernecessary, he did not pretendto exerciseany authorityover the actual conductof the campaign. His real functionwas to preservediscipline and uphold enthusiasmamong the rankand file,and composethe quarrels of the leaders,2' so as to gain theircoopera- tion forthe commongood. Adhemarfully realized the delicacy of his position. The friendand neighborof the count of Toulouse, with whom he travelledto Constantinople,he maintained,nevertheless, a neutralattitude in all disputes betweenthe leaders,and used the language of exhortation,not of command.He was the special protectorof the poor,and constantlyurged the greatfolk to care forthem. The griefof the crusadersat Adhemar'sdeath sufficesto demonstrate the esteemin whichhe was held.22Had he lived,the armymight not have wasted so manymonths in uselesssieges and pettybickerings after the fallof Antioch. The papal legate was not the only representativeof the churchon crusade. Urban expectedboth regular and secularclergy to join in the movement- a fact made clear by his warningthat the journeywould have no spiritualvalue for thosewho wentwithout the permissionof theirbishop or abbot.23If thepope had not desiredsuch permissionto be grantedin many instances,a flatprohibition would have been more appropriatethan this mildlyrestrictive clause. His only concernwas that clericalparticipants be properlyqualified. 17Postscript of Bishop Hugh of Grenobleto 'Ep. Boemundi et aliorumprincipum ad fideles,'in Die Kreuzzugsbriefeaus den Jahren1088-1100 (hereaftercited as HEp.) (Innsbruck,1901), p. 155; 'Ep. cleriet populi Luccensis,' ibid.,p. 167; 'Ep. Simeoniset Hademari,' ibid.,pp. 141-142; 'Ep. ii Anselmide Ribodimontead Manassem,' ibid.,p. 160; 'Ep. Boemundiet aliorumprincipum ad Urba- num,' ibid.,p. 165. 18 'Ep. i Anselmiad Manassem,' ibid.,pp. 144-146. 19 'Ep. Boemundiet aliorumprincipum ad Urbanum,'ibid., p. 164. 20 'Ep. Urbani ad omnesfideles in Flandria commorantes,'ibid., pp. 136-187. 21 Raymond,ch. 12, loc. cit.,p. 262D-F; ch. 11, p. 256. 22 L. Brehier(ed.), AnonymiGesta Francorum (Paris, 1924), p. 166. 23 Robert the Monk, ch. 2, loc. cit.,p. 729F; 'Ep. Urbani ad Bononienses,'HEp., pp. 137-188. The bishopof Foligno sought Urban's permissionbefore taking the cross(Vita B. Bonfilii,episcopus Fulgi- natia,in Acta Sanctorum,97 Sept., vii, 489B).

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We have no more means of estimatingthe numberof clergyon crusade than we have ofcomputing the total numberof noncombatants; but the sourcesalways mentionthem so as to suggestthat they formedno inconsiderablepart of the whole.24Their presencein largenumbers would not be surprising.Pilgrimages to the Holy Land had always attractedthem. Religious motiveswould influence themjust as theydid pious laymen,and forsome clerics material considerations would weighno less heavily.There was also a hordeof restless spirits among the westernclergy, who foundthemselves constrained and chafingunder the increas- ing burdenof Cluniac reform,and forwhom the crusade would offera means of escape.25The pope probablyhad no intentionof gettingrid of turbulentclerics by sendingthem offon crusade,but his admonitionswere not always respected. No bishop could keep watch over the movementsof all the clergyin his diocese, and therewas littleto hinderthe departureof priests who werewilling to forfeit theirposts. For theirpersonal entourages,some of the bishops and leaders, es- peciallythose underCluniac influence,tried to choose only clericsof good char- acter.28But otherswere not always so careful,and in addition,the crusade army was not an organizedbody, in whichevery man had to findhis place. Thus the monkweary of his cloister,the restlessor adventurousparish priest,the ambi- tiousprelate, thwarted in some favoriteproject, or in disgraceor dangerat home, and even an occasional hermit,all found it pleasant or expedientto go cru- sading. Individual motivationis not easily determined.Piety and an earnestdesire for the success of the crusade were probablythe primeconsiderations to Adhemar, and to William,bishop of Orange, who tried to take up thelegate's fallen burden.27 A similarenthusiasm seems to have urged Gerhard,abbot of Allerheiligenin Schaffhausento take the cross,and led Bonfilius,bishop of Foligno,in turnre- former,hermit, and saint,to seek the promisedland. Fulcherof Chartres,priest and chronicler,was inspiredby Urban's preachingat Clermont.But a more hystericalfervor must be ascribedto thepriest Etienne ofValence, who conversed in his dreamswith saints and the Savior,and to the abbot Baldwin who burned a cross in his foreheadas a desperatemeasure to coax moneyfrom the super- stitiousfor his journey.This spirit,a curiousmixture of opportunism,supersti- tion, and genuinereligious feeling, seems to have animated a large part of the lower clergy.

24E.g., Albert,i, 2, loc. cit.,p. 272B; OrdericusVitalis, Historiaeecclesiasticae libri tredecim, Ix, 2, ed. A. Le Prevost (5 vols, Paris, 1838-1855),iII, 468; Fulcher,op. cit.,i, 10, iv-v (Hagenmeyer,pp. 183-185,and especiallyp. 183, n. 12). 25 B. Leib, Rome,Kiev, et Byzancea lafin du xi? siQcle(Paris, 1924), p. 256. 26 E.g., Godfreyde Bouillon,who broughtwith him monksfrom well-regulated monasteries, and located themat St Mary's in the Valley ofJehoshaphat (William of Tyre, ix, 9, trans.E. W. Babcock and A. C. Krey [2 vols, New York, 1942], i, 392, and n. 24). Accordingto A. Hatem, Les poemes 6piquesdes croisades:gene'se-historicit6-localisation(Paris, 1932), p. 70, this was a Cluniac foundation, and the monksdoubtless Cluniacs. 27 For the chiefreferences concerning all the clergymentioned in the text,here and elsewhere,see the alphabeticallist of clergyin the appendix.

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Some clericsfollowed their lords on crusade.The countof Toulouse had several chaplains with him,28of whom his namesake,Raymond of Agiles, the diligent chroniclerof the holy war, is the most notable.In the same capacity,Bernard of Valence accompaniedthe bishop of Puy, a certainabbot Roger followedAnselm de Rib6monte,one Sannardus attended Robert of Flanders, and Alexander, amanuensisof Stephen of Blois, went along to writecum summa festinatione the lettersof the faintheartedwarrior to his Normanprincess. At least two prelates joined the crusade because despite its perils it seemed saferthan stayingat home. Odo, the rebelliousbishop of Bayeux, knewhe would findshort shrift in a Normandypledged to WilliamRufus, by whomhe had been drivenfrom England. He joined the forcesof Robert Curthose,but neverlived to reach the Holy Land, dyingat Palermo, wherehe was buried by Gilbertof Evreux, the only otherNorman bishopparticipating in the crusade. It appears that Peter, saintlybishop of Anagni, was likewisedriven by an unpleasantsitua- tion at home to attach himselfto Bohemund'sforces. Ambitionruled Arnulf,chaplain of Robert of Normandy,when he took the cross.Arnulf was a man ofhigh capability, and knewit. A scholarof some reputa- tion, he had taught at Caen, and his pupil, Raoul of Caen, dedicates his Gesta Tancredito him in very complimentaryterms. He was noted forhis learning, eloquence, and especiallyhis scepticism;for he led the party opposed to the revelationof the Lance, and therebyearned himselfmuch opprobrium.Never- theless,he appears to have been quite popular withthe commonpeople. Culti- vated, sophisticated,at ease withplebs and maiores,of low rank,"but outstanding ability,Arnulf did not go on crusade withoutthe hope of betteringhimself. The same is probablytrue ofhis namesakeand partisan,Arnulf, bishop of Martirano, and possiblyof Peter of Narbonne,one of the chiefsupporters of the count of Toulouse.30 No ferventpiety led Adalberon,archdeacon of Metz, kinsmanof Henry III, and confidantof the schismaticHenry IV, to join the crusade. In any case, if Albert'saccount may be trusted,none of it was in evidencewhen he was caught and killed by the Turks whileplaying dice with a beautifulmatron in a grove near Antioch. Adalberon was hardly unique. And what except misdirected curiosityinduced Otto, bishop of Strassburg,adherent of the anti-popeGuibert to join Urban's expedition?If he had hoped for some material advantage, a change of politicswould have been in order;but he went a schismatic,and re- turned,says Bernold,no betterthan when he set out. EvidentlyOtto was not convincedof the holy natureof the crusade. The passion forrelics may have been a factorin drawingto the Levant Ger- bault, priestof Lille, who distinguishedhimself by stealingthe preciousarm of St Georgefrom a hospitableGreek monastery in Asia Minor - a sin forwhich he receivedhis just deserts.Peter of Narbonne,in his later capacity of archbishop 28Raymond, ch. 14, loc. cit.,p. 266D. 29Raymond, with malicious exaggeration, says he was not evena subdeacon (ch. 21, ibid.,p. 302). 80Infra, pp. 8, 21, and forsource references, the appendix.

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of Apamea, is charged with despoilingthe tombs of the patriarchsAbraham, Isaac, and Jacob at Hebron. A priestlyadventurer is portrayedfor us by the outragedpen of Anna Com- nena. This bellicosecleric fought so fiercelyduring a skirmishbetween a crusade squadron and some units of the Byzantinefleet that he evoked fromthe aston- ished Greekprincess the followingprolix but significantcomment: For therules concerning priests are notthe same among the Latins as theyare withus; For we aregiven the command by the canonical laws and teachingof the Gospel, 'Touch not,taste not, handle not! For thouart consecrated.'Whereas the Latin barbarian will simultaneouslyhandle divine things, and wearhis shieldon his leftarm, and holdhis spearin his right hand, and at oneand the same time he communicates the body and blood ofGod, and looksmurderously and becomes'a manof blood,' as it saysin thepsalm of David. For thisbarbarian race is no lessdevoted to sacredthings than it is to war.And so thisman of violence rather than priest wore his priestly garb at thesame time that he handledthe oar and had an eyeequally to navalor land warfare, fighting simultaneously withthe sea andwith men.3' The WesternChurch had in fact long forbiddenpriests to bear arms; but this paladin ofChrist, confronted by the hated Greekschismatics, refused to be bound by papal decrees,or even by a truce. When he had used up all his darts and stones,'he discovereda sack of barley-cakes,and beganthrowing out thebarley- cakes fromthe sack as thoughthey were stones, as if he were officiatingand taking a service, and turningwar into a sacred celebration.' Disembarking severelywounded, he soughtthe Greek leader and embraced him, saying, 'If you had met me on dryland, manyof you wouldhave been killedby myhands.' Then he gave the Byzantinecaptain 'a large silvercup worthone hundredand thirtystaters. And with these wordsand this gifthe breathedhis last.'32There is somethinghere ofthe same valiant spiritwhich led Bishop Adhemarto plunge straightinto the me'lee.If the priesthoodincluded many peasants' sons, it also includedmany youngersons of the nobility,trained in arms, and burningto make use of them.The crusademust have attractedmore than one ofthis kind.

Subject to the general authorityof Bishop Adhemar,the clergyon crusade obeyed his commandswith regardto preaching,fasts and processions,and the care ofthe poor.But boththe higherand lowerclergy tended to groupthemselves aroundthe leaders whom they had followedon crusade.They oftenespoused their masters'quarrels, and looked to them in turnfor preferment. These statements are illustratedby some eventsin the career of Peter of Narbonne. He owed his positionas bishop of Albara to Raymond,count of Toulouse, who had besieged and capturedthe town,and he behaved as one of Raymond'svassals. En route fromMarra to Archas,he helped guard the armyagainst surpriseattacks, and garrisonedMarra forthe count.33In keepingwith Raymond's best interests,he did his best to preventthe commonpeople, who were clamoringfor an immediate

31E. A. S. Dawes (trans.)The Alexiad of the Prince8s Anna Comnena (London, 1928), p. 256. 32 Ibid.,p. 297. 3 Raymond,ch. 14,loc. cit., p. 278H-J.

This content downloaded from 142.58.129.109 on Thu, 8 Jan 2015 12:52:56 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The First Crusade 9 marchonJerusalem,from destroying the walls ofMarra to hastenthe departure.34 At Jerusalem,Peter held the town of David forRaymond, who obstinatelyre- fusedto surrenderit to Godfrey,the newly-electedDefender of the Holy Sepul- chre.Here the bishopserved him badly, turning the towerover to Godfreyalmost at once; but Raymond's othervassals had refusedto help him in the matterat all, as theyfelt that he was clearlyin the wrong.35 The clergywere not, however,entirely subservient to the lay power. Peter, forexample, displayed his independencestrikingly at Marra, where in spite of his carefuldefense of the count's property,he even acted as spokesmanfor the rank and file in theirdemand forthe immediatemarch on Jerusalem.But al- thoughthey displayed some independencein matterstouching the commonwel- fare,the powerof the clergy,as opposed to that of the leaders,was small,except when they had the people on their side This is not surprising.At home the Churchhad not yet won, and neverwas fullyto win its battle forindependence fromthe secular authority.The defeatof GregoryVII had yet to be retrieved. On crusade the positionof the clergywas even weaker,as the emergencycondi- tions and the greaterneed forarmed protectionfurther crippled their ability to stand against the lay power.Their sole attemptto take the reinsinto theirown hands failed completely.36Nevertheless, despite some particularisttendencies, the solidarityof the clergywas greaterthan that of any othergroup. The sacred characterof their office,the mysteriouspower conferredby ordination,com- manded the superstitiousrespect of all classes, and the moral and intellectual forceof the better among them imposed itselfeven upon the leaders. Conse- quently,so long as the clergyconfined their attention to mattersof common concern,to pressingproblems such as the care of the poor, discipline,morality, and morale,their influence was strong,and the exerciseof their legitimate regula- toryfunctions went unchallenged. The clergypreached, prayed, confessed the soldiers,gave the last sacraments to the dying,and buriedthe dead. They celebratedmass regularly,37and marriages occasionally- perhaps all too seldom, judging fromtheir constant complaints about the moralsof the crusaders.These routineservices acquired a new impor- tance on crusade,but much more importantwere the functionsimposed by the perilsand hardshipsof the crusaders'way. Maintenanceof moralewas vital. In thesetimes of recurrentcrisis, the failureto achieve at least a minimumof disci- pline and cooperationwould mean disaster, the destructionof the Christian army;and ifthe crusadefailed, the prestigeof the Urbanistswould collapse with it. The thoughtfuland earnestamong the clergy,therefore, had a double respon- sibility,a dutyto both the armyand the Church. From the beginning,the care of the poor was the most difficulttask. Never beforehad sucha large hostof paupersencumbered an armyin thefield. It seems impossibleto determinewhat classes entered most prominently into its formation.

R4Ibmdd, p- 2716-c. 35Ibid., ch. 20,p. 301F. 37 Raymond,ch. 16,loc. cit., p. 278A-B.

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There is somemention of peasants,38 but no clue as to theirnumbers. Perhaps the Italian and Provengaltowns had some restlessand pennilessfolk to contribute: the most frequentreferences to the poor are made by the Provengalchronjicler, Raymond of Agiles. The poor,aged, and infirmwho lagged behindRaymond's army were slaught- eredlike cattle by the wild tribesmenof Sclavonia,who wrestedfrom them their last scantybelongings.39 They died in droves of famineat Nicaea and Antioch. They were cut offand massacredby theTurks at Marra,40and died miserablyin a thousandskirmishes and ambushesalong the way. What theircondition must have been in June,1098, when the crusaders were pent up in Antiochby theTurks, when many soldiershad lost or eaten theirhorses, and having sold theirarms were reduced to fightingwith Turkish weapons, when a noble German knight could no longerlive by begging,and had to be fed by scraps fromGodfrey's table4'- thismay best be leftto the imagination. In the earlierstages of the crusade, the EmperorAlexius was compelledby self-interestto relieve the situation with alms, firstat Constantinople,then acrossthe straitsin Asia Minor,and again at Nicaea.42But as the crusaderspene- trateddeeper into Asia Minor,and the poorwere deprived of even thisinadequate imperial aid, the nobles and clergyhad to take over the task. Raymond of Toulouse distinguishedhimself by his care forthe poor. At Clermonthis ambas- sadors promisedaid forindigent crusaders.43 En routethrough Sclavonia, he and the bishop of Puy struggledearly and late to protectthem: the count foughtal- ways in the rear to guard the poor stragglers,and was always the last to make camp at night.44After the fall ofAntioch, Raymond offered to lead the poor,who werefailing from hunger and sickness,on a plunderingraid intoenemy territory;45 and whenhe wentto besiegeAlbara, it was witha mass ofpoor people, and very fewknights.46 A certainspirit of noblesseoblige characterized the attitudeof the knightsto- ward the poor. At the siege of Antioch,the leaders set up a fundto replace the horsesof knightswho lost them. Raymond remarks,'This fraternalagreement producedvery beneficial results; for the poor of our army,who wished to cross

38 Ibid.,ch. 5, pp. 242J,244B; cf.Ekkehardof Aura, 'totque catervasruricolarum'; but thisprobably includesthe peasants' crusade(Hierosolymitana, ix, 2, ed. H. Hagenmeyer[Ttibingen, 1877], p. 112). 39 Raymond,ch. 1, loc. cit.,p. 235A. 40 Brehier,op. cit.,p. 164. 41 Albert,iv, 54, loc. cit.,p. 427B-E. 42 Ibid., i, 15 and ii, 16, pp. 9.83,311; Br'hier, op. cit.,pp. 18, 42; 'Ep. I Stephaniad Adelam,'HEp., pp. 138-139; Raymond,ch. 3, loc. cit.,p. 239G. OrdericusVitalis conceived that nothingless than the sack of Nicaea could have relievedthe necessitiesof the poor (ix, 6 [Le Prevost,iII, 505-506]). 43 Baldric of Dol, HistoriaJerosolimitana, i, 5, RHO, iv, 16. 44 Raymond,ch. 1, loc. cit.,p. 9Z36C-D. 46 Ibid.,ch. 13, p. 9264H. 46 Ibid., ch. 14, p. 266D. Hagenmeyer,Le vrai et le faux sur Pierre l'Hermite,trad. F. Raynaud (Paris, 1883), p. 9294,suggests that afterthe captureof Marra almost all the poor stayed withRay- mond.

This content downloaded from 142.58.129.109 on Thu, 8 Jan 2015 12:52:56 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The First Crusade 11 the riverto gatherherbs, feared the frequentattacks of the enemy';47i.e., when the knightsno longerfeared losing their horses, they were willing to use themin protectingthe poor foragers.Raymond also takes pleasure in tellinghow the poor werepermitted to enrichthemselves from the spoils aftera successfulskir- mishnear Antioch, and ran about joyfully,showing off captured silks, shields, and even horses.48In theplundering of a Saracen strongholdon the wayto Jerusalem, the lootingwas conducted in accordance with the wealth of the participants: ' . .. our poor,having taken up theirbooty, began to return,one afterthe other; thereafterthe poor foot-soldierstook the same path, and afterthem, the men-at- arms.'49A nicetyof gradation! Such measureswere not enough.The bishopof Puy foundit necessaryto make strenuousefforts to providefor the poor.The Anonymous,with good reason,calls himthe sustentamentumpauperum; and even afterhis death,Peter Bartholomew, who was lookingfor a vehicleto expresshis own views,put in the bishop'smouth characteristicutterances about the duty of the richto the poor.50In his sermons Adhemarused to warnthe knightsrepeatedly: Not oneof you can be savedunless he honorsthe poor and relievesthem. Just as you cannotbe savedwithout them, so can theynot live withoutyou. For thisreason they mustpray with daily supplications for your sins to God, whomyou have offendedin manyways. Therefore I command that you cherish them for the love of God, and succor themso faras youare able.5' Charity,then, was a religiousduty; and the clergytherefore preached alms- givingassiduously, and coupled theirexhortations with fasts and processionsat Antiochand Jerusalem.But this, too, was insufficient.We meet with renewed agitation for the care of the poor soon afterthe defeat of Kerbogha;51and at Archas,early in 1099,poor relief was at last put on a moreregular basis - forhow longwe do not know: It was preachedat thistime that the people should give tithes of all theyhad taken, sincethere were very many poor and manysick in the army: and it wasordered that they givea fourthpart to theirpriests, whose masses they attended, and a fourthto their bishops.The remainingtwo parts they were to giveto Peterthe Hermit, whom they had putin charge of the poor, both lay and clerical.03 Peter the Hermit,who was probablya monk,54seems to have enjoyeda consider- able ascendancyover the rank and fileof the army,55and was well suited to be treasurerof the poor. It is noteworthythat the clergyhad theirown poor to re- lieve, and that theywere pressing for a regularincome from tithes.

47 Raymond,ch. 6, loc. cit.,pp. 245G-e46A. 48 Ibid., ch. 8, p. 9Z49E. 49 Ibid., ch. 14, p. 274: ' . . . pauperes nostri,accepta praeda, unus post alium redirecoeperunt; deinde pedites pauperes viam tenebant; post eos, milites plebei.' The termmilites plebei probably designatespersons not of knightlyrank, but who foughton horseback (Du Cange, Glossarium,v, 385). 50Raymond, ch. 13, toc.cit., p. 264C. S1Brehier, op. cit.,p. 166. 52 Supra, n. 50. 53Raymond, ch. 16, loc. cit.,p. 278A-B. 54Hagenmeyer, Pierre l'Hermite, pp. 26-929. 65Presumably because he took up theirdemand foran end to the delays on the way to Jerusalem (ibid., pp. 293-297).

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All thesemeasures notwithstanding, the poorunderwent extreme suffering and demoralization;and out of theirmisery and strugglefor existence arose the ill- famedband of Tafurs,56whose exploitshave been enlargedupon to formone of the mostcurious legends of the crusades,but whosehistoricity may no longerbe doubted.57Our knowledgeof the Tafurs is shadowy,and it is difficultto distin- guish fact fromfiction concerning them.58 They probablyincluded only a small part of the poor and unarmed.Guibert of Nogent identifiesthem with the gypsy- folkor Truands; possiblytheir nucleus was composedof gypsies,who werevery likelyto attachthemselves to the crusade,and whoseorganization would be simi- lar to that attributedto the Tafurs.Peter the Hermit'sconstant association with them,and his influenceover them,59 suggests further that someof the Tafurs may have been leftover fromthe destructionof his band in Asia Minor. But there- afterthey appear to have recruitedtheir forces regularly from the poorestamong the crusaders.60 The Tafurslived underthe ruleof a kingwhom they had chosenfor themselves. They camped somewhatapart fromthe rest of the crusaders,who treatedthem witha respectborn of fear. Incredibly savage and brutalized,they went barefoot and unarmedsave forclubs, stones,knives, and variouslyimprovised weapons, and lived by foragingand plunder.Yet theywere not entirelydevoid of discipline, and Guibert rejects emphaticallythe suggestionthat they were a useless ap- pendage to the army.6'The crusadersfound them ready to carrythe heaviest burdensand do the mostexhausting labor; and theywere doggedly determined in besiegingcities, where they acted as slingers,and performedmany othertasks besides.They foughtin everybattle,62 and distinguishedthemselves at the storm- ing of Antioch,not only by theirbravery in the assault, but by theirextreme crueltyin the sack. Upon rareoccasions, when other provisions failed, the Tafurs

56 The originof the word is obscure.It is most probablyderived from the Armenianterm tahavor (king), applied to the leader of the Tafurs (Hatem, op. cit., p. 195); but possiblyfrom a termfor Saracens, extendedto cover gypsiesand Truands of Anynationality (F. Godefroy,Dictionnaire de l'anciennelangue frangaise, vii [Paris, 1892], 623). 57 Since the brilliantrehabilitation of the Chansond'Antioche by M. Anouarlatem, whosework is citedabove, p. 6, n. 26. M. Hatem developsthe thesis that the crusade epic was bornin thecamp of the crusaders;that the Ghan8ond'Antioche was writtenby an eye-witness,Richard le Pelerin,a trouvere fromFlanders; that the chroniclersfrequently borrowed from him, ratherthan vice-versa;and that althoughhis workwas completelyrecast and greatlymutilated by Graindorof Douai, in the reign of Philip Augustus,it still containsmuch of historicalvalue, especiallyconcerning the poor and the Tafurs(op. cit.,pp. 177-237,326-850). See the reviewby J. L. LaMonte, Speculum,x (1935), 97-100. Unfortunately,the onlyprinted edition of the Chansond'Antioche, ed. P. Paris (2 vols,Paris, 1848) is veryunsatisfactory. 58 Only one Latin chroniclermentions them, Guibert of Nogent,Gesta Dei per Francos,vii, 23, RHO, iv, 241-242. Probablyhe drewupon the originalversion of the Chansond'Antioche. 59 Chansond'Antioche, i, 135;ii, 3 ff.,127, 221, 255. 60 Accordingto Guibert,the king of the Tafurs used to post himselfat any narrowplace through which the army had to pass, and inspect his men: ' . . . si cui duorumpretium solidorum habere contingeret,hunc confestima sua ditionesecluderet, et eum emerearma jubendo, ad armati contu- berniumexercitus segregaret; si quos, consuetae tenuitatisamantes, nihil prorsuspecuniae aut re- servasseaut affectasseconspiceret, hos suo collegiopeculiares ascisceret' (loc. cit.,p. 242). 61 Ibid. 62 Chansond'Antioche, i, 135, 259; ii, 127 f., 254-255, 295.

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ate human flesh- e.g., at Antiochand Marra, wherethey consumedportions cut fromsome of the Saracen dead.63Such actions enhanced a reputationfor ferocitywhich it alreadypleased themto foster,and inspireda wholesometerror amongthe Turks and native Christiansalike. In view oftheir services in battles and sieges,and theireffect upon the morale of the Turks, it would appear that the Tafurs,unlike the bulk of the poor, were an asset to everythingexcept the good name of the crusaders. Despite the graveproblems presented by the poor,no attemptwas made until afterthe fallof Antioch to discouragetheir participation, if only they were sturdy and capable. The crusadersexpected to live in largemeasure off the country,and it is doubtfulthat any except the leaders and wealthierknights paid much of theirexpenses with fundsfrom home. A letterasking for reinforcements, dated October,1097, expresses marked preference for men ofsound body and purse,but takes care to add: ' . . . if onlyyou are able to come to us, even withvery little, thereafteromnipotent God will provide for you, so that you may live.'6 The crusaderswere too hard up formanpowerO to refuseany likelyrecruit, no matter what the state of his finances.This considerationmay throwadditional light on the effortsof the leadersand clergyto relievethe poor.Religion, pity, and custom probablyplayed the major role in determiningtheir action; but some of them perhapsrealized that everyman rescuedfrom abject povertywas an additionto the fightingstrength of the pilgrimarmy.

The presenceon crusade of large numbersof women,and even children,also caused grave complications.Not all the womenwere undesirables.A fewwere noblewomen,more or less suitablyescorted, as Urban had urged.66Baldwin of Lorraine67and Raymondof Toulouse68 had theirwives with them, and so did a few knights.69The religious,on the otherhand, seem to have been representedamong the womenby but a singlenun, of less than doubtfulmorality.70 The rest of the women were probablycampfollowers and harlots,of whose activitieswe have adequate evidence.7' The womenshared the crusaders'hardships and perils.Several score of them, embarkingat Brindisiwith the forcesof Robert of Normandyand Stephen of

63 Ibid., ii, 3-9, forthe gruesomefeast at Antioch.Both the Chanson(ii, 294) and Fulcher(op. cit., i, 25, ii, ed. Hagenmeyer,pp. 266-267) notice the eating of human fleshat Marra, but without mentioningthe Tafurs.Guibert, however, names them(loc. cit.,p. 242). 64 'Ep. Simeoniset Hademari,' HEp., p. 142. 65 Ibid.; cf. 'Ep. patriarchaeHierosolimitanae,' ibid., p. 147. These letters,calling urgently for re- inforcements,date fromOctober, 1097, and January,1098, respectively. 66 Albert,ii, 89, loc. cit.,p. 330B-C. 67 Ibid., iII, 27, p. 358B. She was an Englishwoman. 68 Fulcher,op. cit.,i, 32, i (Hagenmeyer,pp. 320-321). Her name was Elvire. 69 E.g., Edith, wife of Gerard de Gournai (Interpolation8of Robertof Torignyin Guillaume de Jumieges,Gesta Normannorum Ducum, ed. Jean Marx [Rouen, 19141,pp. 277-278); Emma, wifeof Ralph of Guader (OrdericusVitalis, op. cit., iv, 13 [Le Prevost, ii, 264]); the wife of Foucher de Bouillon - legendary?(Albert, v, 5, loc. cit.,p. 435E-436C). 70 Infra,p. 18. 71 E.g.,Albert, ii, 24, loc.cit., p. 317B; OrdericusVitalis, op. cit.,ix, 10 (Le Prevost,iii, 547); Ray- mond,ch. 14, loc. cit.,p. 969E.

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Blois, drowneden massewhen one of the overloadedvessels capsized.72At Dory- laeum theybraved enemy fire to bringwater to themen in thefighting lines - an act forwhich the Anonymousgives them special commendation.73 In the exhaust- ing march under the pitilesssun of Asia Minor many died of heat and thirst; Albert describeshorrible incidents which he claims to have heard fromeye- witnesses.74At Marash, in Lesser Armenia,Baldwin's wifeGodwera died, worn out by lingeringillness.75Before Antioch the womendied of Saracen arrowsand the plague; in Jerusalema host of them joined in the street-fighting,like the bloodyviragoes of the FrenchRevolution.76 Far fromhelpless, the womenstood up well underthe endlessmisadventures of the campaign; but the bishops and leaders learned frombitter experience that the armywas betteroff without them. From the siege ofAntioch they write with emphasis,'Let only the men come; forthe presentleave the women at home!'77When the crusadershad routed Kerbogha,Bruno of Lucca, returning fromAntioch to his native city, carried the warningthat women,as well as paupers,were no longerwanted.78 But it was too late. The armynow had a full complementnot only of womenand poor,but of incompetentsand undesirables of all sorts. The clergyhad the task of preservingelementary order and disciplineamong this heterogeneousmultitude, and of maintainingvery modest standards of morality.Describing the situationat Nicaea, Albert remarks:'It is not to be doubtedthat along with so manydistinguished captains there were present camp- followersof a lower sort: serfsand serving-maids,married and unmarried,and men and women of every station. The bishops, abbots, monks, canons, and prieststook chargeof theseto keep themin order,and keep up theircourage.'79 This was a necessaryadministrative task, not easy,but probablypleasanter than correctingthe moralsof the crusaders.The medieval warriorwas seldomnoted forhis chastity,and the clergycould not normallyhave expectedmuch in the way of continencefrom him. But the crusade was a religiousexpedition, undertaken forthe sake of the souls of the participantsas well as to freeJerusalem. In times of crisis,then, the questionof moralitymerged with the problemof morale.The preachingof the clergyagainst misconduct in general,and adulteryin particular, was directed toward a very importantend: to reconcilethe soldiersto their Creator; to preservethe sense of righteousnesswhich gave confidenceto the Christianarmy, and in this way, to keep up its fightingspirit. For thisreason it is probablethat somemovement toward reform was feltafter everymilitary reverse;80 but we have onlyone instanceof reallyradical action.

72 Fulcher,op. cit.,I, 8, ii (Hagenmeyer,p. 169). 73 Br6hier,op. cit., p. 46; for a vivid and circumstantialaccount see the Chansond'Antioche, I, 159-160. 74 Fulcher,op. cit.,I, 12, vi (Hagenmeyer,p. 199); (Chansond'Antioche, I, 163; Albert,III, 1, loc.cit., pp. 339-340. 76 Ibid.,III, 27,p. 358B. 76 Ibid.,VI, 21,p. 478C. 77 'Ep. patriarchaeIlierosolimitanae,' HEp., p. 148. 78 'Ep. cleriet populi Luccensis,'ibid., p. 167. 79 Albert,II, 24, loc. cit.,p. 317B-C. 80 E.g., at Marra, where,when the siegewas dragging,Peter Bartholomew had a visionin whichSt.

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At the siege of Antioch,which was going very badly, the crusadersbegan to blame their difficultiesupon the iniquitous practices prevalent in the camp. Fulcher says: 'Then, having taken counsel,they cast out the womenfrom the army,married and unmarried,lest perchance,befouled by the mire of riotous living,they might displease God. The women,however, found refugein the neighboringcamps.'8' One wouldexpect the clergyto have a hand in thismeasure, whichwas probablynot so sweepingas hererepresented, and Albertconfirms this suspicion. Accordingto his account, the leaders and clergylaid down a reform program:82 The armywas to be purgedof all vice and injustice.Prohibitions were renewedagainst the use of falseweights and measures,and cheatingof any kind in money-changingor othertransactions; steps were taken to preventthievery, fornication,and adultery.Severe penaltieswere provided, and judges appointed to apply them.Some personswere chained, some had theirheads shaved,others werebeaten or branded.As an object-lesson,a man and womancaught in adultery were drivenwith whips all around the camp. This sounds like an ecclesiastical program,and possiblythe judges werepriests. In emergenciesthe clergytried to encouragethe army more directly.They comfortedthe soldierswith sermons,masses, fasts,and processions,and often stood rightbehind them in battle, praying,exhorting, and hearing the last- minuteconfessions of the fighters.Clad in whitegarments, holding their crucifixes in theirhands, they were a powerfuldeterrent to panic at Dorylaeum,Antioch, Marra, and Jerusalem.At the Holy City, Arnulfand Peter the Hermithelped close the ranks in preparationfor the finalassault by allayingthe dissensions whichhad arisenalong the way.83The bishops and priestsnever let the people forgetwhy they had undertakenthe perilousjourney. The death of Adhemar relieved the procrastinatingleaders, who were only too happy to lingeron the way, of theirmost powerful corrector; but even so, the restof the clergy,and the lowerclergy in particular,sometimes led, and always seconded the popular de- mand fora rapid advance to theirgoal.84 At Jerusalem,to encouragethe assault,

Andrewtold him that therewas so much adulterythat God would be pleased if theyall took wives (Raymond,ch. 14, loc. cit.,p. 269E). 81 op. cit.,II, 15, xiv (Hagenmneyer,p. 223). 82 iII, 57, loc. cit.,pp. 378-379. 83 Fuicher, op. cit., I, 9, ix (Hagenmeyer,pp. 196-197) (at Dorylaeum); Brehier,op. cit., p. 152, Raymond,ch. 6, loc.cit., p. 245E-F, Fulcher,op. cit.,i, 22, iii (Hagenmeyer,pp. 252-253) (at Antioch); Br6hier,op. cit.,p. 174 (at Marra). At Jerusalem,the lowerclergy took the lead in encouragingthe army: the priestPeter Desiderius institutedthe fasts,processions, alms, and grandprocession around the walls whichpreceded the as- sault (Raymond,ch. 20, loc. cit.,pp. 296-297; Br6hier,op. cit.,pp. 200-202). For the pacifyingsermons of Arnulfand Peter the Hermitsee Albert,VI, 8, loc. cit.,pp. 470-471. It is likelythat many other persons also preachedto the army,from the Mount ofOlives, at the same time (Hagenmeyer,Pierre l'Hlermite, pp. 304-305). Duringthe battle ofAscalon, Peter the Hermit,who was leftbehind with the geneminuta, the poor, and the infirm,while the knights,prelates, and all thosefit to bear armshad gonieout to battle,kept up the spiritsof the people withprayers, alms, and processions(Br6hier, op. cit.,p. 210; Hagenmeyer, Pierrel'Hermite, pp. 321-328). 84Peter the Hermitprobably took a large part in thismovement (ibid., pp. 294-295); Raymond of Agiles' account betrayshis own sympathyfor it.

This content downloaded from 142.58.129.109 on Thu, 8 Jan 2015 12:52:56 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 16 The First Crusade the clergypointed out the place where Christhad sufferedand died, and dis- coursedof the heavenlycity which the earthlyJerusalem portended.85 It was at Antiochthat the clergymade theirmost strikingcontribution to morale.There, when the city was closelyinvested by Kerbogha,and thecrusaders were fightinga losingbattle withthe enemyin the citadel and at the gates,the visionsreported by a Lombardpriest, and by a Frenchcleric, Etienne Valentin, touched offthe series of events whichled to the discoveryof the Holy Lance, and raised the armyfrom despair to victory.The Lombardclerk set the stage by tellinghow St Ambrosehad appeared to a bishopin Italy, whenthe crusadehad just been launched,and revealed that the papal expeditionwas indeed divinely inspired,and notmerely the result of the levitasanimi of the French, and promised thatthe crusaderswould take Jerusalemwithin three years. More thantwo years, the Lombard pointedout, had now passed, and a turnfor the bettercould soon be expected.86 But the commonpeople were still veryuneasy, fearing with good reason that theleaders woulddesert, and leave themto perish.87On thenight of June 10, 1098, many persons did slip away, laymen and clergyalike; and, says Raymond, if Bohemundand the Bishop ofPuy had not closed the gates,very few would have remained.88The next day, Etienne Valentincame forwardand told his storyto the leaders: Christhad appeared to him in the night,and bade him remindthe leaders of all that he had done forhis people, and admonishthem that if they repented of theirsins, ceased theirfornication with pagan and Christianwomen, and chantedthe responseCongregati sunt daily, he would send them substantial aid withinfive days.89 This revelationwas at first-hand,and promisedaid withina brief,definite period. It called fora reformmovement, for immediate, healthy action,which would release pent-upemotion, and dispel the apathy and indecisionwhich had fastenedthemselves upon the army.It not onlycalmed the spiritsand raisedthe courageof the people, but had the moreimportant effect of forcingthe wavering leadersto take a firmstand. That theleaders had any real confidencein Etienne's promiseof aid withinfive days is mostunlikely; but his visionexpressed the fears and hopes of the multitude,and demanded some gestureto restoretheir con- fidence.The bishop of Puy seized his opportunity.While excitementover the revelationwas stillrunning high, Adhemar combined clerical with popular pres- sure to make the leaders swear renewedallegiance to the Christiancause:

... thebishop of Puy orderedthe Gospels and theCross to be broughtforward, so that he [Etienne]might swear that this thing was true.At thattime all ourleaders decided thatthey would swear an oaththat none of them would flee, not even if it werea matter oflife and death,so longas theywere still living.... Hearingthis oath, the Christian congregationexulted beyond measure.90

86 OrdericusVitalis, op. cit.,ix, 15 (Le Prevost,iII, 604). 86 Albert,iv, 88, loc. cit.,pp. 415-416. 87 RayMond, ch. 11, Joc.cit., p. 256I. 88 Ibid. 89 Ibid., pp. 255-256. 90Br6hier, op. cit.,p. 130.

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The connectionbetween Etienne's oath and the oath of the leaders is apparent.9' Now the maiores had to stickit out. This event,more than the discoveryof the Lance, forwhich it was the necessarypreliminary, marked the turning-point,and saved the crusadingarmy. The Lance at firsthad less to do withthe clergy.Peter Bartholomewwas not a priest,or a noncombatant.But Adhemarmade as skillfuluse of the Lance as he had of Etienne's vision.He was in realitycool to Peter fromthe start;92but all doubts and dissensionswere carefullysmothered until after the defeat of Kerbogha. In the battle, the Lance was carried by the Provengalchronicler, Raymond of Agiles,93but in such close proximityto Adhemarthat both the Anonymousand Bruno of Lucca, eye-witnessesof the event, made a natural errorand creditedthe bishop with carrying it. This theycould scarcely have done if the bishop had made his scepticismknown, as indeed he did, later. Adhemar gave the Lance his tacit approval until the crisiswas over,in orderto maintain themorale of the crusaders.Perhaps he wouldhave continuedto pay it deference, ifthe Provengalshad not treatedit as privateproperty, and triedto use its pres- tige fortheir own advantage. Not all clericalactions were equally serviceable to the crusade.The quarrelover the Lance broughta sharp cleavage in their ranks, with Arnulf,who led the sceptics,vigorously opposed by the Provengalgroup, e.g., the bishopsof Orange95 and Agde,98Peter ofNarbonne,97 and Raymondof Agiles. The lowerclergy tended to splitalong the same lines.98The bishopof Puy couldno longerconceal his views. AfterAdhemar's death, when Arnulfwas asked why he doubted, he replied, 'Because the bishopof Puy had doubted,'99and none of the oppositionventured to deny it. Instead they manufacturedvisions to prove that Adhemar was punishedin the nextworld for his scepticism.But as the bishop,with customary

91 Cf. Raymond, ch. 11, loc. cit.,p. 256H-J, which confirmsthe Anonymousin everyimportant particular. 92 'Episcopus autem nihilesse praeterverba putavit...' (ibid., p. 255F). 9 'Vidi ego haec quae loquor,et dominicamlanceam ibi ferebam'(ibid., ch. 12, p. 261A). 9 Br6hier,op. cit.,p. 152; 'Ep. cleriet populi Luccensis,'HEp., p. 167.The Anonymous,being one of Bohemund's men, and Bruno, being an Italian, were in all likelihoodposted in the rear,with Bohemund'sforces, which were held in reserve,and could scarcelyhave seen clearlyjust who was carryingthe Lance. The Anonymousmust have learnedsooner or later of Adhemar'sscepticism and of the fact that Raymond carriedthe Lance; but he probablywrote from notes taken fromtime to timeon the campaign,and perhapsnever got aroundto correctingthis part ofhis work.The Chanson d'Antiochealso representsAdhemar as carryingthe Lance - but withgreat reluctance, after all the otherleaders refused to do so on the groundsthat it wouldhamper them in fighting(II, 200-205,256). This may be an echo of the scepticismof both Adhemarand the leaders.If the extantversion of the Chansonfollows Richard le Pelerin'seye-witness account of these events,we must assume that as a Fleminghe was placed in advance with the forcesof Robert of Flanders, and like Bruno and the Anonymous,could not see who was carryingthe Lance. However,all these accountsmay be recon- ciled by assumingthat Adhemarcarried the Lance part of the time. 95 Raymond,ch. 11, loc. cit.,p. 257; ch. 14, p. 269G-H. 9 Ibid., ch. 13, p. 265A-C. 97 Ibid., p. 269G-H. 98 E.g., Peter Desiderius and Ebrardus,priests of the Provencalfaction (ibid., ch. 17, p. 281), and a chaplain,Simon (ibid., ch. 18, p. 2B5B). 99Ibid., ch. 17, p. 281A-C.

This content downloaded from 142.58.129.109 on Thu, 8 Jan 2015 12:52:56 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 18 The First Crusade moderation,had refusedto becomea vigorouspartisan of either side, the Proven- gals refrainedfrom besmirching his memory,and were contentto have his hair and beard singed a little in Purgatorybefore assigning him his properseat in heaven."'0These dissensionswere a source of weaknessto the army.By calling forthan overplusof tendentiousvisions from the seers of the Provengalparty, they underminedfaith and embitteredthe relationsbetween the various con- tingents.These, perhaps, were the quarrels Arnulftried to appease before Jerusalem;"'1 ifso, we must credithim witha conciliatorysermon. A few instancesare also recordedin which individualecclesiastics fell from grace. At Nicaea the pilgrimsrescued fromthe Turks a nun froma conventin Tr8ves,who had been rash enoughto join Peter's expedition.A councilof clergy readilyforgave her the forcedlapse fromchastity which she sufferedat the hands of the Turks; but she foundthe forbiddenfruit, once tasted, sweeterthan the hope of heaven, and fled the camp with her formerSaracen captor, now her lover.'02Adalberon, who has already been mentioned,was no ornamentto the churchof Metz.'03Albert recordswith a trace of satisfactionthat the Turks killed him and carri~edoff his lady. Some churchmen,worn out by famineand hardship,fled from the camp at Antiochto the mountains.'04This withdrawalwas justifiablein that a reductionin the numberof noncombatantswould relieve the strainon the foodsupply, but it set a bad example.Worse still, there were clerics amongthe 'rope-dancers,'who slippeddown the walls ofAntioch and fled,during the nightof June 10-11, 1098.105 These instancesof clerical misbehavior are gratifyinglyfew, and exceptfor the quarrelover the Lance, unimportant.We hear of no act of desertionamong the higherclergy, such as wa7scommitted by Stephenof Blois or Hugh ofVermandois. Peter the Hermitfled in a momentof weaknessfrom the siege of Antioch;'06but he can scarcelybe reckonedamong the higherclergy, and once he was caughtand broughtback he returnedto his duty and did good service,which is morethan can be said forhis lay companionin flight,William the Carpenter.'07 Yet therewas good reasonfor the weakerspirits to quail. Famine,plague, and Saracen arrowshad no respectfor holy orders.Death foundRoger, chaplain of Anselmde Ribemonte,at Sparnumcastellum, somewhere in Asia Minor,and the bishop of Russignolo,who had come fromItaly with Bohemund,at the camp beforeAntioch. Ludwig, archdeacon of Toul, and many of his companions,were cut offand massacred by the Turks in the mountainsnear the same city. Soon afterthe fall of Antioch,the bishop of Puy, wornout by his endlesslabors, fell underthe shadow ofthe plague and died, whileat Marra the same fate overtook his unofficialsuccessor, William, bishop of Orange. Just before the battle ofAsca-

100 Ibid.; cf. ch. 18, p. 262G. 101Supra, p. 15. 102 Albert,ii, 37, loc.cit., pp. 327-328. She came 'de coenobioSanctae Mariae ad horreaTrevirensis Ecclesiae,' apparentlythe conventof Orreenor Horreum(Gallia Christiana,Vol. xIII, cols 611-612). Albert'saccurate identification of thisconvent makes his storyseem moreprobable, and incidentally supportsthe beliefthat he came fromAachen, rather than fromAix in southernFrance. 103 Supra, p. 7. 104 Albert,in, 53, loc. cit.,pp. 375-376. 105 Supra, p. lb, n. 87. 108 Brehier,op. cit.,p. 76. 107 Hagenmeyer,Pierre l'Hewnite, pp. 255-256.

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Ion, an Egyptian skirmishingforce carried off the bishop of Martirano,who was heardof no more.The plague in the camp beforeAntioch swept off large numbers of noncombatants,including monks and priests.Albert estimates the dead at one hundredthousand08 - a pictorialnumber, literally meaningless, but whichindi- cates that the clergy,too, sufferedheavy losses. It is noteworthythat Adhemar had to ordainpriests along the way. The Anonymousrecords this fact in such a way as to suggestthat it was a routinefunction.109 Raymond of Agiles was elevated to the priesthoodwhile on crusade.110Was therea shortageof priests? Not at the outset.The shortagedeveloped en route,and was due to the highmortality rate. Those of the survivorswho chose to remainin the Holy Land mightfind rare opportunitiesawaiting them. Withinthe territoryconquered by the crusaders the ecclesiasticalsituation was greatlyconfused. The Greek clergy,maintaining a precariousascendancy, controlled the patriarchatesof Antiochand Jerusalem, and held the moreimportant sees, whilethe Jacobites,Armenians, and Maronites maintainedseparate church organizations.111 All the sectssuffered grievously dur- ing the upheavals attendant upon the crusade. The patriarchof Antiochwas savagely torturedby the Turks;112the Christianswere expelled from Jerusalem, and the Jacobitecongregation had to fleeto Egypt.113But theChristians were by no means exterminated. Althoughnot fondof schismatics,the crusaderslet the Jacobites,Armenians, and Maronitesexercise their religion in peace, presumablyfor reasons of policy.'14 In the beginning,the Greeksfared even better.The patriarchof Jerusalemasso- ciated on termsof intimacywith the papal legate.115Differences of riteand usage wereforgotten, and a corpsof mixedGreek and Latin clericsinstated at Antioch.116 But as relationsbetween the crusadersand the EmperorAlexius grew more and more strained,the Greek positionsteadily deteriorated. The firstominous note was struckin September,1098, when the leaders invitedUrban to come and help exterminatethe heretics, including the Greeks.'17From this time on the crusaders began to treat the bishopricsof the Holy Land as theirproperty. No important postwas givento a Greekcleric.The patriarch of Jerusalem died at Cyprus,118and was not to be replaced by one of his countrymen.The patriarchof Antioch, whosedemise was not so convenientlytimed, found after two yearsthat he could not get alongwith the Latin churchmen,and leftof his ownaccord.119 By and large the fieldwas clear forthe Latin clergy.If anything,they had more bishoprics than theycould eitherfill or maintain.120

108v, 4, loc. cit.,p. 435E. "I ' . . . ipseque ordinabatclericos...' (Br6hier,op. cit.,p. 166). 11 Raymond,ch. 15, loc. cit.,p. 276A. 1"' For these sects in theirrelations with the crusaders, see M. Spinka, 'The Effectof the Crusades upon Eastern Christianity,'Environmental Factors in ChristianHistory, ed. J. T. McNeill et al., (Chicago, 1939), pp. 252-272. 112William of Tyre, vI, 23, RHO, i, 274. 113Spinka, loc. cit.,p. 254. 114 Ibid., pp. 255-256. 115See his two letters,written together with Adhemar and otherbishops fromthe crusaders'camp (HEp., pp. 141-142, 147-148). 116 Albert,v, 1, loc. cit.,p. 433B. 117 Supra, p. 5, n. 19. 118Albert, vi, 89, loc. cit.,p. 489. 119Supra, n. 112. 120 Prutzconcludes that the crusaderswere not wealthy enough to maintainthe churchorganizations of Palestineand Syria withtheir 102 bishoprics(Kulturge8chichte der Krezfilge [Berlin,18831, p. 97).

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Our informationis farfrom complete, but somedetails may be givenconcerning the more importantsees. When Baldwin and Bohemund made their belated pilgrimageto Jerusalemin 1099,they brought four priests with them - Benedict, Roger,Bartholomew, and Bernardof Valence, the formerchaplain of the bishop of Puy. The firstwas consecratedarchbishop of Edessa; the others,bishops of Tarsus, Mamistra,and Artasium respectively.12'At Antioch,when the Greek patriarchJohn had withdrawn,the same Bernardtook his place. In September, 1098, Raymond of Toulouse presidedover the electionof Peter of Narbonneas bishop of Albara; Peter later became archbishopof Apamea. In June,1099, the leaders chose Robert, a priest of Rouen, as bishop of Ramlah, a see rendered especiallyvaluable by the preciousremains of St George.They providedfor the collectionof tithes, and endowedtheir candidate with gold, silver,and livestock. 'He remainedthere with joy.'122 At Jerusalem,canons wereassigned to the Holy Sepulchreand the Temple,128while Gerhard,abbot of Allerheiligenin Schaff- hausen, who had undertakenthe long journeyfor the love of God, was chosen Guardian of the Sepulchre.Even the abbot whom we have noted as burninga falsestigma on his browl24was able to obtaina post,first as, abbot of St Mary's in Jehoshaphat,and then as archbishopof Caesarea. These electionsreflected the investiturestrife raging in Europe, and would not have met the approval of a Cluniac reformer.Raymond, describing the elec- tion of the bishop of Albara, says that the count ofToulouse consultedhis chap- lains and the otherleaders, and then proceededto choose a bishop. One of the chaplains (perhaps Raymond himself)announced the forthcomingelection and inquiredif any candidate would presenthimself. As no one venturedto do so, the clergy and leaders chose Peter of Narbonne, the people assented by ac- clamation,and the count then investedthe bishop withhis temporalities.It is clear that the count of Toulouse directedthe choice. Similarly,the bishop of Ramlah (Robert of Rouen) seems to have been chosenby the maiores.125 The richestprize was the patriarchateof Jerusalem.The clergyknew its im- portance,and wishedto electthe spiritualhead first,perhaps conceiving that this prioritywould enable the patriarchto overshadowhis secularcolleague.126 One senses a sharp change in theirattitude. With peaceful conditionspartially re- stored,they were beginning to shake offtheir subservience and riseup as at home to challengethe lay power. If Adhemarhad lived, theirefforts might have suc- ceeded. But theywere weakenedby the loss of theirbest leaders,Adhemar and William,bishop of Orange.Save forthe bishopof Albara, the right-handman of

Where he obtained his estimateof 102 bishoprics,I cannot say. The patriarchatesof Antiochand Jerusalemshould each have includedat least that many. For Antioch,see William of Tyre, IV, 9, RHO,I, 166; xIV, 12, p. 623; forJerusalem, ibid., pp. 1135-1137. 121Raoul of Caen, GestaTancredi, ch. 140,RHO, iii, 704. 122Br6hier, op. cit.,p. 192. 123Fulcher, op. cit.,I, 30, 2 (Hagenmeyer,p. 308). 124Supra,p. 6, and appendix,sv. Baldwin. 125Source references for both electionswill be foundin theappendix, nos. 32, 35. 128Raymond, ch. 20, loc. cit.,p. 301A-D.

This content downloaded from 142.58.129.109 on Thu, 8 Jan 2015 12:52:56 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The First Crusade 921 the count of Toulouse, they still foundit necessaryto step softly.Angered by theirprotests, the leaders proceeded all themore quickly to electa secularhead.'27 The patriarchatefell to Arnulfof Chocques, chaplain of Robert Curthose. There was some lively electioneering,with the Provengalsopposing his election bitterly;but by Raymond'sown admission,128Arnulf had themajority of the peo- ple as wellas ofthe clergyon his side. Arnulfhad comeup in the world.His riseis an epitomeof the extraordinaryopportunities the crusadeoffered to the clergy. The bishop of Martirano,Arnulf's supporter, obtained the churchof Bethle- hem, but never lived to rule over the see of Christ'snativity. He was snatched away to an unknownfate by the Turks; and Raymond,who chargesthat he re- ceived the churchin returnfor aiding the electionof Arnulf, regards his untimely end as a divine punishment.If we may believe that Arnulfturned out some clergywho held beneficesin the Holy Sepulchre,it is quite likelythat he under- took to rewardhis partisansby providingthem with places.129

CONNECTICUT COLLEGE.,

APPENDIX A LIST OF CLERGY ON THE FIRST CRUSADE NOTE. - This listis limitedto clericswho went on crusadewith the main armies in 1096,and evenwithin these limits does not pretendto exhaustthe extantsources. All referenceshave been checked.Question marks have beenplaced after doubtful entries inthe list. 1. Adalberon,archdeacon of Metz. Albert,ill, 46, loc.cit., pp. 370D-371D; R. Roh- richt,Die Deutschenim Heiligen Lande (Innsbruck, 1894), p. 16. 2. Adhemarof Monteil, bishop of Puy. For a summaryof his career, see Ch. Kohlerin La GrandeEncyclop6die, I, 555. Thereis alsoa monographto whichI havenot had access: G. J.d'Adh6mar Labaume, Adhtmar de Monteil,gvtque de Puy - legatd'Urbain II, 1079- 1098(Le Puy,1910). 3. 'Adrianusepiscopus.' 'Charta Boemundi,' HEp., p. 156.He maybe the'episcopus de Apulia'(Fulcher, op. cit.,ed. Hagenmeyer,p. 327,n. 24),who may in turnbe thebishop of Russignolo(Ronciglione, Roscignolo, Rossano?) noted by Hagenmeyer,Anonymi GestaFrancorum (Heidelberg, 1913), p. 155,n. 28. 4. Agde,bishop of. Raymond, ch. 13,loc. cit., p. 265A-C,calls him 'episcopus Atensis' (Attensis,Artasiensis); A. C. Krey,The First Crusade(Princeton, 1921), p. 201,bishop ofAgde, near Narbonne; Fulcher, op. cit.,ed. Hagenmeyer,p. 196,n. 30,bishop of Atta. 5. Alexander,chaplain of Stephen of Blois. 'Ep. ii Stephaniad Adelam,'HEp., p. 159. 6. Apulia,bishop from. See above, no. 3. 7. Arnulfof Chocques. The bestbiographical and bibliographicalnote on Arnulfis in David,Robert Curthose, Appendix C, pp. 217-220,where it is demonstratedthat he came notfrom 'Rohes' but from Choques, in the diocese of Therouanne.

1 Ibid. 128 Ibid.,ch. 21, p. 802C. Space is lackingherefor a discussionof the disputedquestion as to whether Arnulfwas electedpatriarch regularly or irregularly,or whetherhe was merelyelected vice-patriarch pro tempore.For a defenseof the view that Arnulfwas electedregularly, see HEp., pp. 409-411; for an opposingview see Emil IHampel,Untersuchungen uber das lateinischePatriarchat von Jerusalem (1099-1118) (Breslau, 1899), pp. 3-14. For additionalbibliography see above, appendix,no. 7. 129 Raymond,cited supra,n. 128.

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8. Arnulf,bishop of Martirano.He aided the electionof Arnulfof Chocques as patri- arch (Raymond,ch. 21, loc. cit.,p. 302A-C); was carriedoff by Saracens (Brehier,op. cit., p. 210); cf.Italia Sacra, Vol. ix, col. 279. 9. Atta,bishop of. See above, no. 4. 10. Baldwin,an abbot. He burneda crosson hisforehead to obtainfunds for the journey (Guibertof Nogent, RHO, iv, 182-183), but as he confessedthis sin and led an exemplary lifethereafter, he was chosenfirst abbot of St Mary's in Jehoshaphat,and thenin 1101, archbishopof Caesarea (ibid.). Guibert does not name him; but Hagenmeyer(Fulcher, op. cit.,p. 405, n. 4) identifieshim as Baldwin (died 1107), who came out withGodfrey; cf. William of Tyre, ix, 9, ed. Babcock and Krey, i, 398, and n. 24, and R. Rohricht, Geschichtedes erstenKreuzzuges (Innsbruck, 1901), p. 117, n. 92. 11. Bartholomew,a priest.Consecrated bishop of Mamistra, 1099; Raoul of Caen, ch. 140, RHO, iII, 704. 192.Benedict, a priest. Consecrated archbishopof Edessa, 1099 (Raoul, cited supra, no. 11). Hagenmeyeridentifies him with an unknownbishop who came withBaldwin on his pilgrimageto Jerusalemin 1099 (Fulcher,op. cit.,i, 33, viii,p. 323, and n. 25) but this contradictsRaoul's statementthat Roger,Bartholomew, Bernard, and Benedict wereall 'in presbyteratusofficio positi' when they came. 13. Bernardof Valence, chaplainof Adhemarof Puy. Consecratedbishop of Artasium, 1099 (Raoul, citedsupra, no. 11); about a yearlater, patriarch of Antioch (William of Tyre VI, 23, RHO, i, 274-275). 14. Bertrandof Puy, a priest.Raymond, ch. 17, loc. cit.,p. 282E-H. 15. Bonfilius,bishop of Foligno. Vita B. Bonftlii,episcopi Fulginatis, AASS, 27 Sept., vii, 489-490 (writtenwith some criticalinsight by one Sylvester,ca 1235). Bonfiliuswas an ardentreformer, took only pious clericsand laymenwith him,and is alleged to have lived forten years as a hermitin the Holy Land beforereturning home. Cf. Leib, Rome, Kiev,et Byzance, p. 256. 16. Ebrardus,a priest.Raymond, ch. 17, loc.cit., p. 281. 17. Etienne of Valence, a priest. Raymond, ch. 11, loc. cit., pp. 255-257; Brehier, op. cit.,pp. 128-132. 18. Frumold, canon of Cologne. (?) Transferredhis propertyto the abbey of Brau- weilerin returnfor money for the journey,Dec. 31, 1095; but this does not prove that he actuallywent (Hagenmeyer, Chronologie, no. 16,p. 12). 19. Fulcher of Chartres,a priest.See the introductionto Hagenmeyer'sedition of his work,and D. C. Munro, 'A Crusader.' Speculum,vii (1932), 321-335. 20. Gerbault of Lille, a priest. Translatioreliquiarum S. GeorgiiMartyri, AASS, 23 April,III, 136-137. 21. Gerhard,abbot of Allerheiligenin Schaffhausen.Gave up his post 'pro humilitate' afterbeing abbot only a fewmonths, to go on crusade. As 'priorsancti sepulcri'he was one of the chiefmen of the new kingdom.See F. L. Baumann, 'Das Kloster Allerheiligen in Schaffhausen,'in Die dltestenUrkunden von Allerheiligenin Schaffhausen,Rheinau und Muri (Vol. iII of Quellenzur Schweizer Geschichte, Basel, 1883), p. 53, and n. 4, p. 165; cf.Bernold, MGH SS, v, 467. 22. Gervais,abbot of St Savin sur la Guartampe.(?) Accordingto the Vita B. Bernardi Tironiensis,AASS, 14 April,ii, 226C-D, he wenton crusade and was devouredby a lion; but there is also a traditionthat he died in Judaea in 1079 (Gallia Christiana,Vol. ii, col. 1287). 23. Gilbert,bishop of Evreux. He buried Odo, bishop of Bayeux, at Palermo,en route to the Holy Land (OrdericusVitalis, viii, 1, ed. Le Prevost, i, 266); but as he was home by Nov. 13, 1099, it is possible that he did not finishthe crusade (ibid., x, 10 [iv, 651; cf.David, op. cit.,p. 223). 24. Gislebert,canon of St Mary's in Aachen. (?) R. Rohricht,Beitrdge zur Geschichteder Kreuzzige (2 vols,Berlin, 1874), II, 302; but the sourcecited (Albert, VI, 36) does notprove that Gislebertwas necessarilyon the crusade.

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25. Helias, bishop of Bari. 'Bartolf de Nangeio,' Gesta FrancorumTherusalem expug- nantium,ch. 26, RHO, In, 507D; Fulcher,op. cit.,ed. Hagenmeyer,p. 196,n. 30. 26. Ludwig,archdeacon of Toul. Albert,in, 53, loc.cit., pp. 375F-376C. 27. Odo, bishopof Bayeux. See above, no. 23. 28. Otto,bishop of Strassburg.Bernold, loc. cit.,pp. 466, 467; Gallia Christiana,Vol. v, col. 796; forcollected references, Rohricht, Die Deutschenim HeiligenLande, p. 19. 29. Peter, bishop of Anagni. (?) The Vita B. Petri,episcopi Anagnini, AASS, 3 Aug., I, 238, alleges that Peter went 'apostolica licentia' withBohemund to avoid persecution arisingfrom unjust chargesthat he had misusedfunds collected to build a church.But the Vita is late and faulty,exhibiting startling chronological inconsistencies; and W. Holtz- mann questionsits claim to rest upon a contemporarylife of Peter ('Studien zur Orient- politikdes Reformpapsttums,'Historische Vierteljahrschrift, xxii [1924-1925], 171, and nn. 3, 4). Cf. Leib, op. cit.,p. 84, n. 6, and R. B. Yewdale, Bohemund1, Princeof Antioch (Princeton,1924), p. 38. 30. Peter Desiderius,a priest.Raymond, ch. 17, loc. cit.,p. 281. 31. Peterthe Hermit. Hagenmeyer, Pierre l'Hermite. 32. Peter of Narbonne,a priest.Consecrated bishop of Albara, 1098 (Brehier,op. cit., p. 168; Raymond,ch. 14, loc. cit.,p. 266D-G); the firstLatin bishop chosenby the cru- saders. Afterelection he went to Antiochto be consecratedby the Greekpatriarch John IV. When Bernard became patriarchof Antioch,Peter transferredthe allegiance of his see to that church,and was made an archbishop(William of Tyre, vii, 8, RHO, i, 289), apparentlyof Apamea (ibid., xii, 10), sometimebetween 1112-1119 (RHO, v, introd., lxv). As archbishopof Apamea he is said to have despoiledthe tombs of the patriarchs Abraham,Isaac, and Jacob at Hebron (CanoniciHebronensis tractatus de inventionesanc- torumpatriarcharum, RHO, v, 390E). He was stillalive in 1119. 33. Peter Tudebode, priestof Civray.See his Historiade Hierosolimitanaitinere, RHO, m; forcommentary, Krey, op. cit.,p. 11. 34. Raymond of Agiles. Author of the eye-witnessaccount, Historia Francorumqui ceperuntJerusalem, RHO, in, 235-309. 35. Robert of Rouen, a priest. Consecrated bishop of Ramlah (Lydda, St George), June,1099 (Brehier,op. cit.,p. 192, Raymond, loc. cit.,p. 292A; Albert,v, 42, loc. cit., p. 461B; William of Tyre, vii, 22, loc. cit.,p. 313). He was the firstLatin bishop on the patriarchateof Jerusalem. 36. Roger, a priest. Consecratedbishop of Tarsus, 1099 (Raoul, cited supra, no. 11). 37. Roger, chaplain of Anselmde Ribemonte.Died at Sparnumcastellum, somewhere in Asia Minor ('Ep. I Anselmiad Manassem,' HEp., p. 145). 38. Russignolo,bishop of. See no. 3. 39. Sannardus,chaplain of Robertof Flanders. It was to himthat Robert entrusted the arm of St Georgewhich Gerbault of Lille had stolen(supra, no. 20). 40. Simon,a chaplain.Raymond, ch. 13, loc.cit., p. 265B. 41. William,bishop of Orange. There is an excellentbiographical note on William in HEp., p. 411, n. 27.

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