REPORT
SweatFree Communities
International Conf erence 2006
April 7-9, 2006, Minneapolis, Minnesota, USA Hosted by the Resource Center of the Americas
We reach out our hand out to you; you reach your hand out to us. Holding hands we can tell the politicians, “We are in this together and this is what we want.” – Yannick Etienne, Batay Ouvriye, Haiti 2
This Report from the SweatFree Communities International Conference 2006 is based on notes from 14 conference sessions, edited and organized by Bjorn Claeson and Liana Foxvog of SweatFree Communities. We are grateful to the meticulous note takers who at times appeared to be human recording devices: Sarah Church, Eric Dirnbach, Dick Meyer, Valerie Orth, Natalia Rudiak, Matthew Schumwinger, Katherine Stecher, and Trina Tocco. We are also grateful to Jeremy Blasi, Marieke Eyskoot, Dave Lewit, Celeste Taylor, Alex T. Tom, and Larry Weiss for submitting their own written presentations which we have reproduced here. Although the conference notes were of exceptional quality and we sometimes compared two sets of notes in order to represent the presentations and discussions as accurately as possible, the Report is by no means comprehensive and may lack information significant to the presenters. If you are interested in learning more about a particular workshop or presentation we can connect you with the presenters. Appendix 1 contains a complete conference program.
SweatFree Communities www.sweatfree.org [email protected]
30 Blackstone Street 140 Pine Street, #10 Bangor, ME 04401, USA Florence, MA 01062, USA Phone: 207-262-7277 Phone: 413-586-0974 Fax: 207-262-7211 Fax: 413-584-8987
June 2006 Report: SweatFree Communities International Conference 2006 SweatFree Communities: A Network for Local Action Against Sweatshops Printing donated by UNITE HERE! Cover art by Janet Essley
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Contents
The Strategy of Sweatfree Organizing
Introduction...... 4
The Strategy of SweatFree Organizing ...... 6
Buy Local and Sweatfree...... 17
How to Build a Campaign and Make Your City/County/State Sweatfree ...20
Good Government for Worker Justice ...... 21
Organizing in the Age of CAFTA and the WTO ...... 25
After Victory... Sweatfree Legislation: A Tool to be Used ...... 26
Models for Verification and Enforcement of Sweatfree Policies...... 31
A Day in the Life of an Independent Monitor...... 35
Next Steps in City and State Collaboration on Enforcement and Procurement ...... 37
Connecting Consumers to Empowered Workplaces
What is Sweatfree? ...... 42
Marketing: the Fine Line between Activism and Entrepreneurialism ...... 48
Worker Organizing and International Solidarity
Worker Organizing Models and the Role of Solidarity ...... 50
Union Solidarity and the 2006 All Star Game: An Opportunity to Move Major League Baseball? ...... 55
Synthesizing the Weekend and Looking Ahead ...... 62
Appendix 1: Conference Program...... 66
Appendix 2: Conference Sponsors...... 74
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Introduction
The SweatFree Communities International Conference 2006 gathered about 150 participants from a variety of backgrounds, movements, and organizations. Sweatfree campaigns, fair trade organizations, sweatfree producers and distributors, unions, and worker advocacy organizations from the United States, Canada, Europe, Latin America, the Caribbean, and China came together for education, networking, and strategizing. As one participant observed:
“We see the strong connections between the rural American textile worker struggling to hold onto a job with dignity and the worker who gets paid just pennies an hour struggling to survive. The belief in the inherent worth and dignity of human life is what brings us together.”
We hope the conference strengthened this sense of unity, and that many participants left feeling “that the anti-sweatshop movement is stronger than it’s been in a long time,” as another participant said afterwards.
While the conference was organized into tracks about organizing and education, youth campaigning, and strategizing, this report – far from comprehensive – is organized thematically into three major conference discussion topics. The Strategy of Sweatfree Organizing includes valuable step-by-step organizing tips for winning a strong sweatfree procurement policy as well as discussions of open government and participatory budgeting initiatives that would further the sweatfree movement by creating a more transparent, inclusive, and participatory local government. These local democracy campaigns are especially relevant and powerful in the context of new global trade rules that include restrictive directions for government procurement, limiting the use of such procurement to promote fair labor practices and transforming sweatfree activists into perhaps unwitting participants in a civil disobedience movement.
Participants offered their reflections on the roles of worker organizers, sweatfree activists, city staff, and independent monitoring organizations in using both sweatfree and buy-local policies as tools to hold corporations accountable for their labor practices and strengthen sweatshop workers’ struggles for better conditions both in the United States and elsewhere. One particularly exciting new initiative would coordinate the enforcement of sweatfree procurement policies across jurisdictional boundaries, creating a partnership of cities, states, counties, school districts, and civil society to end sweatshop abuses.
Connecting Consumers to Empowered Workplaces raises a critical question for the emerging partnership between public jurisdictions and the sweatfree movement. The question is not about defining “sweatfree” workplaces, for that is, as one presenter observed, simply a strategic question that we should ask in order to support workers’ own struggles for a voice on the job and better working conditions. The real question is how to organize the vast consumer power of cities and states to encourage workers to stand up for their rights and to safeguard workers’ victories – their voice and power in the workplace. In this respect, the
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Designated Supplier Program, proposed by United Students Against Sweatshops to consolidate the procurement power of university licensees in a small number of empowered workplaces, offers an intriguing model for cities and states that are interested in cooperative contracting. Similarly, a fair trade label for garments – a possibility currently being investigated by TransFair USA – would make it possible for cities and states to purchase fair-trade certified uniforms much like they can now purchase fair-trade certified coffee. In the final analysis, we should treat these initiatives as marketing challenges as some presenters suggested, arguing that marketing, more than just amoral product promotion, involves research and education on the power of ethical consumption in partnership with empowered workers. In short, marketing is activism.
Worker Organizing and the Role of International Solidarity presents a number of challenges to the anti-sweatshop movement. In the first place, how useful are codes of conduct and professional monitors in environments where few laws are respected and enforced anyway? Workers, several presenters suggested, are the only legitimate monitors of workplace practices; yet, union organizing is not always possible. So is there a role for international solidarity in connecting with and supporting worker-monitors when they are not organized as unions? And how does the anti-sweatshop movement better support other forms of worker organizing, such as worker centers that relate to workers as social, cultural, and physical beings and seek to meet workers’ needs on a variety of levels within and beyond the workplace?
Looking beyond union organizing is particularly relevant for solidarity campaigns when our public institutions depend on a variety of union and non-union workers in the United States and around the world. Major League Baseball is a salient example: there are U.S. union workers at companies that hold licenses to produce Major League Baseball apparel and non-union workers of the same companies and other companies who also produce baseball apparel; there are stadium workers, some of whom are unionized and others who are not; and there are the baseball players themselves and their association. The public has a stake in their teams both as fans and as tax payers. These are the conditions for a conference discussion that asked: can unions, non-unionized workers, and sweatfree activists work together to improve the conditions of all workers associated with Major League Baseball?
There were many other fascinating conference presentations and discussions that we are unable to include in this report (please check Appendix 1 for the full conference program). Nevertheless, we hope it provides a sense of the breadth of connections and in-depth discussions that will nurture our work in the coming year and beyond.
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The Strategy of SweatFree Organizing
What is sweatfree organizing, who is involved, how do they work together, and makes it an effective strategy to end sweatshop exploitation? Hear from key participants how they see their role in the movement, and how we can sharpen the strategy to increase our power to make change. • Bjorn Claeson, SweatFree Communities • Wade Crowfoot, San Francisco Mayor's Liaison to the Board • Marieke Eyskoot, Clean Clothes Campaign International Secretariat • Gilberto García, Centro de Estudios y Apoyo Laboral (Labor Studies and Support Center, El Salvador) • Jessica Rutter, United Students Against Sweatshops • Lori Ryan, Canadian Catholic Organization for Development & Peace • Nancy Steffan, Worker Rights Consortium
Moderator: Liana Foxvog, SweatFree Communities Notes: Eric Dirnbach, UNITE HERE
Jessica Rutter, United Students Against Sweatshops
Rutter discussed the student role in One early example is the Kukdong the sweatshop struggle. What is a factory in Mexico. Workers were tired sweatshop? Exploitation, long working of the rotten food served in the hours, no union, child labor, factory. When several workers harassment, environmental problems, complained, they were fired. Workers health and safety problems, sexual went on a wildcat strike until the harassment, no bathroom breaks, workers were rehired. Management pregnancy tests, hot factory had the workers beaten. Students conditions, etc.. supported the campaign on campus, in partnership with workers. After 9 If workers try to change things by months, there was victory, and the organizing, they are often fired, workers formed an independent union. beaten, blacklisted, deported, killed, In negotiations, they achieved a 100% or intimidated. wage increase and health and safety improvements. In the late 1990’s, students wanted to find ways to support garment worker Students developed codes of conduct struggles. Universities had large for their universities about where the contracts with the biggest sportswear licensed apparel can be made. We brands, such as Nike, Adidas, Russell, demanded factory location disclosure. and Jansport. Students began to At first the brands said it couldn’t be explore how they could use their done, but now we have factory power as students to affect the major disclosure and the information is in an brands and force them to meet online database at workers’ demands. www.workersrights.org . We knew
7 that enforcement needed to be has 500 workers, when it used to have effective. We created a monitoring 3,500. Nike and Puma have pulled organization, the Workers Rights their work out of a union shop in Consortium, which works with Thailand. To address this, USAS now workers, NGOs and unions to is fighting for a new program, the investigate violations of the Code of Designated Supplier Program. Under Conduct. Over the last 5 years, we the program, brands must source from have had several great victories. good union factories, and must pay enough to the factories so that However, now some good factories workers can make a living wage. So are losing orders. Brands say that far, 11 universities have signed on to they are too expensive. The BJ&B the program, including Duke, Indiana, factory in the Dominican Republic now Wisconsin, and Cornell.
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Gilberto García, Centro de Estudios y Apoyo Laboral, El Salvador
I work with Just Garments and organized companies. We are hoping support worker organizing at the that Kukdong could sell fabric to Just Labor Studies and Support Center. Garments, and that we can work Our work started with organizing at together. We are sharing work with the factory Tainan, a Taiwanese the Fair Trade Zone cooperative in factory where workers right to Nicaragua. organize was not respected. The factory closed after 3 days, but with In El Salvador, when workers take support from allies, the campaign control and manage a factory on their continued. Workers in Cambodia at own, it is a challenge to the the same company refused to accept established power. The work of the orders moved from Tainan after the Worker Rights Consortium is very factory closed. Tainan workers were important. Adidas and Nike are now blacklisted, and the Worker Rights Consortium started investigating the situation. Many universities stopped buying from Lands End who had been a customer of the factory.
Recently, we have talked with the owner of Kukdong factory in Mexico, who has been concerned about the loss of orders. If factories that are part of the movement fail, there is great danger for the movement. We must support the unionized and worker-
8 doing tours of the factories and the distribution of the product. As we Fair Labor Association is doing more close the circle and the powers are work. That shows that there is power threatened, workers know that there to these campaigns. is support in the movement, which is a powerful message to send. We need to close the circle between the organizing of workers and the
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Marieke Eyskoot, Clean Clothes Campaign, Europe
Written presentation
Clean Clothes Campaigning on Ethical Public Procurement in Europe
Introduction • Government activation : Exploring legal possibilities for improving My name is Marieke Eyskoot, and I am working conditions, and lobbying European Coordinator of the Clean for legislation to promote good Clothes Campaign (CCC) to improve working conditions and for laws working conditions in the global that would compel governments garment industry. I coordinate the 11 and companies to become ethical European campaigns the CCC now has consumers. This includes putting in 10 European countries. Each pressure on governments to take national campaign is a coalition of responsibility to ensure that the non-governmental organizations garments they buy are produced in (NGO’s) and trade unions, and all decent working conditions. campaigns cooperate at the European level. The CCC has four main areas of It won’t surprise you that it is in the work: last area of work that our campaigning on ethical public procurement has • Direct solidarity : Supporting evolved. I’ll try to quickly guide you workers, trade unions and NGOs in through the history, goals and producer countries. leverage, the activities and successes • Company work : Putting pressure in the various CCCs, and the future on companies to take responsibility plans and challenges of the project. to ensure that their garments are produced in decent working First some words on European public conditions. procurement and the work wear • Citizen mobilization : Raising industry, as the situation may be awareness among consumers by somewhat different from the one in providing accurate information the United States. about working conditions in the global garment and sportswear European shopaholics industry, in order to mobilize citizens to use their power as The European governments are consumers. massive shopaholics. Each year, towns
9 and cities across Europe spend a huge labor standards are enforced by amount of money on clothing for city including social (and environmental) services such as the fire department, criteria in their procurement cleaning, and public transport. procedures. In the new directives this is not very clearly stated, but still The European work wear market is a possible. large market: between one quarter and one half of all European Campaigning on public employees wear work wear. In 2001, procurement the European work wear market was worth $3.59 billion, the equivalent of The CCC believes that all work wear 306.2 million pieces of work wear. The worn by public workers should be market is expected to grow by 2.5 per produced in workplaces that respect cent yearly to $4.27 billion in 2008. workers' rights. Through community- The average annual work wear council targeted action, lobby and spending per capita is estimated to be research, the CCC is already seeing between 75 and 100 euros. positive results. Our goal is to get all levels of government to buy ethically Work wear is often purchased through produced work wear. procurement procedures by public authorities. Experts estimate public The CCC message is: procurement to be responsible for 60 • Human rights for our tax percent of total work wear sales in the money. Netherlands. • Governments should be model consumers. Until recently, however, how well or badly the workers who make this work The history of CCC campaigning on wear are treated was not a factor in ethical public procurement their purchasing decisions. But all that is starting to change. Around 1999, European interest in governmental buying increased Public procurement through other movements, such as anti-nuclear cities campaigns and the Governments don’t just make laws; Local Agenda 21 of the United they are also consumers. In most Nations. The idea was that something cases in Europe, the Procurement similar could be asked from local Directives of the European Union authorities: ask them to take apply to their purchasing practices. In responsibility for something that the European Union, work wear happens internationally because they companies from all member states are a part of that. For the CCC it was must be able to tender for public also a way of involving local groups contracts, regardless of their country with global issues (something that of origin. Local governments are not organizations in the United States free to make their procurement seem to have succeeded in very well). decisions. CCC France started working on Clean Nevertheless, governments have a Clothes Communities in 1999. They key role to play in ensuring that good had a national campaign about school
10 purchases, “Pour l’école, consommons resolution, and a guide on how to éthique”, with the help of city halls . implement it.
CCC Netherlands started with In Belgium North , 72 municipalities targeting local communities in 2002 as have become Clean Clothes part of the local elections campaign. Communities. In addition, the Clean They wrote sample paragraphs for Clothes at Work project has been set political programs, and tried to up in cooperation with two unions. The influence decision making at the purpose is to get people in the political level. Belgians were very workplace to look critically at the interested from the start as well. clothes that their employers make them wear and to ask for “clean The Clean Clothes Communities clothes.” project grew out of these activities. In Amsterdam , the Netherlands , the Clean Clothes Communities Dutch CCC wrote a "guide" for the purchase of clean work, following a A city or municipal authority that wants to become a "Clean Clothes Clean Clothes Communities Community" first adopts a resolution Model Resolution that says that only work wear made under good labor conditions will be Communities should: purchased. They then have to • Demand that suppliers accept and formulate an ethical procurement implement the CCC model code of policy and develop a plan of action so conduct. that within a specified period of time • Demonstrate compliance with the buying "clean" uniforms becomes a CCC code. reality. • Publicly disclose any efforts made
and results achieved to comply Before they start, they need to with the code. determine exactly who is responsible • Publicly disclose where they are for the purchases, who their suppliers sourcing and in what are, where their current uniforms are circumstances (optional: disclose actually produced, what is known a list of suppliers). about the labor conditions there, and • Form an accountable task group which labor criteria they now want to that is responsible for the take into account. development of implementation.
• Support the creation of a Campaigns and successes in European Fair Wear Foundation. different countries • Act to promote the labor rights of
garment workers (through In France no fewer than 250 lobbying at the national and communities, large and small, have European level). adopted a resolution to take labour standards into account when resolution adopted by the City Council tendering for new clothing orders. The in December 2000. The guide was campaign has developed a model presented in 2004 to the thirty city employees who handle purchasing
11 decisions. In 2004, Amsterdam won based on research on the purchasing an award for this handbook from the policies in six Swedish regions. Dutch Ministry of Housing, Spatial Planning and the Environment (VROM) Recent and future developments for governments who integrate and challenges sustainability into their buying practices. Meanwhile, the city of Research Enschede became the first Dutch city to implement the procedures. Past campaigning experience has In Spain , an extensive program on made it clear that it is vital to ethical procurement was initiated in understand the make-up of the the Catalonia region in September market you are dealing with. The CCC 2004, with three different local feels it is necessary to be able to governments involved: Barcelona, confront the work wear companies Manresa and Badalona. Setem hopes themselves with their responsibility to to extend the program to Spain in ensure decent working conditions. general. The CCC wanted to extend its knowledge about the work wear CCC Germany has been carrying out market, and expand possible entry a questionnaire, revealing that 78% of points for the Clean Clothes the communities did not know where Communities project. their work wear was produced and 83% of communities said that ethical In April 2005 the CCC commissioned standards are not part of the criteria the Dutch-based Centre for Research for procurement. on Multinational Companies (SOMO) to research the CSR performance of work One commonly heard wear companies. To In 2004, Amsterdam won an problem in Germany is award from the Dutch Ministry of kick off the research, that many communities Housing, Spatial Planning and national CCC think they are the Environment for a handbook coalitions compiled purchasing ethically just on the purchasing of clean work lists of the biggest because they are not wear written by the Dutch Clean work wear companies buying clothes produced Clothes Campaign. supplying their (local) by children, forgetting authorities. The other ILO conventions. The Campaign research focused on seven of those has also identified that work wear companies from different countries, companies need more information. and of various sizes and backgrounds. SOMO investigated their Corporate CCC Sweden has launched a new Social Responsibility (CSR) policies public procurement in 2006 to and implementation, supply chain persuade cities to buy ethically- structure, and past history of labor produced work wear. Focusing on rights' violations. local politicians and civil servants, the CCC will market ethical purchasing as Research conclusions “modern” and “trendsetting” and provide best practices and success Based on SOMO’s research we can stories, readymade resolutions and conclude that labor issues are not a guidance on procurement practices priority for the companies. The
12 statements on worker rights are quite between fashion and work wear superficial. Furthermore, for most of production, for example the the companies it is not clear if a outsourcing of production and the monitoring system exists. manufacturing itself, it seems very Implementation, engagement and plausible that similar violations are verification of fair labor standards are occurring in the work wear sector as not clear. Work wear companies are well. lagging behind enormously when it comes to supply chain responsibility, There is a big need for follow-up possibly due to lack of public research to increase our knowledge of campaigning and pressure from supply chain conditions and to “map” communities. the industry. We are working together with our partner organizations in Supply chain Eastern Europe (because much work wear comes from Eastern Europe) not The work wear sector is under- just to generate case studies, but also researched with respect to social, to shape the ethical public environmental and economic issues. procurement campaign. As there are many similarities
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Lori Ryan, Canadian Catholic Organization for Development & Peace
Groundbreaking work has been done tradition of social justice. Five years at Ontario Catholic school boards that of effort followed. We looked at other have affiliated with the Worker Rights examples of Catholic sweatfree Consortium. Canada has a publicly policies, such as the archdiocese of funded Catholic school system. Newark, and the good work done by Ontario has 34 Catholic school boards, the New York Labor-Religion Coalition. with over 500,000 students. A pilot One large uniform supplier, project will start with the Worker McCarthy’s, would not provide any Rights Consortium involving nine information about working conditions. school boards that require students to Students brought this issue to their wear uniforms. Each school board will school board in York demanding a pay a fee to the project, with a total Code of Conduct and affiliation with cost of $100,000 per year for a two the Worker Rights Consortium. year pilot project. There will be two Catholic bishops sent letters to all the investigations per year. This should Catholic schools. Public shaming was eventually grow to cover all school effective. Eventually the code was boards. passed unanimously. The Board initially said it had no money for this The campaign started with organizing program, but students started raising around the visit of the Pope to money, and then the money was Canada. A Catholic youth organization found. wanted to live up to the Catholic
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Bjorn Claeson, SweatFree Communities
Written presentation
Activism Versus Professionalism in the U.S. Sweatfree Movement
Bjorn Claeson, SweatFree Communities
I would like to raise a question I have “If you have reason to believe that any been thinking about recently -- contractor or subcontractor working in especially after the City of Los Angeles fulfillment of a City procurement contract hired “sweatfree administrator” to may be operating under sweatshop enforce sweatfree law, which no doubt conditions or may otherwise be in violation is a sign of success of the sweatfree of the City's Contractor Code of Conduct, movement and great work in you may file a complaint with the California – a question of activism Department of General Services Sweat- versus professionalism in the Free Administrator…” sweatfree movement. -- from a listing of the City of Los Angeles Purchasing Agent procurement contractors and The question presumes the success of subcontractors. See: the sweatfree movement in that we http://lacity.org/gsd/SupContractors&Subcontr actors.pdf will get people in professional capacities working in cities, states, and monitoring agencies, playing If we have learned one thing thus far important roles enforcing sweatfree in the sweatfree movement it is that procurement legislation. the sweatfree procurement laws are only as strong as the movement. The The new professions will be absolutely most wonderful sounding words on necessary. In fact, Los Angeles’ paper do not mean a thing without a Sweat-Free Administrator is historic: grassroots movement educating their the first member of a new profession. communities and agitating to make SweatFree Communities is advocating sure those words are translated into for legislation that includes funding for action. sweatfree administrators. As Wade Crowfoot said yesterday, But how do we make sure that even in San Francisco it takes a strong professionalism doesn’t dissipate coalition of activist to “scare” civil movement? How do we make sure servants into action. that sweatfree activists do not become sweatfree administrators? At its best, the sweatfree movement is broad and enthusiastic, has lots of Instead, how do we make sure that leaders and even more supporters. the civil society movement grows along with new professions? And that There are: for every new professional there are 10 or 100 new activists? • Youth-led sweatfree campaigns that convince decision makers that
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youth care, are smart, and have how can they know or have any ideas that matter. responsibility for working conditions • Small faith-based initiatives, such half way across the world?) This as social justice committees in grassroots movement is what Catholic churches advocating for convinces them to pass good sweatfree procurement as a moral legislation in city after city, state after matter. state. • Unions and strong coalitions between labor and religious But adopting legislation is not the end organizations who see common for the sweatfree movement. interest between sweatshop workers, low-income workers, and Sweatfree procurement policies are unionized workers wherever they tools we can and should use to hold may be. corporations accountable for labor • Laid-off workers who tell decision practices in the United States and makers: “I was there. Sweatshops elsewhere. hurt all of us.” • Community members united in Because sweatshops is not a bad their cry: “Not with our tax dollars. apple here and there that cities can Not in our name.” filter out from pool of bidders, but a • Students who want to make their standard business practice in apparel voices heard because: “It’s our & other global industries even communities, our future, our jobs “sweatfree” cities and states will at stake.” purchase products made in abusive conditions. The question then is: how All these constituencies and many do we use institutional leverage to more are active in the sweatfree improve abusive conditions in factories movement. It is really a moving that supply our cities and states? How experience to go to Sweatfree procurement policies are do we use the leverage public hearings on tools we can and should use to of large public sweatfree legislation hold corporations accountable for purchasers to support in city halls or state labor practices in the United States worker struggles in houses where and elsewhere. those factories? workers, small businesses, students, people of faith, A profession of sweatfree women’s groups, unions, high school administrators, while indispensable to students, democrats, greens, the enforcement of the new sweatfree republicans all speak, offering policies, will never realize the promise heartfelt and eloquent testimony in of sweatfree procurement laws on support of the sweatfree movement, their own without the knowledge and often drowning out the one or two networks of the civil society people who have come to speak in movement, or the commitment and opposition. moral indignation of the activists.
These many voices from so many Activists have an important role to walks of life are what convince play developing relationships with decision makers do what they may workers and worker advocacy have thought impossible. (After all, organizations in different parts of the
15 world so that they can call attention to Our next challenge is to develop worker rights violations at factories productive working relationships producing for U.S. public institutions. between activists and administrators It is also important that activists in communities across the country. educate their communities, bringing Just as we have an evolving network global worker voices to community of sweatfree campaigns, we need a forums and helping to raise network of public officials who are expectations that their local implementing the sweatfree governments will be part of the procurement policies, and forums solution. where the campaigns and the officials can learn how to work together.
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Nancy Steffan, Worker Rights Consortium
The Worker Rights Consortium (WRC) workers organizing were fired at is an achievement of the anti- gunpoint. The WRC exposed this sweatshop movement. Just six years violence and got union recognition for ago, it was just a concept, written by the workers. students and academics. Students campaigned for it. Now the WRC Recently, the WRC has been awarded represents 153 colleges and a contract with Los Angeles, a one universities. It uses the Codes of year test project. Also, WRC has a Conduct to improve labor conditions Catholic school board contract in and develops relationships with Ontario, Canada. workers and their allies on the ground. The goals of the pilot projects are: One example is in Indonesia. The one, to expand the WRC to work with WRC investigation team documented cities and states; two, to ensure that abuses and for the first time in this city and state policies have an impact zone, the workers won health care like the universities; and three, to use coverage. In Kenya, there were the projects to learn about mandated 24 hour shifts. The WRC government procurement, and figure investigation led the factory to out the most effective ways to expand recognize the union, the first in the WRC’s work. Mambazo free trade zone. In Haiti,
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Wade Crowfoot, San Francisco Mayor’s Liaison to the Board of Supervisors
I represent Mayor Gavin Newsom in San Francisco. Last fall, the city It’s your tax dollars, so do this passed a sweatfree ordinance. San work with a sense of Francisco buys $600 million worth of entitlement. This is the right products each year. The new law cause. prohibits the city from buying
16 sweatshop goods. The law includes • Publicize the issue a lot. If disclosure of factory locations and necessary, start with alternative independent monitoring. The media. The public needs to know legislation passed because of the about the issue. strong grassroots coalition that • Get to know the policy makers demanded the ordinance. Passing this well. Don’t be too adversarial – or any policy requires three elected officials want to do good components: the problem is clear; a work and need to be educated. Be policy solution is identified; and there respectful but persistent. You need is the political will and power to to keep bringing the issue up. address the problem. Commit to constant communication. There are six key important points to • Educate and understand what you doing this work with administrators: are advocating. Is the policy • There should be a broad, strong workable and enforceable? You coalition that is together before don’t want just a weak policy – you coming to policy makers. In San need disclosure and enforcement. Francisco, the coalition included In San Francisco, legal questions activists groups, organized labor, were raised and answered. workers, and a very credible • Have good leaders in the celebrity person which also helped movement. In San Francisco, - Tom Hayden. The city needed to Valerie Orth was the leader and be frightened about this issue, so worked persistently to make it that something needed to be done. happen. • Connect with policy makers. The San Francisco Coalition brought It’s your tax dollars, so do this work elected officials' constituents to with a sense of entitlement. This is the meet with them. right cause.
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Buy Local and Sweatfree
As the sweafree movement uses government procurement policies to improve working conditions globally, outsourcing of garment factory jobs continue to create an economic and social crisis within immigrant working class communities in the United States. Find out how garment workers and advocates in San Francisco are using buy-local procurement policies to promote economic development.
Written presentation
Alex T. Tom, Chinese Progressive Association
Local and Sweatfree Procurement: The Chinese Progressive Association Campaign in San Francisco
Overview: San Francisco Chinese Most Chinese are immigrants or have Population immigrant parents.
The Chinese population represents Overview: San Francisco Garment approximately 25% of San Francisco’s Industry population. Backbone Of The Economy Low Level of Education In the 1990’s, there were over 20,000 Chinese immigrants in San Francisco garment workers in San Francisco. have lower education levels and earn New immigrants would find their first lower wages than the average jobs in a garment factory. population. For example, 8.9% of the Chinese population has had no Demographics education, whereas only 4.9% of the 99% of garment workers in San general population has had no Francisco are low income, middle education. aged, mono-lingual Chinese immigrant women. Working Class Community The average individual salary income Labor Law Violations for the Chinese population is $28,038, The Chinese Progressive Association which is about $14,000 lower than the estimates that 75% of San Francisco average population ($42,450). Most garment workers are not paid the work in the restaurant and garment minimum wage. A majority of the industry. workers face sweatshop conditions.
Immigrant Community Impacts of Globalization It is clear also that the Chinese “Outsourcing” has created a social and population in San Francisco is still economic crisis of mass primarily recent immigrants with over unemployment and greater sweatshop 60% coming from 1980’s – 2000. conditions in San Francisco.
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Workers Respond: Worker Justice • Most large factories (with over 100 Campaigns workers) have shutdown. Now, most factories have about 15-20 In the economic recession of 2001, workers, depending on the season The Worker Organizing Center • Most orders are “fast turnaround” developed (1,000-3,000 garments) out of two large scale Chinese Progressive Association worker Dislocated Garment Worker organizing Assistance Program campaigns – this was one With the mass layoffs in the garment of our key industry, the Chinese Progressive strategies. Association (CPA) realized the need of assisting workers in accessing their • 220 laid off manufacturing workers unemployment benefits and focusing from Lee Mah Electronics fought for on economic development issues. and won a just settlement from their former employer totaling over • CPA has assisted over 1,200 $600,000. garment workers laid-off from 32 • 240 laid off seamstresses from the different factories to access Wins Garment factories fought to transitional employment benefits recover over $1 million in back through the TAA program. wages owed to them and to hold their former sweatshop bosses • In collaboration with San Francisco accountable. City College, San Francisco Labor Council, Chinese for Affirmative However, with the mass Action, CPA launched a pilot unemployment of San Francisco Garment Worker Retraining garment workers, we realized that this Program organizing strategy was not enough. San Francisco Local Decline of San Francisco’s Preference Garment Industry since 1990 Campaign
Current Statistics In the beginning, the • Less than 2,500 garment workers proposed San • Around 150 factories (majority Francisco Sweatfree sub-contractors) Procurement • Non-union factories (only one in Ordinance did not San Francisco: Ben Davis) directly address the conditions of local
25000 sweatshops. In initial discussions, the
20000 Mayor’s Office did not support adding
15000 a “local preference” to the legislation. 10000 5000 In response, the CPA organized over 0 80 laid off garment workers to a press 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004
19 conference and action before the Our Analysis and Some Lessons Board of Supervisors final vote. Learned
• Local and Organic Procurement needs to be included in Sweatfree Procurement Campaigns to genuinely address the sweatshop conditions of workers globally and in the United States.
• Sweatfree Procurement Campaigns Before the press conference, the need to have workers or base Mayor’s Office agreed to add language building organizations that work to the current legislation to have a with workers at the table. This will local procurement ordinance. make the legislation stronger and diversify the movement. Advocates also pushed the Mayor’s office to pass a resolution to support • Globalization and “outsourcing” organic and fair trade procurement. creates a social and economic crisis of unemployment and increases sweatshop conditions.
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How to Build a Campaign and Make Your City/County/State Sweatfree
This interactive workshop will give you what you need to start, run, and win a campaign for a sweatfree policy. • Liana Foxvog, SweatFree Communities • Valerie Orth, Global Exchange Notes: Liana Foxvog
Essential components of a 5) Establish a sweatfree procurement sweatfree policy advisory group that includes participation of worker advocacy and 1) Identify the scope: does the policy human rights groups to oversee the apply only to apparel or to all implementation of the policy. procurement? Running a campaign 2) All contractors and subcontractors must meet a code of conduct which In small groups we discussed the key includes: steps to running a campaign. These include: • Compliance with local and international labor laws 1) Define Your Campaign Goal • Safe and healthy working 2) Build a Coalition conditions 3) Organize the Group • Non-poverty wage 4) Research: Where Does Your Money • Overtime optional and Go? compensated 5) Evaluate the Political Climate in • Non-discrimination, no Your Community harassment or abuse 6) Educate • Ban on child labor 7) Mobilize and Work with the Media • Freedom of association and 8) Make Your Case to the Elected right to collective bargaining Body 9) Implementation and Monitoring 10) Celebrate your victories! 3) Suppliers must disclose factory locations in order to be considered for a contract. They must also disclose wages and information about factory Resources conditions and sign an affidavit • Sample policy and other policy certifying that labor conditions meet resources available at the code of conduct requirements. www.sweatfree.org/resources 4) Affiliation with a non-profit • Many more resources on how to consortium for independent run a campaign at monitoring of factory conditions, such www.sweatfree.org and at as the Worker Rights Consortium. www.sweatfree.org/toolkit
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Good Government for Worker Justice
How can you create an open and transparent government that encourages a whole community to participate in policy-making and budgeting? How can you use such a government to advance the movement for worker justice? • Dave Lewit, Alliance for Democracy • Celeste Taylor, Pittsburgh Anti-Sweatshop Community Alliance
Written presentation
Dave Lewit, Alliance for Democracy Participatory Budgeting Spreading Globally
Participatory Budgeting’s Origins in 1989-1990. By 2005 it had spread and Popularity to well over 300 municipalities in more than 40 countries, including China, Participatory Budgeting (PB) is the Dominican Republic (see article process by which citizens deliberate below), Ecuador, India, Indonesia, and negotiate over the distribution of Italy, Mexico, Serbia, South Africa, public resources. PB programs are Spain, and Uruguay. implemented at the behest of governments, citizens, NGOs, and civil The International Budget Project is society organizations to give citizens a now planning to be more engaged in direct role in deciding how and where the dissemination and monitoring of public resources should be spent. PB-related projects. Please see the These programs create opportunities final paragraph of this article to see for engaging, educating, and how you can help us in our efforts. empowering citizens, which can foster a more vibrant civil society. PB also How does the Porto Alegre PB helps to promote transparency, which model work? has the potential to reduce government inefficiencies and Citizens participate in a series of corruption. government-sponsored meetings over an eight-month period, during which Most citizens who participate in PB are they vote for specific and general low-income and have low levels of policies. Citizens are mainly focused formal education. Historically, these on investment spending; 10-20% of groups have been excluded from Brazilian municipal budgets are budget decisions, but PB programs available for spending on new public enable them to make choices that works. Citizens first vote for general affect how their government acts. policies, establishing the main priorities for this new spending on Participatory Budgeting was initially infrastructure, housing, or health implemented in twelve Brazilian cities care. Citizens then vote for specific
22 projects, such as paving their street or citizens meet their own needs and opening a health care clinic in their goals by modifying the basic set of neighborhood. rules established in Porto Alegre, Brazil, in 1989. To distribute resources and to organize citizen participation, Porto For participatory budgeting to be most Alegre was divided into 12 successful, the following conditions administrative districts. Citizens must be met: attend meetings in their local districts. Votes are held within the • There must be strong government district in order to encourage support for the delegation of competition and solidarity among authority directly to citizens. individuals from similar socio- • Government must prepare and economic backgrounds. For example, distribute high-quality budget and low-income residents compete against policy planning documents to other low-income residents rather citizens. than against middle and high-income • Government must be willing to residents. transform the way in which policy decisions are made at the local In order to promote social justice, level. resources are distributed among the • Government must have sufficient 12 districts according to need - the resources to implement public more intense the poverty, the greater infrastructure projects selected by the level of resources that the district citizens. will receive. Therefore, the poorest district will automatically be allocated As for citizens and civil society higher levels of resources than the organizations: wealthiest district. • Citizens must be able to decide on Citizens also vote for delegates to what public projects they'd like represent their interests during final money to be spent on. budget negotiations and policy • CSOs and citizens must be willing implementation. The "PB Delegates" to work closely with government engage in oversight functions to officials. ensure that corruption is limited and • CSOs and citizens must be willing projects are completed. In addition, to use PB's public format to these "PB delegates" act as pressure government officials and intermediaries between the publicly denounce wrongdoing government and their local and/or inaction. communities.
There are no narrow, "set-in-stone" Resource: rules governing Participatory Budgeting. Rather, local http://www.internationalbudget.org/re governments, Civil Society sources/newsletter30.htm#AIDS Organizations (CSO), Non- Governmental Organizations, and Information is Power!
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Written presentation
Celeste Taylor, Pittsburgh Anti-Sweatshop Community Alliance
2006 Will Be The Year We Win: Join Us!
The current crisis in Pittsburgh didn't The Initiative and Referendum process happen overnight. It results from places a question on the election more than a decade of bad policy and ballot asking voters to approve or mismanagement by elected and reject the proposed change. To get appointed officials. As a result, City the question on the fall ballot (the residents must now suffer and pay for Initiative part of the process), we something which was largely must finish getting approximately perpetrated behind their backs. 10,000 signatures by August 3rd from people registered to vote in the City of But how could this happen? It's Pittsburgh. Then we need to get because there is currently no effective people to the polls in November to mechanism for city residents to learn vote (the Referendum part) to for themselves what is really going on approve the amendment. inside their government. They have been unable to give their informed The Amendment would delete a consent or hold their public officials present City Charter provision for accountable. Community Advisory Boards (dissolved by City Council three years What can we do about it? The best ago) and in its place create provisions answer is to pass the proposed Open for: Government Amendment to the Pittsburgh City Charter, but to do that • Online access to all city records we must first place it on the ballot in which are open to public review 2006 and that requires under Article 8 of the City Charter. collecting 10,000 signatures from • Cable casting and/or web casting Pittsburgh voters. of all meetings, hearings, and proceedings which the state's In order to make the needed changes Sunshine Law requires be open to and mandate a more open the public. government, we must amend the City • Interactive ability to comment, ask Charter . The Charter is a document questions, and participate via the which lays out the form and functions Internet as is currently provided of City government, much the way the under the state's Sunshine Law for United States and our state members of the public when constitutions set the structure and present in person. requirements for their levels of • All information on matters up for government. To accomplish this from public hearings must be available the citizen level, we must use at the time of the hearing's Pennsylvania's process of Initiative advertisement. and Referendum. • Substantive change to a bill before Council constitutes a new
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introduction for the purposes of The CAP and its committees can public participation requirements. investigate issues, hold hearings, • Establishment of a new body for develop proposals and make its own proactive public participation called presentations to Council and the a Citizen Advisory Panel . administration.
The Citizen Advisory Panel ("CAP") • A representative of the CAP has a proposal includes: non-voting seat at the table in Council Committee meetings and • Open membership and no size can participate equally in limit; virtually any person without discussions and deliberations. a "conflict of interest" can join at • The CAP can educate and inform any time and begin having a say. the public about city government • All agenda items for Council affairs and public concerns. meetings and all presentations of new bills must be explained to the CAP, with questions and answers, before going to Council. Resource: • The administration and Council can make presentations to the CAP to inform it about issues of their http://www.openpgh.org/index.shtml concern.
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Organizing in the Age of CAFTA and the WTO
How do trade agreements affect sweatfree policies? What campaign efforts can we join to stop harmful trade agreements?
Written presentation
Larry Weiss, Citizens Trade Campaign
Much of what SweatFree Communities Additionally, state-level government is working to accomplish is, of course, procurement rules are increasingly a illegal – or in line to become illegal – big part of so-called bilateral free under the rules of the World Trade trade agreements, including the Organization (WTO) and various Free Central America Free Trade Trade Agreements. So you might think Agreement (CAFTA). States are of yourselves as part of a creative civil bound to these rules only if they disobedience movement. consent to be part of the agreements; cities and other governments below WTO Agreement on Government the state level are not covered so far. Procurement: • Does not allow discrimination against a product or service, or a Resources product or service provider, based on how the product was produced. • Information on Citizens Trade • Procurement threshold @ $500,000 Campaign at www.citizenstrade.org • 38 nations currently signers (only Citizens Trade Campaign state Hong Kong China, Singapore, and coalitions urged to work on possibly Israel, are pertinent) sweatfree policies when not in high • 10 more in process of joining campaign mode. There is a (Albania, Bulgaria, Georgia, strategic logic of pursuing these Jordan, Kyrgyz Republic, Moldova, two tracks. Oman, Panama, Chinese Taipei) • Observers: Albania, Argentina, • “Backgrounder on International Australia, Bulgaria, Cameroon, Chile, China, Colombia, Croatia, Trade Agreements’ Constraints Georgia, Jordan, Kyrgyz Republic, On State Government Moldova, Mongolia, Oman, Procurement Policy, Authority Panama, Republic of Armenia, Sri And Practices” at: Lanka, Chinese Taipei, Turkey http://www.citizen.org/documents/ PC_Procurement_Backgrounder_he ader_FINAL.pdf
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After Victory... Sweatfree Legislation: A Tool to be Used
Examples of how to use sweatfree procurement policies to support worker struggles for better working conditions, while creating stronger grassroots organizations. • Sean Donahue, Peace through Interamerican Community Action • Yannick Etienne, Batay Ouvriye • Mike Howden, Milwaukee Clean Clothes Campaign • Sally Kim Cass, SUNY Albany, United Students Against Sweatshops
Notes: Natalia Rudiak
Sean Donahue, Peace through Interamerican Community Action (PICA), Maine
Maine has lost 10,000s of conditions in Haiti. The State manufacturing jobs in the past years. demanded that Cintas address Maine workers are not in competition complaints and get an independent with other workers; rather they are monitor. We learned about an working under the same economic additional weakness in the law: Cintas conditions. Lots of workers began to went with an “independent” monitor say, “Workers are being played off accredited by Worldwide Responsible against each other.” For example, Apparel Production (WRAP), an Hathaway shirt factory workers went industry front group. This monitoring under because they couldn’t keep up group had prior contracts with Cintas, with lower and lower Wal-Mart prices. consulting with them on how to use a “modular production” model which Two examples of gaps in the Maine groups workers into small groups that sweatfree law: have to meet production quotas – a basis for unpaid overtime. This was a 1) Activists filed a complaint with the problem: the law didn’t define what State of Maine about conditions at a “independent monitoring” really was. Gildan factory in Honduras. The State Division of Purchases investigated, The Purchasing Agent felt that the said there was a problem, and tried to relationship with UNITE HERE was too resolve it. But Gildan decided to cut adversarial, and that she didn’t have and run. The State didn’t have enough reliable information about leverage to go back to Gildan to say, worker rights violations to terminate “We’re not going to contract with you the contract with Cintas. this time because you cut and ran.” Next the Maine Clean Clothes Alliance 2) UNITE HERE filed a complaint with ran a campaign for a stronger law. State of Maine over a Cintas contract. The law was adopted in March 2006. Uniforms supplied to the state were Now: being made in unsafe and unfair
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• There is a much clearer process for PICA can’t afford to maintain a workers or worker rights advocates relationship with every union to file complaints about worker We need a consortium of cities and rights violations. • states to pool resources for There are clear penalties for non- investigations of common supplier compliance with the Code of factories. We also need a Conduct. The state can terminate consortium of organizing and contracts with businesses that coalition movements. PICA can’t don’t address problems in their afford to maintain a relationship factories. with every union federation in the • The state was empowered to world. But each sweatfree actually get its own sweatfree community could build networks in procurement advisory group with one, two or three countries and communicate worker rights half business and half worker- violations to the whole network. advocate representation. The businesses will be Maine-based. federation in the world – we have some relationship with unions in El But in order to effectively enforce Salvador and Haiti. Each sweatfree sweatfree procurement policies we community could build networks in need a consortium of cities and states one, two or three countries. When a to pool resources for investigations of complaint of a violation is filed, they common supplier factories. can communicate it to the whole network, and be a lot stronger and We also need a consortium of build in a sense of accountability. organizing and coalition movements.
***
Yannick Etienne, Batay Ouvriye
The unemployment rate in Haiti is more than 70%. To provide employment, the government tries to get companies to invest in Haiti, meaning that they will come to exploit workers. They will pay workers low wages in facilities with poor working conditions.
Sweatfree procurement is a tool that workers in Haiti could use to force companies that come to their country looking for cheap labor to change their way of doing business.
Most workers are internal migrants who have moved from their local
28 communities to live near the factories. workers at Cintas have been They are not aware at all of the global displaced. There need to be economy mumbo jumbo; they don’t relationships to inform workers of the know anything about rights. They feel evolving situations. We worked with that having a job is a favor; it is the people in Maine support the something that God has given them to ordinance, but when the workers face their situation. It is a long needed Maine’s help, they didn’t reach process to help workers understand out as much. We should make that that they have a right to defend relationship strong. themselves, to drink potable water, to have toilets, to Workers in countries Labor organizations, solidarity form a union to like Haiti are fighting movements and independent monitors defend must build long-term relationships. Don’t to change their themselves. just go and come to one factory, get the society. We must Labor information, and never come back. … We change the global organizations reach our hand out to you; you reach policy of building have to pass on your hand out to us. Holding hands we more sweatshops to information to can tell the politicians, “We are in this support a country’s workers. Workers together and this is what we want.” development, which must form a local is funded by global perspective to make a linkage to institutions. When poor countries need international issues. loans they tend to abide by the rules of the global economy. The resulting Labor organizations, solidarity policies, such as sweatshops, are not movements and independent monitors good for workers. must build long-term relationships. Don’t just go and come to one factory, We are one of the poorest countries in get the information, and never come the Western Hemisphere, but that back. doesn’t mean we don't know our rights. By fighting to change the labor Haiti has political turmoil, criminal conditions, we want to change who acts, violence. The workers who make has power. And to change our Cintas uniforms are in a very difficult society. Sweatfree procurement is a situation because the factory is tool, but just a small step. located in the middle of the largest slum in Port-au-Prince. Workers live We reach our hand out to you, you in a place were women have been reach your hand out to us. Holding raped and workers have been beaten. hands we can tell the politicians, “We Sometimes they have to leave their are in this together and this is what houses because of gunfire. Many we want.”
***
Mike Howden, Milwaukee Clean Clothes Campaign
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The Milwaukee Clean Clothes uniforms – is lying when they say that Campaign started about four years they are paying a non-poverty wage ago and passed our first ordinance and that they are allowing to people to three years ago on the city level. In unionize. So how do we enforce the December 2005, we got the school policy against VF Corporation? At board to adopt a policy and in least the wage is concrete enough that December 2006 the county passed the we can challenge the wages reported ordinance. in the company's affidavits.
Victories and successes depended on Once you have an ordinance, you relationships: supporters include the have to work with the hired president of the labor council, church administrators who have long-time members, and immigrant relationships with vendors and communities. suppliers. We found that some of the same companies that they have been The hardest part of the campaign is using all along were sweatfree, but getting the policy implemented. A many were not. They challenged survey showed that in most places some, and the companies showed where ordinances have been adopted them a different wage table. We have no one knows about them. a labor lawyer who is now challenging these wage claims. Ordinances require that contractors respond to affidavits. Dickie's said A few other points: they can’t provide information about factories because it was proprietary. • The campaign has a good Our city ordinance said otherwise and educational component with so the city broke the contract. Catholic education partners who sponsor trips to the border. One of the things that the Milwaukee • Public schools are a decentralized sweatfree campaign naively did was system. A real waste of tax-payer require a non-poverty wage money because each principal requirement, but no one developed a decides separately where to buy t- wage table. Now we've developed it shirts, uniforms, etc. and it's available at • UNITE HERE and SEIU must www.sweatfree.org/nonpovertywages. educate their locals to make sure This is a starting point. they no longer buy sweatshop clothing. We know that VF Corporation – a major supplier of police and firefighter
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Discussion
Jeremy Blasi, Worker Rights Consortium
The cost of independent monitoring this does increase labor costs; if they has to do with economies of scale. The know they won’t get a break in price Worker Rights Consortium has 153 from their customers, they’ll close the university affiliates. Many work with factories and move down the street. the same companies, such as Reebok and Nike. The minimum fee for Ultimately unless we change the colleges is $1000. overall system, we’re not going to get very far. Cities and states can learn You have to understand the premise – from students …. In order to see the baseline – of the global garment sustainable change, the process of industry is a sweatshop. Two thirds of brand buying must change. They the apparel industry in the United need to identify factories they are States is a sweatshop – that's even going to work with, and not switch up what the Department of Labor says. every few months or weeks. The concept of monitoring doesn’t really apply to garments; there is a Almost every factory we're dealing problem in virtually every single with is a sweatshop. What is needed factory. It’s like factory is change on a broad scale. Cities manufacturers are all working from need to work together to have the the same handbook. It’s like a leverage to force brands to change. firefighter monitoring a burning fire. No order smaller than a container Policy enforcement is to try to create a solution by supporting worker efforts Monitoring in the garment industry to organize and improve their own is like fire fighters watching a conditions. It’s a complaint-based burning fire. system. Change is sustainable when workers are empowered to know their shipment is economical. We must rights. It’s a laborious process. produce purchasing collectives to buy Brands fight unions tooth and nail; from factories that are doing the right factories will do everything in their thing. power to prevent unionization because their costs will go up. In some sense *** Yannick Etienne
Maybe the funds for monitoring could information the workers lose their job support a strike fund or workers’ fund. for whatever reason. I am in danger Let’s say you come, you make your because of this. Adding this to report, you pass your ordinance, and policies would be a great help. three months after you get that
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Models for Verification and Enforcement of Sweatfree Policies
How can U.S. schools, cities, and states use the Worker Rights Consortium to enforce sweatfree procurement policies? How can Dutch and other European cities use the Fair Wear Foundation? What are the strengths and weaknesses of these models for verification and enforcement? How can they improve? And what is the role for activists in enforcing sweatfree procurement policies? • Jantien Meijer, Fair Wear Foundation • Nancy Steffan, Worker Rights Consortium Facilitator: Katherine Stecher, Campaign for Labor Rights Notes: Valerie Orth, Global Exchange
Jantien Meijer, Fair Wear Foundation
The Clean Clothes Campaign started in We have six staff members. We don’t the end of the 1980s. In 1994, have staff overseas. Instead we work negotiations between unions and with local partners who write businesses in the Netherlands started. background studies about the level of In 1999 the Fair Wear Foundation was law enforcement, working conditions, established. The actual work started etc. We train people in every country in 2001. as auditors, usually teams of three people with different expertise. We The Fair Wear Foundation has always include a female labor NGO to campaign, business associations, and do worker interviews; this is essential unions on the board. They have equal for balance. We set up worker decision-making power. In the United complaint procedures in every country States, it may be strange to have so that workers can file complaints if business associations on the board; in their rights are violated. And we Europe, that makes sense. It works instruct companies on how to well. Business associations want negotiate with the supplier to initiatives with credibility to work. implement correction plan.
Companies are “participants” in the The Clean Clothes Campaign has Fair Wear Foundation. We have about started a campaign about public 20 members; eight of them are procurement. The difference between companies that produce for local U.S. and Dutch policies is that the authorities. They endorse a code of Clean Clothes Campaign doesn’t ask conduct, and they accept public authorities to become a responsibility for monitoring. We don’t member of the Fair Wear Foundation. require public disclosure. The Fair First, they ask the authorities to have Wear Foundation verifies whether they a policy with criteria for labor monitor adequately. standards and verification, and then demand companies to join the Fair
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Wear Foundation. They don’t expect verification; that is the role that Fair local authorities to become experts in Wear Foundation takes.
***
Nancy Steffan, Worker Rights Consortium
Worker Rights Consortium (WRC) a plan for corrective action that operates independently of the companies can use. This process lasts corporations. We identify places anywhere from six months to two where workers themselves are years. working to improve conditions and want international support. We do a The WRC is starting a contract with relatively small number of the city of Los Angeles – a one-year investigations. Most investigations are pilot project, doing the same work as done through a complaint basis; with universities. In the long term, workers will complain about worker however, the work is only sustainable rights violations through NGOs or if there is a large number of cities, human rights groups. states, school districts that pass policies and work together to create a The WRC investigates factories where consortium. Just as one factory we have leverage (more than a few % usually produces for many of contracts are with licensees of universities; one factory may produce university members of the WRC). We for many cities or states. The WRC has assemble a team that consists of staff more leverage in factories that and local labor rights or environmental produce for several universities; the and health experts. The investigation same will hold true for factories that team conducts an assessment, and produce for cities and states. when violations are found put together
Discussion
What about buying straight from Program would change the way they worker collectives? do business.
Steffan: In the Designed Suppliers Can you clarify the auditing process? Program the idea is to consolidate university production into a smaller Meijer: There are two types of set of factories, including worker audits: monitoring and verification. collectives, so they have clout, and Companies set up their own these factories would be able to monitoring system with the Fair Wear maintain higher labor standards. This Foundation consulting on how to do is what the WRC is working towards. that, and using Fair Wear teams. Factories often move, which erodes Verification audits we do one our own gains. The Designated Supplier to make sure that the monitoring system is working. But we haven’t
33 done that yet, because we’re present you maintain independence in your at all the monitoring audits. And we process? prefer that companies spend money rectifying their wrongs rather than Meijer: Over the past year we did 32 going through another auditing audits in six or seven countries. We process. received four complaints and investigated them. All audits are done Are factory conditions public? Do you on behalf of the companies post information about what you do, themselves. We are primarily funded so we can match it up with, say, by the textile and garment union Denver Public Schools factory “solidarity fund” – paid both by disclosure? businesses and unions.
Steffan: Yes, we have a database, Is the relationship with companies www.workersrights.org . It’s a possible tolerable? Is there a respect of the point of collaboration. professionalism and ethical nature of what you are doing or is it ‘we’re not Jeremy Blasi, Worker Rights putting up with you, go away’? Consortium: More on the designated supplier idea: For all universities, Steffan : It depends on the company there could be about 150-200 and a lot on what we ask them to do. factories making the $4 billion of We can be reasonably successful collegiate apparel. But right now, getting them to do what they want to there are about 4,000 factories doing do in the long term, but have less university production, and probably success in the short term. Our main more because there are sub- contact is usually with the Corporate contracting factories. The reason you Responsibility Office. only need 150-200 factories is that university production is just a tiny Meijer : Retailers hate us and they are portion of what many factories make – setting up their own monitoring this makes it hard because sometimes systems trying to undermine what we universities have no leverage. I think do. Fair Wear Foundation companies that a small network of good factories are fairly committed, with long-term is the eventual solution for entities like relationship with suppliers. the Denver School Board, which could eventually require to sourcing from What happens when we put pressure those factories. on a company and they decide to close a factory? What happens to the Participant : Clarification – there will workers? be a public procurement database on sweatfree.org soon, but it is not up Steffan: If you improve conditions in yet. It will be up soon! You will be a factory, the costs go up. This is a able to go there and put in the problem. Brands prefer to source from purchasing information, and if there is cheaper factories. We are trying to an investigation report. pressure brands to stay at factories. But we still have a long way to go in How much of your work is complaint enforcing this. We can’t force investigation vs. monitoring? How do companies to stay with a factory. Also,
34 sometimes factories close not because organizing consortium. Not every of worker organizing, but just because organization will have the resources to companies decide to cut and run to build long-term relationships with lots Asia from Central America, for of different countries. Long-term example. It is Jeremy’s job is to make cross border solidarity links will drive sure workers are getting severance where investigations take place. We payments when that happens. Right want our board to take a lead to get now he is dealing with a couple together with similar entities to figure factories in Central America that this out. collectively owe workers $1million in severance and are refusing to pay it. Lori Ryan, Canadian Catholic Organization for Development & Meijer: We don’t have a solution yet Peace: There is an Ontario no-sweat to factory relocation. network that continues to come together. We don’t meet physically Yannick Etienne, Batay Ouvriye: very often, but we keep the Maybe include in the sweatfree policy momentum going. We can get sucked a strike fund or severance fund for into the institution, but we have to workers who are laid off. Ask for keep the activism going. companies to pay workers in the policy. Dick Meyer, South Sound Clean Clothes Campaign (Olympia, Participant: Maybe a policy can Washington): Olympia is having a include “if you shut a factory, we will problem with the city saying they not work with you.” don’t have the resources and they can’t follow up sufficiently. The Sean Donahue, PICA: The core of community group is in the position of our work is cross border solidarity. pushing them to do more than they The Worker Rights Consortium and say that they are dong. They say “We Fair Wear Foundation are important are just a moderate size city, we can’t allies but not the people who are do this by ourselves. “ A lot of it is to doing the work for us. Maybe we not be moderate and let the issue die. should look at a model of an
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A Day in the Life of an Independent Monitor
Are you still confused about what monitoring means? What does monitoring look like on the ground? This workshop will give you a behind-the-scenes look at the Worker Rights Consortium.
Jeremy Blasi, Worker Rights Consortium
The following are key points covered independent monitoring is a much during the presentation and lengthy greater degree of transparency question and answer session that regarding the factories making followed: university apparel than is typical in the apparel industry. The WRC The Worker Rights Consortium (WRC) maintains an online database of all is a factory monitoring organization factories engaged in the production of that represents colleges and logo apparel and publishes detailed universities in the United States. The reports regarding each factory that is WRC assists these schools with the the subject of an investigation. The enforcement of labor rights codes of premise is that the more that conduct at factories around the world universities and the public at large that manufacture university logo know about what is occurring in these apparel. The WRC began operations factories, the more likely it is that that at the beginning of 2001. worker abuses will be eliminated. Several key principles underlie the Focus on Correcting Violations. WRC’s design and monitoring The WRC’s monitoring program is program: primarily complaint-based (though it Independence from industry. The does conduct spot assessments as WRC’s founders – which included well). The complaint-based approach university administrators, students, allows the organization to focus and labor rights experts – believed While factories are surely to blame for there was a need for a monitoring violating worker rights, apparel brands agent that operated completely contribute to these violations through independently of the companies whose their sourcing practices: paying practices were being monitored, in supplier factories prices so low that full terms of financing and programmatic compliance is not possible; demanding control. Such independence was unrealistic turn-around times; and necessary to ensure credible, unbiased refusing to reward factories that do reporting. To this day, the WRC is the comply with worker rights standards by only major monitoring organization placing orders with them. that is not financed by apparel corporations. limited resources on addressing Transparency. The WRC’s founders worker rights abuses at factories believed that another key to credible, where change is needed most and on
36 the specific issues that workers refusing to recognize a union legally identify as the most important. elected to represent workers Resources can then be focused on (including using state violence to fixing these abuses. The full squelch a legally constituted strike). involvement of workers in the The WRC communicated its findings to monitoring process is the most critical a university licensee whose goods element of sustainable code were being produced in the factory; compliance. the licensee reinforced the WRC’s recommendations for corrective The most common labor rights abuses action. Management ultimately that that the WRC sees in factories responded by recognizing the union include harassment and abuse of and improving working conditions workers; forced and uncompensated dramatically. It is now the only overtime; and violations of the factory in Kenya’s Mombasa free trade freedom of association (the right to zone to respect the associational organize and bargain collectively). rights of workers by recognizing a Unfortunately, violations of worker democratically elected union. rights in these (and other) areas are However, despite these the norm in the global apparel improvements, the factory has industry, rather than the exception. struggled to attract orders from U.S. Most factories in the industry violate a brands and its future is uncertain. range of worker rights standards. A promising approach to make code of It is important to recognize that, while conduct enforcement more sustainable factories are surely to blame for is the Designated Supplier Program, violating worker rights, apparel brands recently proposed by United Students contribute to these violations through Against Sweatshops. Under this their sourcing practices, including program, university licensees would paying supplier factories prices so low be required to produce university logo that full compliance is not possible; goods garments only in factories were demanding unrealistic turn-around workers are paid a living wage and are times; and refusing to reward represented by a union or other factories that do comply with worker representative worker body. In rights standards by placing orders practice, this would amount to with these factories. For widespread university licensees striking a new improvements in the industry to bargain with factories: the factories occur, the sourcing practices of brands would offer an iron clad commitment will need to change. to respect for worker rights in A recent example of the WRC’s exchange for steady orders at monitoring work is the Sinolink reasonable prices. If a network of garment factory in Kenya. The WRC factories with such high standards conducted an investigation after were to emerge, they could also serve receiving a complaint from workers. as a source of garments for The investigation documented some companies, cities, and states that are extremely serious abuses of worker seeking sweat-free apparel. rights. These included locking workers in the factory over night and
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Next Steps in City and State Collaboration on Enforcement and Procurement
Prompted by the sweatfree movement, the Mayor of San Francisco has called for a city consortium to consolidate procurement power and enforce sweatfree procurement policies. Similarly, the Governor of Maine is calling on other governors to join him in a Governors Coalition for Sweatfree Procurement and Worker Rights. These initiatives are great opportunities to expand and strengthen our movement. How do we organize to make sure cities and states sign on to these coalitions? • Liana Foxvog, SweatFree Communities • Valerie Orth, Global Exchange Facilitator: Alejandra Domenzain, Sweatshop Watch Notes: Natalia Rudiak, Pittsburgh Antisweatshop Community Alliance
Valerie Orth, Global Exchange
In November 2005, San Francisco When people respond to Wade Mayor Gavin Newsom sent a letter to Crowfoot (at the San Francisco 60 mayors around the country inviting mayor’s office), he refers them to them to join a sweatfree consortium Valerie Orth, who describes what the to enforce sweatfree policies more legislation entails and how to build a effectively. Mayors were chosen campaign. The only person who has based on cities that had adopted some responded thus far is a city councilor kind of sweatfree policy and other in Providence. progressive cities. The letter is at The letter is a tool for campaigners. http://www.sweatfree.org/consortium Grassroots pressure is needed to get /lettertomayors.pdf mayors to take action.
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Liana Foxvog, SweatFree Communities
This is a chance to build a national Rights helps open up a space for strategy and national momentum. organizing. Activists can use the letter to encourage their state to take action The letter from Maine Governor John and join the consortium. Baldacci to all U.S. governors inviting them to join a Governors Coalition for The letter was sent on Feb. 28. Maine Sweatfree Procurement and Worker activists wrote it and it went through a
38 number of drafts. The letter and more from Governor Baldacci) or assign details are at staff members to explore the www.sweatfree.org/governorscoalition resolution to be a part of a sweat- free coalition. The key demands are: • Get your governor on the phone Next there will be a series of meetings with Governor Baldacci. with public officials. We need to figure • Get them to adopt a sweatfree- out what we want this process to look resolution (included in the packet like and claim a clear role for activists.
Discussion
Question: Should there be one big independent monitoring once it is consortium? Should the focus right created. now be on governors' campaign? What about cities, counties, etc.? We should be aware of the political egos of the elected officials and their Answer: Our larger vision is to create personalities. Think carefully about one big consortium for sweatfree which politicians we want to have seen policy enforcement and procurement as the leaders in this campaign. with cities, states, counties, and Governors prefer to do outreach to school districts all together. each other and be contacted by other governors (rather than mayors). But If a separate city consortium and a we can shape the campaign so that it separate state consortium is created, all comes together in one consortium these could be with the same eventually. independent monitor, and could also be merged into the same consortium. Language about joining the Hopefully the Worker Rights consortium is included in the model Consortium is the independent sweatfree policy available at monitor and if that doesn't work for www.sweatfree.org/resources. These the WRC, we would create a new non- cities have already adopted policies profit independent monitor that would including language on consortium have a board representing the similar to that in the model policy: Los constituencies of this campaign. Angeles, San Francisco, Madison, and Providence. Toronto has expressed At the moment we have some interest as well. In addition to trying momentum with the letter to to get mayors and governors talking governors. The letter to mayors can to each other, we want to make sure be used as a tool in campaigns to get that new sweatfree policies include cities on board. If there are counties language about the consortium and and school districts that are interested require a sweatfree procurement to adopt policies, they can pass advisory group with participation from language stating they will become part activists, which will be able to make of a consortium for enforcement and sure consortium affiliation and enforcement happens. We should aim
39 to get this language included in adopted policies – Los Angeles and Berkeley, Hartford, New Haven, San Francisco for example – require Austin, Portland, Seattle, Missoula, the procurement advisory group to and other cities where campaigns consider expanding policy application have started or may start soon. to other sectors.
Question: Are we ready To put this in perspective, to start publicizing widely The letter from Maine San Francisco spends $600 before we know exactly Governor John Baldacci million on goods each year; what our ask is? to all U.S. governors $2 million of that is inviting them to join a garments. Much of our Governors Coalition for Discussion: Some people potential for leveraging Sweatfree Procurement expressed a concern and Worker Rights helps purchasing power to about doing active open up a space for support workers may lie in outreach until we have a organizing. Activists can other sectors. clearer vision of exactly use the letter to what the consortium will encourage their state to The letter from Governor look like and how it will take action and join the Baldacci does say “apparel work. consortium. and other industries.” Others mentioned that we do have Would be most realistic is for the enough of a vision already explained consortium to at least start with in our documents. We will keep apparel. That's where the WRC has building the vision as we do outreach. experience, where they have We should be doing outreach now relationships with worker because the letters have gone out. organizations, and the sector in which they are able to do independent One person expressed that when you monitoring. The sense of several launch an initiative like this you have people in the meeting is that we to be strong. If we do something half- should start with a clear focus on way, that doesn't help us. There has apparel – that's where the momentum to be a strategic discussion about is, where there are the most whether we are strong enough to relationships on the ground, and make this happen. It's good that what's written in most policies. Later there's energy but we should come on if this gets rolling, advisory groups together on these points rather than can look to considering other sectors, rush into launching a campaign before but we should get started with what's we're ready. easier to attain.
It was also noted that the letters from Question: Which governors should be Newsom and Baldacci won't expire. in the lead? We can keep using these letters. We should set our own timeline. Answer: No staff person in Baldacci's office should be the lead. The Question: Is the consortium focused governor's office should take the lead only on apparel? from us. Baldacci doesn’t have presidential aspirations, but it’s an Answer: Most policies adopted are election year, and he wants to take specific to apparel. Some recently credit for this. He wants to say that
40 he's been able to get governors on that supplies to those states. For board for a great cause. We need to example, one of Leslee Scott's set up a process in such a way that we factories in Bangladesh had a can steer it. recent fire causing deaths of at least 84 young women and child Let's focus on building momentum and workers. They supply some states. getting the easiest governor on board, More research needed on this. then the second easiest, etc. Maybe now Pennsylvania and New Jersey and • Get public universities in specific Illinois might be the easiest. Should states to offer positive statements we bring a worker tour to these places to governors about their role in the first? WRC.
One person who is helping us link up • There's a need to educate with governors is Jim Tierney, former governors about the proposal and Attorney General of Maine. He clarify the alternatives that we are personally knows a lot of governors. proposing - and the one's we aren't proposing – and why that is. Why Question: Should we try to identify a the status quo isn't working, how charismatic spokesperson for the the WRC model works, why it's the campaign? best, and anticipate their questions and concerns. This could be done Answer: If Baldacci wants that. through written materials, phone Would he himself be the person? calls, and face-to-face time. Perhaps the Governor of Illinois would be a good possibility. Are their other • Propose scaled-back anti- charismatic people who aren't sweatshop legislation that would governors who we want to bring on call for several hearings with board? workers, mini-investigations to abunch of factories, providing Question: What is the story of the some facts about conditions, etc. campaign? It would probably be passed easier and cheaper. Answer: We need to identify the winning story, the human face to lift • Funding needed for a staff person up as part of the campaign. It could to work on consortium campaign be a laid-off worker in the United full-time. Funding needed for a States, a sweatshop worker in the worker tour. Might there be an United States, a sweatshop worker untapped staffer at the National overseas. Our outreach documents Governor’s Association? would include the story. A governor could stand up and say, “I support Discussion: Public education and these people.” research
Discussion: Strategy and Tactics • Raise up issues concerning low wage work in your community • Get the first three governors on • Look at prison clothes suppliers board. Identify a common supplier
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• Identify a common supplier to • Research amount of procurement emphasize by state • Organize a worker tour • Research Leslee Scott purchasers (Bangladesh workers?); events • Get state procurement disclosure would include low-wage or laid off information. workers local to the area
Resources • General campaign information: http://www.sweatfree.org/governorscoalition • Governor John Baldacci’s proposal: http://www.sweatfree.org/consortium/baldacciletter.pdf • Mayor Gavin Newom’s proposal: http://www.sweatfree.org/consortium/lettertomayors.pdf • Flyer for activists: http://www.sweatfree.org/consortium/gov-flyer.pdf
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What is Sweatfree?
A number of promising initiatives seek to end sweatshop exploitation by promoting sweatfree alternatives. The United Students Against Sweatshops has developed a Designated Supplier Program, requiring university licensees to source from factories that respect freedom of association and pay a living wage. A conference hosted by the University of Michigan last year explored the concept of “worker-voiced” products as common ground between the anti-sweatshop and fair trade movements. And TransFair USA has begun research into the possibilities and challenges of fair-trade certification for apparel. At the same time, a number of sweatfree campaigns are promoting sweatfree alternatives for their local communities based on a variety of “sweatfree” concepts. Can we build a stronger unified sweatfree-fair trade movement promoting the same kinds of alternatives? • Bama Athreya, International Labor Rights Fund • Chris Himes, TransFair USA • Jessica Rutter, United Students Against Sweatshops
Notes: Matthew Schumwinger, Milwaukee Clean Clothes Campaign; Trina Tocco, International Labor Rights Fund
Facilitator: Dick Meyer, South Sound Clean Clothes Campaign
Bama Athreya, International Labor Rights Fund
My job in this panel is to bring people an independent monitor, but they did up to speed and on same page with not have a good labor rights record. issues and to say that this question has been answered conclusively many Then the Industry initiated something times already. called WRAP – Worldwide Responsible Apparel Production. In 1991 Levi Strauss adopted a code of conduct for its suppliers in response Social Accountability International is a to campaign work and exposures of multi-stakeholder initiative. They sweatshop conditions in Mexico, have a big set of standards, including Saipan, and Southeast Asia. Reebok the right to a living wage and and Nike followed with their own codes of conduct. Very briefly, the It’s about getting production into codes said they would treat their empowered workplaces where workers fairly. No child labor. Some workers themselves have the right of the codes said, “right to bargain to defend and negotiate their and collective organizing.” working conditions.
1993-96 was the era of for-profit organizing. For-profit monitors auditors. Nike hired Ernst & Young as monitor for them.
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The Fair Labor Association also has and negotiate their working for-profit auditors. All these conditions. initiatives, not to mention European initiatives that were parallel, I am tired about explaining the criteria guarantee right to associate on paper. for monitoring freedom of association. Now we’re talking about putting your Where I come from and where we production into empowered need to go: The goal was to create workplaces. We’re not there yet in space for workers to organizer terms of how to make it practical and because this is the only way to create how to make it real. action on all other problems. I’ve gone through a decade of activism The basic philosophy of the origins of talking around this issue. Now it’s the fair-trade movement was about getting production into connecting farmers directly with empowered workplaces. The pattern consumers; it’s powerful to think has been, we’d win a victory, then the about a parallel movement, linking us company would cut and run, and only as consumers with empowered two years later, we would lose the workplaces in apparel. victory. I’m curious to hear from Chris what is Sweatfree is beyond the lovely stuff in different about certification: why terms of codes of conduct, or multi- should we continue going down the stake holder systems. road of certification? And if you’re not going to go down the certification What is sweat free? It’s having an route, how else do you link consumers empowered workplace where workers to empowered workplaces? themselves have the right to defend
*** Chris Himes, TransFair USA
Fair trade certification is 18 years old; • Freedom of association, which is it started in Europe. It is eight years easier but not perfect for co-ops. old in the United States. It is a set of • Full transparency in trade and prices, standards and trading criteria certification oversight. for goods produced in the poor world • Pre-harvest financing to smooth and sold in the relatively rich world. out cash flows for farmers.
Fair trade started small and has We are now in the beginning stages of gotten bigger through work with a six month research pilot program. unions and joint bodies. It has The big question is: Can fair trade broadened beyond co-ops and become certification be relevant to the interested in apparel. garment and apparel industries?
The fundamental tenets are: We got interested in apparel because • Minimum price (wage or wage and of: premium). • Growing popularity of Fair Trade with a 70% per year growth rate.
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• European colleagues (UK, France, and have an advisory committee to Switzerland) have begun certifying pursue this question. We are cotton. TransFair decided not to interviewing workers, manufacturers, follow yet. and monitors.
Can Fair Trade certification be relevant I’m a big fan of the Designated to problems in apparel manufacturing? Supplier program. The big question is The answer could be “no” for various what do you care most about in terms reasons. We have hired consultants of coverage?
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Jessica Rutter, United Students Against Sweatshops
What is sweatfree? Why do we need concrete organizing from workers and to define it? students.
Participants: So we can make What’s happening now to these coherent demands of suppliers … so I factories? They are being blacklisted can feel confident in my purchase … so from companies or losing orders. So we can set standards for companies … USAS has to respond to this issue of because we’re trying to pass laws … so cycles of victory and factory closure. we can build strategies to support Brands put pressure on factories to workers and worker organizations. produce for less and less. This is a race to the bottom. How do suppliers For me, it is only important to define if deal with price pressure? They cut it supports worker empowerment and costs by putting pressure on the supports their efforts to improve their workers. This prevents contracts conditions. between workers and management that can improve standards. We know workers are organizing and that “What is sweetfree” is a strategic So, what is solution? I brands don’t want question. These brands want don’t think there is them to do this. nothing more than to say that they one. But there may Students said, can we have a label that is sweatfree. But be something that can support workers this is not what it is about. Will a help: the Designated label support worker organizing to concretely by creating Suppliers program. improve their conditions? codes of conduct and and getting factory disclosures and The Designated Suppliers program creating the Worker Rights requires brands to source from Consortium (which is independent of factories with a worker voice. Why? companies)? Over the past five years Because workers are the best there have been concrete victories. monitors. Monitoring is not necessary Twelve to fifteen factories have been if there is a true worker voice. Price able to organize independent unions pressure will ease up if brands pay and improve conditions. They are more for these factories. We want to models. This happened through limit collegiate factories from thousands to hundreds.
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“What is sweetfree” is a strategic We launched the Designated Supplier question. These brands want nothing program in December 2005 on over more than to say that they have a 40 campuses. So far 11 universities label that is sweatfree. This gets have signed on in principle to the them off the hook. But this is not Designated Supplier program. what it is about. Does organic and Implementation will be a collective Fair-Trade cotton make a T-shirt process, but right now we are building sweat free? Will a label support political support. worker organizing to improve their conditions?
Discussion
Participant (for Himes): What recommendations to FLOW. This is a industry people you’re working with low hanging fruit for cynics. and are they financing your research A: add on from consultant. This is on apparel fair trade certification? parallel to European efforts. Dual stakeholder engagement. We will Himes: We’re working with Levi’s, publish report on website that will be Maggie's Organics, and consulting with non-attributable. But will make as Indigenous Designs. transparent as possible. Have The research was started with a grant consulted with other groups. from the Levi’s, which is legally separate from Levi’s, the company. Participant: I have two concerns: 1) We work with 500 companies now in On what level of the supply chain will fair trade. certification happen? 2) Where in the process are voices from outside the Maureen Quigley, TransFair United States involved in this? I consultant: We are reaching out to would like to see on-the-ground 30 companies small, medium, and worker input. large to understand challenges of supply chains and nuances. We’re Himes: This is initial investigation and also reaching out to 30 U.S. activists, limited. We’re doing site visits with unions, and fair trade organizations. farmers to Cut, Make & Trim (CMT) factories in West Africa, India, etc. Himes: We consider ourselves There would need to be much more independent; we’re non-profit. We rigorous participation on the ground if will have our audit audited to verify this were to go forward. our work. Participant: How would we have Orth: Do you have to report back to process to determine if the union is the Levis Foundation? actually working for the workers?
Himes: Yes, we take no directions Rutter: There are agreed upon from them. We have to report what standards about what is an independent, democratic organization.
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The Worker Rights Consortium will do would you deal with union battle in No in-depth consultation on the ground. Sweat? Companies and government unions will not be acceptable. That’s the main Rutter: The idea is do provide space distinction. for organizing. Take away disincentives and provide incentives. Jeremy Blasi, Worker Rights The idea is not to force organizing. We Consortium: We’ve dealt with this might need an advisory committee to issue before. This is not a difficult help make difficult decisions for close task because there is usually not a calls. close call. In Mexico, it’s easy to discern government-protected unions. Orth: Global Exchange has a long We can also use ILO guidelines to history of working on fair trade, discern bona-fide unions. If collective including a fair trade store. We’ve bargaining contract doesn’t go beyond worked on getting large companies to local law, it’s probably clear that it is buy fair trade. But there seems to be isn’t a genuine contract. confusion that fair trade is only about trade and TransFair rather than a Athreya: We’ve all been around the movement. Coming from a fair trade block in determining what freedom of movement and being very involved in association is. One thing that came fair trade certification there are so out of last year’s conference at the many concerns with TransFair. In the University of Michigan is a 14 point list fair trade certified coffee world 100% that is very clear. But there is fair trade coffee companies are pulling question that Bjorn posed that’s also out of TransFair. TransFair should important: the tension between work on fixing the problems and leave professionalism versus international the sweatfree garments to the anti- solidarity. sweatshop movement and organizations such as WRC and USAS. Participant for Himes: Is this a If TransFair wants to support feasibility study? What is FLO’s sweatfree garments then TransFair [Fairtrade Labeling Organization] should support the Designated decision making process? Supplier program rather than trying to start something new. Himes: FLO has a standards and policy group. All standards are Global Exchange helped start approved or rejected by the board. TransFair but because TransFair had This may not even get to the to have that role between corporations committee or the board because the and consumers, TransFair couldn’t recommendation is so basic. support advocacy.
Participant: Is there someone in this Himes: I have voiced mine and room who thinks American Apparel TransFair’s support for the Designated model is good? [No response] Supplier program. We have to work with companies and not just the Participant: How do we create unions purest companies but all sorts of in factories that are licensed? How companies. We can’t support advocacy groups not because of the
47 emphasis on corportate accountability, rationale about sourcing policies being but because they bash our partners. the missing link for the last 15 years. In terms of the model to fair trade Its important to see this as being a that is our approach. We have fair trade model because you are generated 70 million additional dollars buying from factories that are okay or to coffee farmers; we have supported you are sourcing from many places unions especially with our banana where you are trying to get the certification. companies to stay in one place because it is good. So there are Marieke Eyskoot, Clean Clothes questions in terms of how is the Campaign: I’m on the outside so take Designated Supplier model is similar this as a bit of an outside perspective. and different from the thinking behind First on fair trade and labeling, even in fair trade certification. Furthermore, Europe it’s a hard process that what is the role of the organization includes many questions especially that is going to say the union is good with the launch of the fair trade cotton and identify what a living wage is, without much consultation with NGO’s. especially if that organization is It was a shock since they are determining which factories will get certifying the big companies. In some Designated Supplier orders? It’s cases the communication was clearer important that it comes from the from the big companies than from the workers and it’s important for us to fair trade organizations. I haven’t create space for union organizing. heard about the plans to research the garment making in Europe. Rutter: We have answers to lots of these questions and I think it’s About the Designated Supplier important to continue this dialogue. program -- the CCC totally follows the
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Marketing: the Fine Line between Activism and Entrepreneurialism
What is the role of activists in connecting sweatfree sellers with buyers? Should sweatfree activism include promoting ethical suppliers to individual consumers or institutions such as cities and states that have adopted a sweatfree procurement policy? If so, what should we know about marketing? What kind of marketing resources do we have? And can we pool our resources to convey a coherent, compelling message to individuals, institutions, and the media? • Bena Burda, Maggie's Organics / Clean Clothes Inc. • Steven Brown, SweatFree Communities • Sarah Church, Progressive Jewish Alliance • John Flory, North Country Fair Trade • Ruth Mena Garay, Fair Trade Zone, Nicaragua • Kevin O’Brien, Ethical Sourcing Group
Facilitator: Mu Son Chi, Ethical Trade Action Group Notes: Dick Meyer, South Sound Clean Clothes Campaign
Presentation Summaries
Kevin O'Brien, Ethical Sourcing Sarah Church, Progressive Jewish Group: Everyone is a marketer - a Alliance (PJA): PJA is asking the promoter and an advocate. The Jewish community (largely around Los question then is where the sweatfree Angeles) to buy no 'schvitz' movement fits in. We live in a world (sweatshop) goods for T-shirts and bombarded by advertising - $260 sweatshirts especially. PJA published a billion is spent each year on pamphlet about sweatshops focusing advertising, which is three times the on the history of sweatshops with GDP of the non-U.S. members of the immigrant Jewish workers as well as CAFTA trade agreement. the types of actions that can be taken now. They stress the importance of There are challengers in the bringing faith-based communities into marketplace such as "Adbusters" ethical actions as good allies. To enlist which changes the basis to such allies you need to know your messaging. But the marketing function facts and then have materials ready to is really about much more: research, make people ethical consumers. For merchandising, and promotion. There example, the term “kosher” is being is especially a need to do research. expanded to include how workers are For example, in the case of "Just treated. Then if groups are to sign on Garments" in El Salvador there is to the idea there are cost issues. The much to do in regard to all those items must be affordable. aspects of marketing in order to be successful. Bena Burda, Maggie's Organics: Burda started the company in 1992
49 and has had all things sewn with the a worker-empowered workplace. They Nicaraguan Nueva Vida cooperative pay $4.50 per day, five days a week. since 2001. The work of committed They provide insurance after three individuals has led to Maggie's months when the worker's success. In terms of marketing, they performance is evaluated to see he or have no criteria in terms of who they she can be a cooperative owner. sell to so that they can make their Other companies have no such products accessible to everyone. They benefits, pay workers $2 per day with keep raising their margins especially strict quotas, may make those because of a distribution system that workers work seven days a week and is layered and also because of the 12-14 hours per day. The Fair Trade margins that have to be added for Zone makes both organic and non- advertising. organic clothing but sees more demand for the organic product. Their Steve Brown, volunteering with biggest clients are Maggie's and the Sweatfree Communities : Brown Presbyterian Church. To expand they pointed out the limits to are now planning to spin their own undercapitalized marketing and thread and weave their own fabric. advertising. There is a need for a This is a result of a current problem of consolidated sweatfree marketing not having enough fabric for the association. The movement needs to demand. They would like to see fair engage in professional trade certification of their clothing so entrepreneurship and marketing. They people can feel assured of what they therefore lag behind what other are buying. companies are doing and have capacity to do. John Flory, North Country Fair Trade: Flory says it is self-evident Ruth Mena Garay, Fair Trade Zone, that marketing and activism go Nicaragua : Mena Garay is a quality together. He advocates a broader view inspector at the Nueva Vida of marketing to see that consumerism cooperative (the Fair Trade Zone). A has to be supportive of activism. He is free trade zone is defined by supporting the start of a small factory exemptions from certain taxes and in Piedras Negras (on the U.S.- Mexico regulations. The 60-member Nueva border) to help displaced maquila Vida cooperative has become the first workers. They are starting small and worker-owned free trade zone in the making products on demand in order world; they have declared themselves to create a market. a fair trade zone because they operate
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Worker Organizing Models and the Role of Solidarity
Worker organizing takes many forms and unionization in independent, democratic unions is often not possible. Sweatfree movement message and strategy should support the variety of forms of worker organizing. How do worker centers and worker committees function in California and China, for example? How are these models different from unions? How can solidarity actions and sweatfree campaigns help create the political space for various forms of worker organizing? • Barbara Briggs, National Labor Committee • Kimi Lee, Garment Worker Center (Los Angeles) • Vivien Yau, Students and Scholars Against Corporate Misbehavior (Hong Kong)
Facilitator: Alex T Tom, Chinese Progressive Association (San Francisco)
Notes: Katherine Stecher, Campaign for Labor Rights
Barbara Briggs, National Labor Committee The National Labor Committee is U.S.- situations. We were in Honduras based organization that has worked where a labor group brought us to a with various organizations including factory producing NBA shirts. established unions, women’s Conditions were terrible. Workers organizations, Jesuit groups, and were locked in; they worked 10-13 human rights groups around the hours per day. If they were sick, they world. The National Labor Committee were docked for three days. There looks for trusting relationships with was screaming and harassment. They workers, generates and documents were paid $0.19 for a $75 shirt. When reliable information, and then makes we talked to these workers and asked the link to international solidarity. if they want to organize a union, they said no. Things are really bad, but we U.S. solidarity can help open the would be fired, it’s impossible. We space for transformation on the kept on talking with them. We put out ground. Our role is not to help a report and got press. Conditions workers organize, because they can have changed tremendously now, as do that on their own. Our role is to the U.S. companies went ballistic and help workers explore their windows of local management decided to change. opportunity. So we can help document, supply What we know more about is the information, track shipments, do basic solidarity end of things and the “what math with pay stubs versus shirt sale we can do here” end of thing. We cost, pass information, be a voice in aren’t organizing the workers on the the marketplace where it can frighten ground, but we can help transform companies.
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Vivien Yau, Students and Scholars Against Corporate Misbehavior (Hong Kong)
In China all unions are under the All- about worker rights. These venues China Federation of Trade Unions provide an opportunity for workers to (ACFTU), a yellow union that is part of speak to others who are in the same the government and not trusted by situation and to get a sense of workers. Consumer campaigns for collectivity. But the worker centers worker rights have been going on for are monitored by the government; ten years, with more activity around sometimes these organizations are Codes of Conduct recently. The closed after a period of time - one of typical violations, however, continue, the many obstacles to organizing. including forced Empowered, organized workers are the overtime and low only legitimate monitors of employer A new type of wages. practices. consumer campaign is Hong Kong activists are focusing on needed. NGOs go into factories and worker empowerment as the best way organize worker committees, which to improve the situation. Empowered, are not unions, but can monitor organized workers are the only working conditions and do labor rights legitimate monitors of employer trainings. International solidarity can practices. Workers are able to support these workers committees. exercise their power through voting.
Hong Kong activists organize meetings, film screenings, and classes
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Kimi Lee, Garment Worker Center (Los Angeles)
Los Angeles has the largest garment The Garment Worker Center (GWC) industry in the United States – started in 2000-2001 as a workers' 100,000 workers, 4,500 factories each community center that included with 20-50 workers. The factory classes on worker rights, health and lifespan averages about one year. safety as well as things like exercise Unions have tried to organize these classes and child care. The idea factories, as in the mid-1990s, but the behind the worker center is not that it brands simply left. Since then unions is an alternative to unions, but that it have focused on other garment is a different model that can help to industry services (e.g. laundry) that educate workers about what their cannot be moved. But more and rights are. more attention has been paid to the sweatshop issue due to several high- Los Angeles has two million profile cases. undocumented workers. Many don't speak English and many have had bad
52 experiences with unions in their home minimum wage. A living wage is country. Furthermore, the workers about $11 per hour in Los Angeles. are often isolated because the Two-thirds of factories violate wage factories encourage competition with and hour laws; 75% violate health and their neighbors, which makes safety standards. So more policy and collectivity and organizing difficult. codes of conduct won’t help. What we are focusing on is worker participation But we try to build the understanding because they are the ones organizing that a union is any collective in the factory. Workers should be the organization to deal with employers. ones doing the monitoring. We educate workers on the idea of a union as a tool to allow them to List [passed out] of ways workers can negotiate a collective contract. monitor their own situation in factories (even when the union is in place) with Garment workers in Los Angeles are the ultimate goal of better working making an average of $3.80 per hour, conditions. which is half of the state-wide
Discussion
Can we leverage local sweatfree laws States. Can you envision any way to be leveraged to support workers in organize them, while they last? Los Angeles? Lee: What we’re trying to do is Lee: The city doesn’t buy from these encourage the idea of association. It factories, so it often doesn’t pertain to is young women’s fashion that needs a these workers in particular. Other very quick turnaround time, so it will laws could be utilized, perhaps zoning. probably stay in Los Angeles But the problem in Los Angeles is that indefinitely. Our idea is that if we the will to implement or enforce the build clusters (some buildings have laws doesn’t exist. The authorities many factories in them) of workers, often bust up the factories through that can really help. A lot of it is raids, without following up, driving the experimental. factories further underground. Is there possibility of pressuring those How many workers utilize Garment teen brands/retailers? Worker Center? Lee: GWC did the Forever 21 Lee: 30-50 workers day-to-day, with campaign that lasted 3 years, but 100-150 active workers even after supposed victory things haven’t changed - maybe because Eric Dirnbach, UNITE HERE: I find there was a lack of worker how little unions have done in Los participation and investment in the Angeles embarrassing. But it seems monitoring and improvement process. like they’re some of the most difficult organizing circumstances in the United
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Is there much collaboration between for the U.S. labor movement to offer GWC and SACOM? solidarity in whatever form the Mexican workers need, even if it Lee: Yes. GWC brought workers to doesn’t result in formal unions for 20- Hong Kong, but couldn’t have those 30 years. There is not as much cross- conversations in Mainland China. But, border work as you’d think there yes, without workers communicating would be at this time in history. with each other, there’s no empowerment. Kenneth Miller, Pittsburgh Anti- Sweatshop Community Alliance: Yau: In Hong Kong the situation is Twenty to thirty years is two or three special because employers live in more generations, regardless of where Hong Kong and activists can target in the world we’re talking about. The them there, but aren’t allowed to have problems they’re having start with the those exchanges within China. consumer market. The problems start here. We need to talk about how Tom: We brought Chinese workers we’re going to transform the market from San Francisco to Hong Kong. It that we’ve created. Twenty to thirty was a revelation to workers from years is so long. What you’re saying China that the same problems existed is that it’s really hard and that we in the United States. We can build don’t know. There’s going to be a half solidarity in this way, but it’s a more dozen more wars, global dynamics will difficult process (and more dangerous) change. I think the change will than some of the consumer activism. happen when we recognize the power that we have. When we make a Vicky Funari, commitment to the Maquilapolis: We brought Chinese workers from people who sew our With regard to San Francisco to Hong Kong. It clothes and that those Mexico, it’s was a revelation to workers from people have the same important to both China that the same problems expectations in their lives support the existed in the United States. We that we have. I just independent can build solidarity in this way, but wanted to say that. unions, but also it’s a more difficult process (and more dangerous) than some of the the democratic Participant: The current consumer activism. process as a movement towards whole, since there ethical sourcing makes it is no opportunity for a full hard to know whether a union or union/worker movement without that worker representative body is just democracy. There is not going to be a public relations “media-washing” or a strong independent union in Mexico legitimate, democratic entity. What until many other steps have taken makes a worker committee a viable place. There are so many levels of source? How do we trust the worker oppression that have to do with committee? gender. Also there are other issues of domestic and workplace violence and Briggs: Groups like the National Labor questions of ethnic differences (i.e. Committee rely on groups on the indigenous populations). It’s ground who know the historical and complicated, but it seems important current contexts. You get a sense of
54 who is real and who is blowing hot air. has changed so much that we also This also takes time; over a period of need to examine our models for exchanges you are able to better worker representation and power. know who the players are and what We’ve thought of a couple of models. the dynamics are. And it can also We had a chance to look at what the change over time. A basic question drywall people in San Diego did a few is: are the workers able to make years ago; they focused on the decisions within the factories? Do industry, not the employers. In they know their rights within that China, have you looked for any of the setting? models from Eastern Europe for how you organize in face of a strong state- Tom Lewandowski, Northeast run union? Would you like to? Indiana Central Labor Council: I think that what the three sisters were Yau: I would like to. talking about is indeed the new labor movement. How we define unions has Lewandowski: We’ll make that to change. We have to create cultures happen. … The worker center of solidarity, not just with a financial movement and the union movement or economic base. We think about have had tensions. But they should labor market organizing a lot. The be supplementary, work together. nature of employment and markets
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Union Solidarity and the 2006 All Star Game: An Opportunity to Move Major League Baseball?
Transnational apparel companies often weaken unions and lower standards for workers through outsourcing or merely threatening to shift production to low- wage regions of the world. Can solidarity between union and non-union workers counteract corporate power and result in better working conditions for all? Major League Baseball depends on a variety of union and non-union workers in the United States and around the world: there are U.S. union workers at companies that hold licenses to produce Major League Baseball apparel and non- union workers of the same companies and other companies who also produce baseball apparel; there are stadium workers, some of whom are unionized and others who are not; and there are the baseball players themselves and their association. And the public has a stake in their teams both as fans and as tax payers. Can we work together to improve the conditions of all workers associated with Major League Baseball? Is the 2006 All Star Game an opportunity to bring Major League Baseball to the bargaining table? • Barbara Briggs, National Labor Committee • Jane Howald, CWA Local 14177, Derby, New York, New Era Cap • Tom Kertes, United Workers Association • Kenneth Miller, Pittsburgh Anti-Sweatshop Community Alliance
Facilitator: Eric Dirnbach, UNITE HERE Notes: Natalia Rudiak, Pittsburgh Anti-Sweatshop Community Alliance
Eric Dimbach, UNITE HERE
Union Solidarity is a current problem Three examples of international facing workers who want and need solidarity in organizing warehouse unions in apparel and other industries. workers: Organizing these days is tough and • An Indianapolis factory was nearly impossible for workers to do on operated by a French their own. It’s a pessimistic conglomerate. The workers and conclusion, but they can’t do it on union reached out to unionized their own. French workers of the same company. The union brought that Workers need some strategic help. campaign to Europe where the We all have workers within the same company could not handle the country, some unionized, some not. pressure. After 16 months they They can work together. organized 800 workers at the warehouse with contracts.
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• A H&M warehouse in New Jersey. A diversity of tactics is necessary. It’s a powerhouse company. UNITE HERE reached out to In baseball, Majestic and New Era unionized workers in Europe in have unionized and non-unionized Sweden. It worked. workers. The Major League Players • The Thai Labor Center – they knew Association is unionized. Among of two factories where H&M stadium workers, some are organized, workers were trying to unionize but and some aren’t. The All Star Game – the process bogged down. Swedish a seminal event, very much in the and New Jersey unions put joint public eye – is a really great pressure on the company so these opportunity to come together. warehouses eventually became unionized. ***
Kenneth Miller, Pittsburgh Anti-Sweatshop Community Alliance
Working together isn’t happening that top of the student campaign. much in the United States. We need a Licensing campaigns – these team global solidarity movement. Labor symbols belong to us, they tell us how unions in this country are not doing to identify with our cities. international education for their members in how they have common Winning with baseball would interests. Workers at the bargaining exponentially increase the number of table don’t take risks for workers in licensing agreements that we control other countries. The theme is “Buy as a movement. What any one team American” but this isn’t working for does, the whole league will do. What American workers. This is a one team does, other teams will line marketing scheme. up quickly behind. We need a global solidarity movement. It’s a huge problem. Workers at the bargaining table don’t take risks for workers in other The Pirates came The promise was countries. The theme is “Buy American” out to talk to us, made to these but this isn’t working for American even though Major workers that workers. League Baseball industrialization is said, “don’t talk with something that’s good for you. The them… this is a Major League tools that we have that we have been problem, not a Pittsburgh problem.” working so hard to develop (licensing This has happened three or four times and procurement) are not good now. We think we’ve set up a enough. We need to build up the framework for local campaigns to talk education about them. We each need with local teams and hold them to be doing radical experiments to see accountable. how things work. We are asking for help from the labor The Sweatfree Baseball campaign was and student movement to maximize designed as an experiment to go on our success. ***
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Jane Howald, Communication Workers of America, Local 14177, Derby, New York, New Era Cap
A few years ago, the New Era Cap is remarkable. New Era even won the Company had been on strike for 11 “Champions at Work” award. The months against a negative company morale is up. It’s a great place to that waged an anti-union campaign. work. I would work there for another The company owner hated unions. 20 years. Things are going good – She said that the workers organized we’re in a really good place with the because they didn’t like the current company. union, not because they didn’t like working for the Right after the strike, company. United We were on strike for 11 months they lost a lot of against a negative company that Students Against business. They had to waged an anti-union campaign. Sweatshops, the Students supported us. Colleges close a facility. It was Worker Rights threatened to drop contracts. between Derby and Consortium, and the Workers from Bangladesh walked Buffalo; they closed AFL-CIO came the picket line with us. … We came Buffalo. They merged together to support away with a four-year contract some of the workers, us. Colleges and higher wages. The morale is many were Vietnamese threatened to drop up. It’s a great place to work. and Laotian. They were contracts. Workers distrustful of the unions from Bangladesh protested with at first; now the Asians are 100% in workers at New Era, joining us on the the union. We even have two picket line. This was extremely Vietnamese stewards. powerful. Alabama is a New Era Cap non-union We were out for 11 months, and at facility (it is a right-to-work state), but the end we came away with a four the workers there have benefited from year contract. the struggles in Derby. The Derby and Alabama factories have a great Later, when the company wanted to relationship. meet with me separately, I was worried. I even brought two union People keep saying, “Organize staff people with me. Well, it turns Alabama,” but New Era treats them as out they wanted to meet with me to well as Derby. Even though it’s non- open up early negotiations. We got a union, it’s still a good shop to work better wage package, and a projection for. Unions do need to shift the way of 150 additional members the they look at people that are following year. The overall change in union/non-union but working together the company from the strike to today for the same cause.
***
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Barbara Briggs, National Labor Committee
We helped to take Bangladeshi The Honduran workers didn’t want to workers to the picket line in Derby, organize a union; they were afraid of New York. The Bangladeshi workers losing their jobs if they pressed for a said that they were surprised by two union. The National Labor Committee things in the United States: that trees worked with a strong labor federation change from green to red, orange and in Honduras and investigated. Luckily, yellow and … that workers were able they sold stuff to Reebok too, and to walk on a picket line in the cold for Reebok was going through a corporate 11 months! The workers took a lot transition and didn’t want bad press. back with them back to their home There is a union in that shop now. country, and they are still struggling to form their union. But we have In 2004, the National Labor solidarity. Committee made a comparable effort in Costa Rica – looked at a company Those highly visible campaigns can do making baseballs. Workers were a lot. developing repetitive stress disorders, couldn’t work anymore, and were A group of workers in Honduras were fired. In Costa Rica there was no physically locked in their factory, union to help those efforts. It was a harassed, paid 60% of what they rural area, not many other jobs needed to live on. They made NFL, available. There are some limited NBA, and baseball shirts. Basketball improvements in those factories, but shirt workers were paid 19 cents to the union has not moved in. make the shirt, but the shirts were sold for 70 dollars in the store.
***
Tom Kertes, United Workers Association
The United Worker Association (UWA) health care, and freedom from is a human rights organization; our poverty. goal is to be part of a movement to end poverty. We organize through a In 2003 we organized the Summer of human rights framework. Exposure. We did leadership development with homeless People cleaning the stadiums at individuals, low-wage individuals. Camden Yard don’t have good working UWA is literally run by low wage conditions, and they will say, “We workers. have bad working conditions, why should we care about this [workers in We started the campaign against other countries]?” Camden Yards, which is the largest employer of day laborers in Baltimore. The UWA looks at this through a When we started, workers were paid spiritual lens; just being a human four dollars per hour because they being means you have a right to were paid at a flat rate. UWA was
59 able to expose this quickly. The Hopefully next year will be the contractor, Aramark, was fired, and Summer of Unity. the wages raised to seven dollars per hour. Facilities management agreed But Camden Yards, the facilities to a code of conduct because they management, and the Orioles are were vulnerable. trying a “divide and conquer” strategy. At first UWA did a lot work with In 2004 we organized the Summer of African-American communities. Then Hope. Seven dollars an hour is still the stadium purposefully switched to a not a living wage. Peter Angelos is a Latino crew. But the universal human famous labor “faker” in Baltimore. He rights framework counter-acts that took his money and said he’d pay the ‘divide and conquer’ strategy. We are difference between seven dollars and building a poor people’s movement to a living wage. He broke his promise. end poverty. This movement is lead by poor people themselves. In 2005 we organized the Summer of Honor. We did our first major media I am going to introduce Carl, who is event. basically my boss to give a brief introduction of the leadership This year we will do the Summer of committee Justice. We will hopefully sign a contract for a 20-person co-op on Carl Johnson, member, UAW Monday; this will be historic Leadership Committee: agreement. We are a group of low wage workers. We vote on ideas to go on. And UWA is planning to connect the whatever the UWA needs to do to Summer of Justice tour to Pittsburgh implement the idea goes out there, All Star Game protests. and people work on it. You said you wanted a brief introduction, so I’m giving you a brief introduction! (Laughter)
Discussion
Celeste Taylor, Pittsburgh Anti- Kath Golub, UNITE HERE (CT): We Sweatshop Community Alliance: I cannot have solidarity until we have experienced a turning point when I grassroots action. I decided to work met the Bangladeshi women in 2004. with this union because I wanted to be This workers tour was tied to a a part of that grassroots solidarity. I campaign sponsored by the Pittsburgh am a researcher for hotels, not really Anti-Sweatshop Community Alliance. apparel. Even the hotel union workers In 2004, Pennsylvania established a struggle on all different fronts just to sweatfree executive order. Oppressed find solidarity with workers in their people have a special role and own cities. This is the first step to opportunity to contribute to this global solidarity. movement.
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Bjorn Claeson, SweatFree Participant : What is the strategy Communites : Can we all unite to behind the All-Star game? Our hold baseball accountable for human resources are not infinite. What can rights abuses in China, here, and in different constituencies do and how Bangladesh? Workers in this country can they contribute? might feel that they have something to lose by joining with international Kertes : My job with the UWA is workers. How can we frame the communication. My background is in unity? marketing and business administration. However this fits into Miller : I pass out baseball cards an overall strategy. There will be a outside of the stadium and people say, day where there can be attention “Why should I care about China if I drawn to their narrative. Hearing the don’t have the right to organize in the narratives from Costa Rican baseball United States?” I don’t think the local makers to cleaners in the stadiums is fight makes sense outside of powerful. My timeline on everything is globalization. I don’t have any 20 years. Unlike Seattle, where issues confidence in the labor movement that were fragmented, we could use this to they are going to first focus here, and build a strong narrative. then focus on Bangladesh. For example, “We gotta do this first, and Golub : What demand are we shaping then we’re gonna focus on other here? countries.” Well, they’re not going to get what they want this year, or next Miller: The demand is disclosure and year … and we’re never going get to locking the licensing agreements in the point where we stand up with our place with factories. If the UWA is other countries. We need an agenda involved, we could put in the to do both at the same time. conditions about stadium workers. … What would the Worker Rights Bertran Begin, Canadian Labour Consortium do differently if they Congress : International solidarity tripled the number of factories they can work; but labor can’t do it on their have in their licensing decisions? We own. We did solidarity work between want access to the licensing Canada and Gildan workers in agreements and codes of conduct. Honduras. You need to have the When we made the decision that we whole anti-sweatshop movement were going to go after Major League behind you. Canada has increased Sports, we went after it with the USAS union membership in the decade, framework. while the United States has declined. Education is the key, more than Taylor: The Pirates are ready to talk. organizing. They want everything to be nice for the All-Star game. We can use the It seems that if you do succeed with Olympic strategy. baseball, you open the door for hockey, basketball, etc. I think we Participant: What about using the should collaborate on our side of the press? border to follow up on what you guys are doing.
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Miller : We have reached the limit on We can say, “We want you to lock the the mainstream press – the local team licensing agreements in place in doesn’t really want to cover bad factories and we want you to take sports. Every scandal of sports shows worker’s testimony.” up on the sports page. They love the steroid issue, but not the sweatshop Participant : Do they have a issue. We know we are winning when rudimentary code of conduct? sweatshop is on the Sports page. Miller : Yes. They claim they are Participant: What about using ethical. The first step is full public baseball players for the celebrity disclosure. This can help us move factor? quickly for independent monitoring.
Howald: New Era didn’t get any help Begin : I suggest talking with from the baseball players. (Kertes: Canadian hockey gear workers; Neither did UWA). New Era members maybe they can give tips. I would be wrote personal letters to the players, open to that type of campaign. some of the kids wrote letters. We sent over 500 letters; none of them Johnson: I think we all need to wrote back. remember that all great things go through a great deal of struggle. The players have a revenue sharing We’re all fighting the same thing – strategy between licensing we’re not fighting just sweatshops, agreements. This is integrated into Peter Angelo, etc. We are all fighting their personal money package. It’s a poverty. We are all starting a millionaire’s club foundation to fight for greater things.
Participant: What’s the scope of Kertes: To follow up on that, two your conversation with the Pirates? things would make this a victory for UWA: getting a story about Miller : They key thing was the sweatshops on the Sports page; licensing agreements. They say their showing Peter Angelos the connection hands are tied because of Major between Baltimore and the bigger League Baseball is national. But there issue. If the goal is to set a is a lot of free stuff you get into the precedent, and Pittsburgh is the weak stadium. This is what gets tickets link, we are giving them a precedent. sold. The free stuff is all the team’s decision. They should set an example Briggs : It would be key for the with all this free stuff. Anything that Pirates to speak publicly that they they do and say will be precedent support labor rights and ethics and setting. respect the rights of all workers.
What they could win at the All Star Taylor: There’s no recipe or policy Game … if they build it up in force and that we are trying to pass. Please let get the media involved …is that the me know what your committee’s conversation will open up in the Major unique contribution is. We need the League Arena. diversity of contributions. We have an e-mail listserv.
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Synthesizing the Weekend and Looking Ahead
Including reports from the strategy track and action plan groups, we will formulate plans and next steps. Facilitators: Andrew Kang Bartlett, Presbyterian Hunger Program, Presbyterian Church (USA) Valerie Orth, Global Exchange Notes: Sarah Church, Progressive Jewish Alliance
Representatives from strategy sessions asked to speak on challenges, lessons learned, ideas and action items
Bama Athreya, International Labor advertising). It is much broader and Rights Fund – report on “What Is includes product development, Sweatfree?” operations, and publicity/advertising. As activists, we should be involved in Athreya provided an overview of linking sweatfree producers to buyers. definitions of sweatfree over the last Some group members plan to come decade (codes of conduct, monitoring up with a proposal. and certification initiatives… moving toward a model of solidarity, *** promoting production within factories that are empowered.) Chris Himes Katherine Stecher, Campaign for from TransFair reported on a research Labor Rights – report on “Models project on creating a fair trade label for Verification and Enforcement for garments. The project is in the od Sweatfree Policies” initial stages of gathering information. Jessica Rutter from United Students The FairWear Foundation (FWF) in the Against Sweatshops explained the Netherlands and the Worker Rights Designated Supplier Program, which Consortium based in Washington DC builds on existing relationships with presented. FWF works with factories factories that have just working that produce workwear in Europe. conditions, collective bargaining Both models are important tools for agreements, and democratic unions, real enforcement and for keeping and requires university licensees to people engaged in campaigns towards funnel orders to such factories. sweatfree purchasing. But these organizations cannot take the place of *** grassroots organizing. FWF is starting to expand (currently to Germany). We Mu Son Chi, Ethical Trade Action hope to watch their growth. Group (Denver) – report on marketing session ***
As activists, we have a pretty narrow view of marketing (we equate it with
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Alex Tom, Chinese Progressive common city and state suppliers and Association (San Francisco) – the dollar value of the contracts we’re report on “Worker Organizing dealing with. We need to connect this Models and the Role of Solidarity” work to students’ campaigns at universities. There are ongoing There are sweatshops in our organizing meetings about this. To be backyards. As we look around, not informed of the meetings, contact many people in the room are union [email protected] members or factory workers themselves. It is important to bring *** workers to the table, or at the least Celeste Taylor, Pittsburgh Anti- bring in those who work directly with Sweatshop Community Alliance – workers in workers’ centers. These report on “Union Solidarity and conferences and meetings are the 2006 All Star Game” amazing spaces that we should open up to make them more effective and Panelists and participants put their accountable. heads together to think about what really constitutes solidarity. As a *** movement we must address the Natalia Rudiak, Pittsburgh Anti- capacity that purchasers have and not Sweatshop Community Alliance – lose focus on improving conditions for report on “Next Steps in City and workers. We have to present worker State Collaboration on testimony from Haiti and Bangladesh, Enforcement and Procurement” and connect workers all over the world. We won't stop plant closings San Francisco Mayor Newsom sent and we won't improve conditions if we letters to 60 mayors encouraging a don’t make these connections between sweatfree procurement consortium for workers internationally. If we get joint enforcement of sweatfree baseball on board, if we talk about policies; Maine Governor Baldacci sent ‘fair play” and educate the public and a similar letter to governors all over the press, this will only help other the country. How can this message be sweatfree campaigns. cohesive? We need research on
Comments and questions
Participant: When can we expect the Wade Crowfoot, Mayor’s Liaison to marketing proposal? the Supervisors, San Francisco: Increasing coordination and John Flory, North Country Fair communication will be key to advance Trade: We’re discussing a system like all of our campaign. We need to create the plant in Costa Rica that has lost its a hub of communication. owner, and the workers want to continue producing and find a market. Tom Kertes, United Workers Association: We clean up the trash after games at the stadium in
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Baltimore. Thank you for the invitation about their clothing labels and to this conference. Now we see many discover all of the women’s stories parallels between our work and that of that are living on their garments and garment workers abroad. in their closets. Please use the paintings. CDs with the images are We clean up the trash after games available. at the stadium in Baltimore. Thank you for the invitation to this Carmen Durán, CITTAC, Tijuana: conference. Now we see many Thanks so much for having me. It is parallels between our work and important to think about electronics that of garment workers abroad. manufacturing in addition to garment work. I work in Tijuana in that Participant: We end up jumping from industry. I spoke in the workshop campaign to campaign, but we should about assembling cell phones and really make sure we’re partnering with televisions. In Tijuana, I go as a labor organizations abroad and in the promotora – advocate – and talk to United States to create ongoing workers about the factory conditions. maximization of resources and Thanks to all who made this possible. relationships. We will all continue to work for our dreams. This is especially important Eric Odier-Fink, Justice Clothing: for those who don’t have the There are connections between opportunity or capacity to organize. It workers in the United States and was a challenge to attend, but I am workers in the Global South who are glad I did. building local sustainable economies. This could be its own conference; we Alex Tom, Chinese Progressive only touched on it. Association, San Francisco: Thank you to everyone for including the Andrew Blake: I work at Totino- international representatives; we did a Grace High School in Minnesota and great job of being inclusive. We should brought students to the conference. Thank you for the exposure to the There are 85,000 protests a year in work you’re doing. Think of yourselves China recognized by the government, and most likely many as teachers. You can do so much by times more that are not recorded. educating a young person. We need to We have to think about how to start earlier, educate 15-17 year olds. include this organizing in our There’s so much language to catch up movement. with that it takes a while to get the lingo down. all do a better job of including the voices of workers from China. We took Alan Flum: I am starting from the a delegation to China to counter all beginning in thinking about sweatfree the discussion of “all of our jobs going electronics. to China”. It’s not about being pro- China or anti-China. It’s about being Janet Essley: I am the artist who involved strategically with the made the paintings on display at movement worldwide. There 10,000s Resource Center. I want to allow us all of protests a year in China recognized to use the images. Viewers think by the government, and most likely
65 many times more that are not the process at every level. There are recorded. We have to think about how huge changes taking place, starting in to include this organizing in our Puerto Allegre, Brazil, and spreading. movement. The Alliance for Democracy wants to bring this movement to the United Gilberto García, Just Garments: I States through open town meetings. want to thank all of you and the organizers. We’re part of the Eric Dirnbach, UNITE HERE: The movement that is giving workers hope quality of strategic discussion has all over the world. Especially been increasing since I have been important is to focus on the idea of involved in the labor community. But, political education, starting at the we have a small number of actual base. In some ways, we’re all victories to show for it. Our job is to connected. As part of promoting the build off this energy to keep focus and idea of sweatfree, we need to see the move forward. Over the last few connections to immigration and free years, we have been laying the trade agreements. We can integrate groundwork. Now is when our work our movements. Across borders, we can really take off. can find connections. All of our workers struggles are connected. We all need to work together for better conditions and salaries. Thank you!
Valerie Orth, Global Exchange: We are working on a seven-minute film about the San Francisco victory. We also have a great speaker, Chie Abad, who was a worker in a Saipan GAP factory and is available for speaking engagements. Please contact Global Exchange to find out more about the mayor’s letter on sweatfree procurement, to get a letter sent to your mayor, or to organize around this effort.
Dave Lewit, Alliance for Democracy: The workshop on open government only had three participants but discussion was fruitful. We discussed popular empowerment, including for poor people in whole cities. We focused on empowerment of people where 50,000 people turn out to decide the priorities of $200 million to be spent on public projects. People can form relationships with city officials and get involved in
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Appendix 1: Conference Program
FRIDAY, APRIL 7
6:00-7:00PM
Welcome by Resource Center of the Americas Opening remarks by SweatFree Communities Movement highlights and introductions. Participants are welcome to share their campaign experiences and successes in a few words as we get to know each other.
*** 7:00-9:00PM Public Event
Maquilapolis – City of Factories A sneak preview of the soon-to-be-released documentary that tells the story of workers in Tijuana's factories and explores the human costs of globalization. Post-screening discussion with producers and factory workers who participated in the film. Carmen Durán, Centro de Información para Trabajadores y Trabajadoras (CITTAC) / Workers' Information Center Vicky Funari, Maquilapolis Producer/Director/Editor Tere Loyola, Promotoras por los Derechos de las Mujeres
***
SATURDAY, APRIL 8
9:00-10:30AM Public Event
The Strategy of SweatFree Organizing
What is sweatfree organizing, who is involved, how do they work together, and makes it an effective strategy to end sweatshop exploitation? Hear from key participants how they see their role in the movement, and how we can sharpen the strategy to increase our power to make change. Bjorn Claeson, SweatFree Communities Wade Crowfoot, San Francisco Mayor's Liaison to the Board Marieke Eyskoot, Clean Clothes Campaign International Secretariat Gilberto Garcia, Centro de Estudios y Apoyo Laboral (Labor Studies and Support Center, El Salvador) Jessica Rutter, United Students Against Sweatshops Lori Ryan, Canadian Catholic Organization for Development & Peace Nancy Steffan, Worker Rights Consortium Moderator: Liana Foxvog, SweatFree Communities
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10:45AM-12PM : SATURDAY, APRIL 8
Sweatshop Economy and Sweatfree Organizing
A. How to Build a Campaign and Make Your City/County/State Sweatfree This interactive workshop will give you what you need to start, run, and win a campaign for a sweatfree policy. Liana Foxvog, SweatFree Communities Valerie Orth, Global Exchange ***
B. Sweatfree Legislation: A Tool to be Used Examples of how to use sweatfree procurement policies to support worker struggles for better working conditions, while creating stronger grassroots organizations. Sean Donahue, Peace through Interamerican Community Action Yannick Etienne, Batay Ouvriye Mike Howden, Milwaukee Clean Clothes Campaign Sally Kim Cass, SUNY Albany, United Students Against Sweatshops
*** C. Sweatfree Religious Institutions Sarah Church, Progressive Jewish Alliance Andrew Kang Bartlett, Presbyterian Hunger Program, Presbyterian Church (USA)
*** Sweatfree Schools
Student Power & Structure of the Global Garment Industry Build connections with other students and set goals for the conference. Learn about the structure of the global garment industry and how students have successfully harnessed their collective power to improve working conditions at university licensee contractors. United Students Against Sweatshops
*** Sweatfree Strategy
Worker Organizing Models and the Role of Solidarity Worker organizing takes many forms and unionization in independent, democratic unions is often not possible. Sweatfree movement message and strategy should support the variety of forms of worker organizing. How do worker centers and worker committees function in California, how about in Bangladesh, Central America, and China? How are these models different from unions? How can solidarity actions and sweatfree campaigns help create the political space for various forms of worker organizing? Barbara Briggs, National Labor Committee Kimi Lee, Garment Worker Center (Los Angeles) Vivien Yau, Students and Scholars Against Corporate Misbehavior (Hong Kong) Facilitator: Alex T Tom, Chinese Progressive Association (San Francisco)
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*** 1:15-2:30PM : SATURDAY, APRIL 8
Sweatshop Economy and Sweatfree Organizing
A. Nuts and Bolts of a Sweatfree Policy How does a sweatfree procurement policy work? What is required of bidders and vendors? How is the policy enforced and who is responsible? Eric Dirnbach, UNITE HERE Kevin Thomas, Maquila Solidarity Network ***
B. Local and Organic Procurement: Garments and Food As the sweatfree movement uses government procurement policies to improve working conditions globally, outsourcing of garment factory jobs continues to create an economic and social crisis within immigrant working class communities in the United States. At the same time, immigrant farm workers in the United States suffer from labor exploitation and pesticide poisoning while producing for big public purchasers. Find out how garment workers, farm workers, and advocates are using local and organic government procurement policies to support urban and rural working families and promote economic development. Recent ordinances in San Francisco and Woodbury County, Iowa, demonstrate the power of this strategy. Alex T Tom, Chinese Progressive Association (San Francisco) Matthew Tyler, Organic Consumer Association
***
C. Vertically Sweatfree: From Cotton to Fabric to Finished Garment Looking at forced child laborers in Uzbekistan, empowered cotton workers in India, and the experience of the Fair Trade Zone in Nicaragua, we begin to make the case for a garment that is made sweatfree at all points of the supply chain: vertically integrated sweatfree! Bama Athreya, International Labor Rights Fund Mike Woodward, Fair Trade Zone
*** Sweatfree Schools
A. Make Your High School Sweatfree An interactive workshop that will give you the tools you need to get your school to buy sweatfree. Emma Roderick and Tommy Simon, United Students Against Sweatshops
*** B. Make Your Campus Sweatfree Learn about United Students Against Sweatshops' sweatfree campus campaign and how you can become part of it by organizing on your campus. Miranda Nelson and Jessica Rutter, United Students Against Sweatshops
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Sweatfree Strategy
Models for Verification and Enforcement of Sweatfree Policies
How can U.S. schools, cities, and states use the Worker Rights Consortium to enforce sweatfree procurement policies? How can Dutch and other European cities use the Fair Wear Foundation? What are the strengths and weaknesses of these models for verification and enforcement? How can they improve? And what is the role for activists in enforcing sweatfree procurement policies?
Nancy Steffan, Worker Rights Consortium Jantien Meijer, Fair Wear Foundation Facilitator: Katherine Stecher, Campaign for Labor Rights
*** 2:45-4:00PM : SATURDAY, APRIL 8
Sweatshop Economy and Sweatfree Organizing
A. Sweatshop Labor in the United States: From Our Back Yard to Our Front Yard Low-income and immigrant workers and organizers share their experiences of the pressures of the global economy. How are workers organizing for justice in their communities? How can campaigns for sweatfree procurement support worker struggles in our own communities? Centro de Derechos Laborales / Immigrant Worker Center (Minneapolis) Kimi Lee, Garment Worker Center (Los Angeles)
***
B. Good Government for Worker Justice How can you create an open and transparent government that encourages a whole community to participate in policy-making and budgeting? How can you use such a government to advance the movement for worker justice? Dave Lewit, Alliance for Democracy Celeste Taylor, Pittsburgh Anti-Sweatshop Community Alliance
*** C. There is Nothing Catholic about Exploitation - No Sweat Policy Successes in School Boards in Ontario
In the province of Ontario, hundreds of thousands of Catholic high school students are required to wear school uniforms. This workshop will share the story of struggle and victory of No Sweat campaigns to get purchasing policies at the School Board level. This movement has grown from a few school boards to an Ontario wide initiative of 9 boards which is affiliating with the Workers Rights Consortium.
Tony Muhitch, teacher, York Catholic District School Board Ryan Nutter and Tahnee Pantig, students, Toronto Catholic District School Board Lori Ryan, Canadian Catholic Organization for Development & Peace
***
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D. The Fair Food Movement Over the past decade, there has been a growing movement for fair food around the globe, including everything from supporting local small farmers to national boycotts of companies like Taco Bell to the international fair trade coffee movement. This workshop provides an overview major components of the fair food movement as it exists today, and will challenge participants to explore ways to bring the movement to government procurement policies.
Erik Esse, Local Fair Trade Network Brian Payne, Student / Farmworker Alliance TJ Semanchin, Peace Coffee
*** Sweatfree Strategy
A. What is Sweatfree? A number of promising initiatives seek to end sweatshop exploitation by promoting sweatfree alternatives. The United Students Against Sweatshops has developed a Designated Supplier Program, requiring university licensees to source from factories that respect freedom of association and pay a living wage. A conference hosted by the University of Michigan last year explored the concept of “worker-voiced” products as common ground between the anti-sweatshop and fair trade movements. And TransFair USA has begun research into the possibilities and challenges of fair-trade certification for apparel. At the same time, a number of sweatfree campaigns are promoting sweatfree alternatives for their local communities based on a variety of “sweatfree” concepts. This session examines some of the key questions for these initiatives – for example, what is worker empowerment; what is fair purchasing; should companies be able to certify products as “fair trade” or “sweatfree” – in order to build a stronger unified sweatfree-fair trade movement. Bama Athreya, International Labor Rights Fund Chris Himes, TransFair USA Jessica Rutter, United Students Against Sweatshops Facilitator: Dick Meyer, South Sound Clean Clothes Campaign
***
B. Next Steps in City and State Collaboration on Enforcement and Procurement Prompted by the sweatfree movement, the Mayor of San Francisco has called for a city consortium to consolidate procurement power and enforce sweatfree procurement policies. Similarly, the Governor of Maine is calling on other governors to join him in a Governors Coalition for Sweatfree Procurement and Worker Rights. These initiatives are great opportunities to expand and strengthen our movement. How do we organize to make sure cities and states sign on to these coalitions? Liana Foxvog, SweatFree Communities Valerie Orth, Global Exchange Facilitator: Alejandra Domenzain, Sweatshop Watch
***
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4:30-6:00 PM : SATURDAY, APRIL 8
Sweatshop Economy and Sweatfree Organizing
A. Resistance In China This workshop will look at forms of worker resistance within China, including the formation of worker committees and centers. A discussion will follow on the role of international solidarity in supporting worker struggles. Vivien Yau, Students and Scholars Against Corporate Misbehavior (Hong Kong)
***
B. How to get Media Attention to Your Campaign Learn nuts and bolts about working with the media: how to write a press release, what stories to pitch, when to aim for media coverage, and more. Mary Turck, Resource Center of the Americas
*** C. Teachers' Union: Powerful Sweatfree Ally The NYS Labor-Religion Coalition's work with the New York State United Teachers union can serve as a model for other campaigns seeking to work in partnership with organized labor. Workshop participants will come away with ideas and strategies for engaging unions, with their tremendous resources, in sweatfree work. Brian O'Shaughnessy, New York State Labor-Religion Coalition
*** Sweatfree Schools
Strategic Organizing for Students Jessica Rutter, United Students Against Sweatshops
*** Skill building small groups: a. facilitation b. coalition building
United Students Against Sweatshops
***
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Sweatfree Strategy Union Solidarity and the 2006 All Star Game: An Opportunity to Move Major League Baseball? Transnational apparel companies often weaken unions and lower standards for workers through outsourcing or merely threatening to shift production to low-wage regions of the world. Can solidarity between union and non-union workers counteract corporate power and result in better working conditions for all? Major League Baseball depends on a variety of union and non-union workers in the United States and around the world: there are U.S. union workers at companies that hold licenses to produce Major League Baseball apparel and non-union workers of the same companies and other companies who also produce baseball apparel; there are stadium workers, some of whom are unionized and others who are not; and there are the baseball players themselves and their association. And the public has a stake in their teams both as fans and as tax payers. Can we work together to improve the conditions of all workers associated with Major League Baseball? Is the 2006 All Star Game an opportunity to bring Major League Baseball to the bargaining table? Barbara Briggs, National Labor Committee Jane Howald, CWA Local 14177, Derby, New York, New Era Cap Tom Kertes, United Workers Association Molly McGrath, AFL-CIO Solidarity Center Kenneth Miller, Pittsburgh Anti-Sweatshop Community Alliance Facilitator: Eric Dirnbach, UNITE HERE *** Sweatfree Strategy Marketing: the Fine Line between Activism and Entrepreneurialism What is the role of activists in connecting sweatfree sellers with buyers? Should sweatfree activism include promoting ethical suppliers to individual consumers or institutions such as cities and states that have adopted a sweatfree procurement policy? If so, what should we know about marketing? What kind of marketing resources do we have? And can we pool our resources to convey a coherent, compelling message to individuals, institutions, and the media? We recommend that participants in this session also attend “What is sweatfree?” Saturday, 2:45-4:00 pm.
Bena Burda, Maggie's Organics / Clean Clothes Inc. Steven Brown Sarah Church, Progressive Jewish Alliance John Flory, North Country Fair Trade Ruth Mena Garay, Fair Trade Zone, Nicaragua Kevin O’Brien, Ethical Sourcing Group Facilitator: Mu Son Chi, Ethical Trade Action Group
*** 6:30-8:30PM : SATURDAY, APRIL 8
Public Event
Fiesta for Worker Solidarity Fundraiser for Resource Center of the Americas and SweatFree Communities Donation $15-60 includes Mexican dinner buffet and music by Quilombolas - Afrocentric world music with politically conscious lyrics in Portuguese, French, Spanish, and English. Featured speakers: Yannick Etienne, Batay Ouvriye, Haiti Kimi Lee, Garment Worker Center, Los Angeles
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9-10:30AM : SUNDAY, APRIL 9
Sweatshop Economy and Sweatfree Organizing
A. Organizing in the Age of CAFTA and the WTO How do these trade agreements affect sweatfree policies? What campaign efforts can we join to stop harmful trade agreements? Larry Weiss, Citizens Trade Campaign *** B. Union Organizing in Colombia and the Coke Campaign Gerardo Cajamarca, SINALTRAINAL Human Rights Committee (Colombia) & United Steelworkers Cretin-Derham Hall Concerned Students Against Coca-Cola Tommy Simon, United Students Against Sweatshops Trina Tocco, International Labor Rights Fund *** C. Activism that Wins! Story Telling and Strategies for Change How can we communicate our vision of a future without sweatshops? How can we re-frame the debates around sweatshops and globalization? How can we amplify the voices of communities struggling for economic justice and human rights? This workshop will discuss how to apply “narrative power analysis” tools to social change work. That is, looking at the stories that are told, who tells them, and how we can change the story for a more just future. Participants will learn strategic messaging and organizing tools to apply to the design of winning campaigns. Maryrose Dolezal and Matthew Schmucker, Strategy Training and Organizing Resources for Youth (STORY) Patrick Reinsborough, smart Meme Strategy & Training Project
*** D. A Day in the Life of an Independent Monitor Are you still confused about what monitoring means? What does monitoring look like on the ground? This workshop will give you a behind-the-scenes look at the Worker Rights Consortium. Jeremy Blasi, Worker Rights Consortium *** E. Your Time to Network and Make Action Plans Was something missing? Did you want to spend more time on a topic? Invite a meeting during this time on a topic of your choice.
*** 10:45AM-12PM : SUNDAY, APRIL 9
All together
Synthesizing the Weekend and Looking Ahead Including reports from the strategy track and action plan groups, we will formulate plans and next steps.
***
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Appendix 2: Conference Sponsors
A Different Approach, Shreveport, No Sweat Apparel, Boston, Louisiana Massachusetts AFL-CIO No Sweat Store, Cleveland, Ohio AFSCME, Local 2459, Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh Anti-Sweatshop Pennsylvania Community Alliance (PASCA) The Arca Foundation The Presbytery of the Twin Cities Argusfest, Denver, Colorado Area, the Connectional Ministries Café Rebelión, Denver, Colorado Work Group Campaign for Labor Rights Peace through Interamerican Clean Clothes Campaign of Community Action (PICA), Bangor, Southern Maine Maine Cretim-Derham Hall, St. Paul, Platinum Sportswear, Norcross, Minnesota Georgia CWA Local 14177 Derby New Era Presbyterian Hunger Program, Cap Workers Presbyterian Church (USA) Donnelly/Colt Progressive Progressive Jewish Alliance, Resources Catalog California Eastern Maine Central Labor Rainstorm Inc., Orono, Maine Council Resource Center of the Americas, Ethical Trade Action Group, Minneapolis, Minnesota Denver, Colorado Scotty’s Fashions, Pen Argyl, Global Exchange Pennsylvania Handcrafting Justice, Jamaica, New SEIU Connecticut State Council York SEIU Local 284, South St. Paul, IBEW Local 1837, Maine and New Minnesota Hampshire SEIU Local 1989, Maine State Jewish Labor Committee Employees Association Justice Clothing, Bangor, Maine Traditions Fair Trade, Olympia, Lifewear, Pottstown, Pennsylvania Washington Longfellow Community Council, Union House, Wyoming, Minnesota Minneapolis, Minnesota United Methodist Church, General Maggie’s Organics/Clean Clothes Board of Global Ministries, Inc., Ypsilanti, Michigan Women’s Division Maine AFL-CIO United Students Against Manny’s Tortas, Minneapolis, Sweatshops Minnesota UNITE HERE Minneapolis Central Labor Union UNITE HERE, New England Council, AFL-CIO Regional Joint Board New Jersey Headwear, Hoboken, United University Professions, New New Jersey York New York State United Teachers Western Massachusetts Jobs with North Country Fair Trade, St. Paul, Justice Minnesota Workers’ Project, Fort Wayne, Northeast Indiana Central Labor Indiana Council