DOCSLIB.ORG

Transformation of the Bulgarian Political Elite in the Period of Transition

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

TRANSFORMATION OF THE BULGARIAN POLITICAL ELITE IN THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION. ITS IMPACT ON THE TRANSITION PROCESS by Emilia Zankina BA in Political Science and Communication & Rhetoric, University of Pittsburgh, 2000 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Graduate School of Public and International Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Affairs University of Pittsburgh 2010 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH GRADUATE SCHOOL OF PUBLIC AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS This dissertation was presented by Emilia Zankina It was defended on May 3, 2010 and approved by Louis Picard, PhD, Professor, Graduate School of Public and International Affairs Ilya Prizel, PhD, Research Professor, University Center for International Studies Dissertation Advisors: Carolyn Ban, PhD, Professor, Graduate School of Public and International Affairs Ronald Linden, PhD, Professor, Department of Political Science ii Copyright © by Emilia Zankina 2010 iii TRANSFORMATION OF THE BULGARIAN POLITICAL ELITE IN THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION. ITS IMPACT ON THE TRANSITION PROCESS Emilia Zankina, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2010 This study examines the transformation of the Bulgarian political elite that took place with the transition from communist to post-communist society. Drawing on classical elite theory and contemporary research on East European elites, I argue that two sets of factors determine the nature of elite transformation – the presence of a counter-elite and the degree to which this elite is organized, and the effectiveness of the auto-transformative mechanisms of the ruling elite (i.e. intra-elite conflict and modes of recruitment). Using a combination of quantitative and qualitative data gathering techniques, I analyze the nature and intensity of intra-elite conflict within the ruling communist elite; the emergence of an organized counter-elite; the extent to which the counter-elite was able to challenge the power of the ruling communist elite; and the difference in the composition and modes of recruitment of the communist and post-communist elites. In examining the process of elite transformation in Bulgaria, I address the wider and more important question of the role the elite played in the transition process and the impact it had on the transition outcome. East European transitions produced a variety of outcomes, with Bulgaria consistently lagging behind other countries from the region. Without viewing elite transformation as the sole explanatory variable, I argue that it significantly affected the outcome of the transition process. Elite action, more than anything, defines domestic and foreign policy choices, and hence, the direction and success of the transition process. Elite change in Bulgaria was defined by a strong and slowly reforming former communist party, unable to articulate a viable reform program; a weak and poorly organized opposition torn by internal conflict and lacking a unified vision of the transition and sound reform policy; and an opportunistic ethnic- based party changing allegiance every so often. This particular combination resulted in a sequence of unstable governments and reform policies that were stalled or reversed with each change in government. The nature of elite transformation in Bulgaria and the country’s difficult transition pose the question of the link between elite change and transition outcome – a connection that renders the elite variable the more so important. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE .................................................................................................................................... XI 1.0 THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE BULGARIAN POLITICAL ELITE IN THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION AND ITS IMPACT ON THE TRANSITION PROCESS: AN INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................. 1 1.1 FRAMING THE ISSUE ...................................................................................... 1 1.2 THEORIZING ELITE TRANSFORMATION IN EASTERN EUROPE ..... 5 1.3 POLICY IMPLICATIONS................................................................................. 9 1.4 METHODOLOGY AND ORGANIZATION ................................................. 11 2.0 APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF EAST EUROPEAN ELITES: INFERENCES FROM THE LITERATURE ........................................................................... 14 2.1 CIRCULATION VS. REPRODUCTION ........................................................ 15 2.2 ELITE CHANGE AND REGIME FORMS .................................................... 27 2.3 STUDIES OF BULGARIAN ELITES ............................................................. 44 3.0 THEORIZING ELITE TRANSFORMATION: REVISITING MOSCA AND PARETO ………………………………………………………………………………………...58 3.1 CHANGE AND CONTINUITY ....................................................................... 60 3.2 CIRCULATION OF ELITES .......................................................................... 63 3.3 ELITE RENEWAL ........................................................................................... 67 3.3.1 Technocratic and Populist Function ............................................................ 70 3.4 COUNTER ELITE ............................................................................................ 76 3.5 INTRA-ELITE CONFLICT ............................................................................. 82 v 3.6 ELITE TRANSFORMATION AND TRANSITION OUTCOME ............... 87 3.7 A MODEL OF ELITE TRANSFORMATION ............................................... 89 4.0 DEMOCRATIZATION IN EASTERN EUROPE AND THE BULGARIAN TRANSITION: HISTORICAL OVERVIEW .......................................................................... 93 4.1 DEMOCRATIZATION IN EASTERN EUROPE ......................................... 94 4.2 EVENTS IN BULGARIA 1989-2000 ............................................................. 102 4.2.1 First Post-Communist Governments, 1989-1991 ...................................... 104 4.2.2 Governments under the New Constitution ................................................ 112 4.3 THE DIFFERENT CONTEXT OF ELITE TRANSFORMATION IN BULGARIA ....................................................................................................................... 120 4.3.1 Legitimacy .................................................................................................... 121 4.3.2 Dissidence ..................................................................................................... 129 4.3.3 Transitional Justice ..................................................................................... 134 5.0 DATA GATHERING AND SAMPLES ................................................................. 147 5.1 ELITE AND COUNTER-ELITE ................................................................... 148 5.2 CADRE ............................................................................................................. 150 5.3 TIME PERIOD ................................................................................................ 152 5.4 ELITE ROSTERS ........................................................................................... 153 5.5 INTERVIEWS ................................................................................................. 162 5.6 NEWSPAPERS AND ARCHIVES ................................................................ 166 6.0 TRANSFORMATION OF THE BULGARIAN POLITICAL ELITE: EMPIRICAL FINDINGS ......................................................................................................... 170 6.1 BULGARIAN COMMUNIST PARTY (BCP)/BULGARIAN SOCIALIST PARTY (BSP) ................................................................................................................... 171 6.1.1 Structure and Mode of Recruitment until 1989 ........................................ 171 vi 6.1.2 Intra-elite Conflict ....................................................................................... 175 6.1.3 Transformation of the Party after 1989 .................................................... 185 6.1.3.1 Political re-orientation and new structure ........................................ 185 6.1.3.2 Internal conflict after 1989 ................................................................ 188 6.1.3.3 Recruitment ........................................................................................ 191 6.2 UNION OF DEMOCRATIC FORCES (UDF) ............................................. 199 6.2.1 Organizing the Opposition .......................................................................... 199 6.2.2 Structure and Mode of Recruitment .......................................................... 202 6.2.3 Intra-elite Conflict ....................................................................................... 212 6.3 MOVEMENT FOR RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS (MRF) ........................... 216 6.3.1 Organizing MRF and Mobilizing the Ethnic Turkish Vote .................... 216 6.3.2 Structure and Mode of Recruitment .......................................................... 220 6.3.3 Role in Politics .............................................................................................. 226 6.4 OVERALL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE POLITICAL ELITE IN THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION ............................................................................................ 232 7.0 THE ROLE OF THE SECRET SERVICE IN THE BULGARIAN TRANSITION: MYTHS AND EVIDENCE .........................................................................
Recommended publications
  • Bulgaria Political Briefing: Bulgarian President Rumen Radev Will Run for a Second Term Evgeniy Kandilarov

    Bulgaria Political Briefing: Bulgarian President Rumen Radev Will Run for a Second Term Evgeniy Kandilarov

    ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 37, No. 1 (BG) February 2021 Bulgaria political briefing: Bulgarian President Rumen Radev will run for a Second Term Evgeniy Kandilarov 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. [email protected] Szerkesztésért felelős személy: CHen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01 Bulgarian President Rumen Radev will run for a Second Term One of the most significant political events in the last few weeks in Bulgaria was the announcement of the President Roumen Radev, on Februaty 1st, that he and the Vice President Iliana Yotova will run for a second term in office at the presidential elections scheduled for this fall. This became clear during a press conference at which the head of state reported on what had been done over the past four years. “Our candidacy at this time is an honest move for citizens and political figures,” he said in an hour-long speech, hailing his own presidency as a voice of reason during the last few years. President Rumen Radev took the office after winning a second round of voting in 2016 – against GERB candidate Tsetska Tsacheva. Radev and Iliana Yotova took the oath as president and vice president in the parliament on January 19, 2017.Three days later, on January 22, they officially took the office. Under the constitution, the presidential couple's term expires in January 2022. Elections for a new head of state will be in the fall but it is not yet clear whether they will be in October or November.
  • Bulgaria – the Difficult “Return to Europe”

    Bulgaria – the Difficult “Return to Europe”

    European Democracy in Action BULGARIA – THE DIFFICULT “RETURN TO EUROPE” TAMARA BUSCHEK Against the background of the EU accession of Bulgaria on 1st January 2007 and the first Bulgarian elections for the European Parliament on 20th May 2007, Tamara Buschek takes a closer look at Bulgaria’s uneven political and economic transition – at its difficult “return to Europe”. Graduated from Graz University (Austria) in 2003 with a Masters in Law [magistra juris] after finishing her studies in European and international law. After gaining a grant from the Chamber of Commerce in 2000 to complete an internship at the Austrian Embassy in London, she carried out research for her dissertation in criminal law – “The Prevention of Sexual Child Abuse – Austria/Great Britain” - in 2001 at the London School of Economics. She studied European and administrative law in Paris from 2001 to 2002 as part of an Erasmus year. She is quadrilingual (German, Bulgarian, English and French). « BULGARIA – THE DIFFICULT RETURN TO EUROPE » MAY 2007 Table of Contents Introduction P. 1 2.3 The current governmental coalition, 2005-2007 and the P. 21 presidential election in 2006 I – Background Information P. 3 III - The first European Parliament elections, 20 May 2007 P. 25 1.1 Hopes and Fears P. 3 Conclusion P. 30 1.2 Ethnic Minorities P. 5 1.3 Economic Facts P. 7 Annex P. 32 II – Political Situation- a difficult path towards stability P. 9 Annex 1: Key facts P. 32 2.1 The transition from 1989 till 2001 P. 9 Annex 2: Economic Profile P. 33 2.1.1 The legislative elections of 1990 and the first P.
  • Illicit Entrepreneurs and Legitimate Markets Philip Marti

    Illicit Entrepreneurs and Legitimate Markets Philip Marti

    The London School of Economics and Political Science Backdoor traders: illicit entrepreneurs and legitimate markets Philip Martinov Gounev A thesis submitted to the Department of Sociology of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, April 2011 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. 2 Abstract This dissertation examines the factors that determine the behaviour of criminal entrepreneurs in legitimate markets. The particular aspect studied is how such entrepreneurs enter a new market when they immigrate into a new country (Chapter 1). The empirical focus of the thesis is the Bulgarian illegal entrepreneurs involved in the sale of stolen cars. More specifically, the dissertation compares their market behaviour in Bulgaria and in Spain between the late 1990s and 2010. The empirical basis for the dissertation is a comprehensive analysis of summaries of 86 Spanish police investigations against organised crime networks, as well as fieldwork consisting of interviews with 79 offenders, law-enforcement officers, entrepreneurs, and car-dealers in Spain and Bulgaria (Chapter 2).
  • The Superpowers: a Soviet Perspective

    The Superpowers: a Soviet Perspective

    Commentary Karen Brutents Europe Between the Superpowers: A Soviet Perspective Robert Hutchings writes that the end of the cold war resulted from ‘‘the interaction between super- power relations and developments in Europe’’ and ‘‘was not some- thing bestowed on Europe by U.S. and Soviet leaders, but neither was it something that Europe could have achieved on its own.’’ Nevertheless, he suggests that the accurate term for these events is ‘‘self-liberation.’’ Indeed, the emergence of the popular and opposition move- ments ultimately served as the major factor in the liberation of Eastern Europe. The materials at our disposal show that the effect of perestroika in the Soviet Union, along with Mikhail Gorba- chev’s policy line and practical steps, played a decisive role in trans- forming latent discontent into a mass movement in the majority of Eastern European nations. Even in Poland and Hungary, where democratic demonstrations were more active, the Communist re- gimes still maintained a foothold. That foothold was particularly firm in Bulgaria and Czechoslovakia. As for the German Demo- cratic Republic (GDR), a key country in the Warsaw Treaty Orga- nization, its citizens began to rise up only when it became clear that Gorbachev not only sympathized with them but would never allow the use of force against them. Before that, most of them re- mained silent, apparently out of guilt rooted in World War II and a related fear that disturbances in the GDR might cause the Russians and their troops stationed in Germany to seek revenge. It is also ................. 16548$ COM5 11-06-07 10:07:58 PS PAGE 218 Europe Between the Superpowers: A Soviet Perspective 219 possible that some of the intelligentsia were restrained by a sense of responsibility and an understanding that the use of force in the GDR could lead to a global military confrontation.
  • Alexander Dallin and F. I. Firsov, Eds, Dimitrov and Stalin 1934–1943

    Alexander Dallin and F. I. Firsov, Eds, Dimitrov and Stalin 1934–1943

    Book Reviews Alexander Dallin and F. I. Firsov, eds, Dimitrov and Stalin 1934–1943. Letters from the Soviet Archives. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000. 278 pp. $35.00. Reviewed by Silvio Pons, Rome University II (Italy) The letters collected in this volume together with remarkably balanced commentary by the editors provide important information about the Communist International (Comintern). The collection adds to what we have learned from basic sources such as Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/jcws/article-pdf/3/3/116/695468/jcws.2001.3.3.116.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 the diary of Georgi Dimitrov, which was recently published in Bulgaria under the title Dnevnik 9 mart 1933–6 februari 1949 (Soªa: Universitetsko izdatelstvo “Sv. Kliment Okhridski,” 1997). The letters shed useful light on the Soviet Union’s approach to in- ternational affairs both before and during the Second World War. The limitations of this collection reºect the spotty access to important documen- tary material in the Russian archives. Unfortunately, except for some brief—albeit at times quite intriguing—marginal notes, the book provides almost no direct evidence of Josif Stalin’s thought. Moreover, in some cases, Dimitrov’s letters are simply notes accompanying Comintern documents, which in most cases are already known to spe- cialists. The cover notes themselves add little to our knowledge. Nonetheless, many of Dimitrov’s letters to Stalin afford deeper insights into such matters as the Comintern’s embrace of popular fronts in 1934, the Spanish Civil War, the policy of the Chinese Communist Party, the aftermath of the Nazi-Soviet pact, and the dissolution of the Comintern in 1943.
  • There Has Been No Bulgarian Tradition of Any Long-Standing Resistance to the Communist Regime

    There Has Been No Bulgarian Tradition of Any Long-Standing Resistance to the Communist Regime

    There has been no Bulgarian tradition of any long-standing resistance to the communist regime. There was neither any political opposition, nor any other kind of an influential dissident movement. Bulgaria never went through the purgatory of the Hungarian uprising of 1956, or the “Prague spring” of 1968. It is indeed difficult to find any counter arguments whatsoever against the cliché that Bul- garia was the closest satellite of the Soviet Union. The fundamental contradictions within the Union of Democratic Forces (SDS) coalition were present from the very first day of its inception. There were Marxists who were longing for “socialism with a human face”, intellectuals with liberal ideas, social democrats and Christian democrats, conservatives and radical demo- crats, monarchists and republicans. The members of the center-right coalition did not delude themselves about their differences; they rather shared the clear un- derstanding that only a painful compromise could stand some chances against the Goliath of the totalitarian Bulgarian Communist Party (BKP). It was this unani- mous opposition to the communist regime and its legacy that made the coalition possible. But only for a limited period of time. The United Democratic Forces (ODS) government under Prime Minister Ivan Kostov (1997-2001) completed the reformist agenda of anti-communism. At the end of the ODS term of office, Bulgaria was a country with a functioning market economy, stable democracy, and a clearly outlined foreign policy course towards the country’s accession to the European Union and NATO, which was accepted by all significant political formations, the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) included.
  • Chronology of Key Events

    Chronology of Key Events

    Chronology of key events 1990 13 July 1990 With a Declaration of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Bulgaria accepts the invitation extended by NATO to establish regular diplomatic liaison. Mrs. Lea Cohen, Bulgarian Ambassador to Belgium, is authorized to maintain diplomatic liaison with NATO. 1991 4 April 1991 Establishment of the Atlantic Club of Bulgaria, the first non-governmental Atlantic association outside NATO member states. Since October 1992, the Atlantic Club of Bulgaria has been associated with the Atlantic Treaty Association (ATA), initially as an observer and later as an associate member. 12-14 June 1991 Dr Manfred Wörner pays the first official visit of NATO Secretary General to Bulgaria. 20 December 1991 Bulgaria participates as a co-founding state in the inaugural meeting of the North Atlantic Cooperation Council (NACC). 1994 14 February 1994 The President of Bulgaria, Zhelyu Zhelev, signs the Partnership for Peace Framework Document at NATO Headquarters. 25 November 1994 Bulgarian Deputy Foreign Minister Todor Churov visits NATO Headquarters. Bulgaria’s PfP Individual Partnership Program with NATO is formally accepted. 1995 28 September 1995 Bulgaria participates in a meeting at NATO Headquarters for a presentation of the conclusions of the Study on NATO Enlargement to NACC and PfP Cooperation partners. 16 October 1995 Bulgaria accedes to the Status of Forces Agreement between the NATO member states and the PfP countries (ratified by the National Assembly on 5 April 1996). 1996 1996-1998 Bulgaria participates in a number of meetings with NATO within the Intensified Dialogue with interested partners on NATO membership issues. 2-3 May 1996 NATO Secretary General Javier Solana visits Bulgaria.
  • The Hazards of Half-Measures: Perestroika and the Failure of Post-Soviet Democratization

    The Hazards of Half-Measures: Perestroika and the Failure of Post-Soviet Democratization

    The Hazards of Half-measures: Perestroika and the Failure of Post-Soviet Democratization M. STEVEN FISH Abstract: Perestroika was the most dramatic chapter in the political history of the world in the late twentieth century. Yet, it did not fulfill what was arguably its lofti- est promise—to lay firm foundations for lasting popular rule in Russia. The failure of democratization in post-Soviet Russia may be traced in part to two fateful short- comings in perestroika: the tepidity of Gorbachev’s economic reforms and Gor- bachev’s failure to empower popularly elected legislatures. Key words: democracy, democratization, economic reform, liberalization, national legislature, perestroika erestroika was the most dramatic chapter in the political history of the world P in the late twentieth century. For citizens of the USSR, it brought both hope and trauma. For the rest of the world, it provided liberation from the scourge of the cold war’s apocalyptic endgame scenario, which had defined international relations for four decades. Despite its momentousness, however, perestroika did not fulfill what was arguably its loftiest promise: to lay firm foundations for lasting popular rule in Russia. Mikhail Gorbachev may not have intended his reforms to lead to democ- racy, but by the time the Soviet regime unraveled in late 1991, democratization is what perestroika had brought about. At the dawn of the post-Soviet era, the three Baltic states had already forged open polities. Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, Armenia, and Moldova had experienced significant democ- ratization as well. Yet, in the ensuing decade, Russia, among other post-Soviet countries, underwent a powerful political reversal.
  • China's Fear of Contagion

    China's Fear of Contagion

    China’s Fear of Contagion China’s Fear of M.E. Sarotte Contagion Tiananmen Square and the Power of the European Example For the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), erasing the memory of the June 4, 1989, Tiananmen Square massacre remains a full-time job. The party aggressively monitors and restricts media and internet commentary about the event. As Sinologist Jean-Philippe Béja has put it, during the last two decades it has not been possible “even so much as to mention the conjoined Chinese characters for 6 and 4” in web searches, so dissident postings refer instead to the imagi- nary date of May 35.1 Party censors make it “inconceivable for scholars to ac- cess Chinese archival sources” on Tiananmen, according to historian Chen Jian, and do not permit schoolchildren to study the topic; 1989 remains a “‘for- bidden zone’ in the press, scholarship, and classroom teaching.”2 The party still detains some of those who took part in the protest and does not allow oth- ers to leave the country.3 And every June 4, the CCP seeks to prevent any form of remembrance with detentions and a show of force by the pervasive Chinese security apparatus. The result, according to expert Perry Link, is that in to- M.E. Sarotte, the author of 1989: The Struggle to Create Post–Cold War Europe, is Professor of History and of International Relations at the University of Southern California. The author wishes to thank Harvard University’s Center for European Studies, the Humboldt Foundation, the Institute for Advanced Study, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the University of Southern California for ªnancial and institutional support; Joseph Torigian for invaluable criticism, research assistance, and Chinese translation; Qian Qichen for a conversation on PRC-U.S.
  • Anti-Communism, Neoliberalisation, Fascism by Bozhin Stiliyanov

    Anti-Communism, Neoliberalisation, Fascism by Bozhin Stiliyanov

    Post-Socialist Blues Within Real Existing Capitalism: Anti-Communism, Neoliberalisation, Fascism by Bozhin Stiliyanov Traykov A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology University of Alberta © Bozhin Stiliyanov Traykov, 2020 Abstract This project draws on Alex William’s (2020) contribution to Gramscian studies with the concept of complex hegemony as an emergent, dynamic and fragile process of acquiring power in socio- political economic systems. It examines anti-communism as an ideological element of neoliberal complex hegemony in Bulgaria. By employing a Gramcian politico-historical analysis I explore examples of material and discursive ideological practices of anti-communism. I show that in Bulgaria, anti-communism strives to operate as hegemonic, common-sensual ideology through legislative acts, production of historiography, cultural and educational texts, and newly invented traditions. The project examines the process of rehabilitation of fascist figures and rise of extreme nationalism, together with discrediting of the anti-fascist struggle and demonizing of the welfare state within the totalitarian framework of anti-communism. Historians Enzo Traverso (2016, 2019), Domenico Losurdo (2011) and Ishay Landa (2010, 2016) have traced the undemocratic roots of economic liberalism and its (now silenced) support of fascism against the “Bolshevik threat.” They have shown that, whether enunciated by fascist regimes or by (neo)liberal intellectuals, anti-communism is deeply undemocratic and shares deep mass-phobic disdain for political organizing of the majority. In this dissertation I argue that, in Bulgaria, anti- communism has not only opened the ideological space for extreme right and fascist politics, it has demoralized left political organizing by attacking any attempts for a politics of socio- economic justice as tyrannical.
  • HUMAN RIGHTS in BULGARIA in 2009 Annual Report

    HUMAN RIGHTS in BULGARIA in 2009 Annual Report

    Bulgarian Helsinki Committee HUMAN RIGHTS IN BULGARIA IN 2009 Annual report Sofia April 2010 Contents Human Rights in Bulgaria in 2009 Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 4 1. Free and fair elections ........................................................................................................... 4 3. Right to life .............................................................................................................................. 7 4. Protection from torture, inhuman and degrading treatment and punishment .............. 10 5. Right to liberty and security of person ............................................................................... 12 6. Independence of the Judiciary and fair trial ....................................................................... 13 7. Respect for private and family life, home and correspondence ....................................... 14 8. Freedom of conscience and religion.................................................................................... 17 9. Freedom of expression and access to information ........................................................... 20 10. Freedom of association and peaceful assembly .................................................................24 11. Conditions in places of detention ....................................................................................... 26 Prisons and inmate dormitories ........................................................................................
  • Après Enlargement, W. Sadurski/J. Ziller/K. Zurek

    Après Enlargement, W. Sadurski/J. Ziller/K. Zurek

    $SUqV(QODUJHPHQW /HJDODQG3ROLWLFDO5HVSRQVHV LQ&HQWUDODQG(DVWHUQ(XURSH HGLWHGE\ :RMFLHFK6DGXUVNL -DFTXHV=LOOHU .DUROLQD=XUHNÜ %UROPEAN5NIVERSITY)NSTITUTE 2OBERT3CHUMAN#ENTRE FORADVANCEDSTUDIES Après Enlargement: Legal and Political Responses in Central and Eastern Europe edited by Wojciech Sadurski Jacques Ziller Karolina Żurek Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies European University Institute Florence, Italy © 2006 European University Institute; selection and editorial matter © Wojciech Sadurski, Jacques Ziller and Karolina Żurek; individual chapters © contributors. This text may be downloaded only for personal research purposes. Any additional total or partial reproduction for such or other purposes, whether in hard copies or electronically, require the consent of the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies. Please contact <[email protected]>. If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, the year and the publisher. ISBN 92-9084-019-6 Published by the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies European University Institute Via delle Fontanelle, 19 I – 50016 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI), Italy www.iue.it/RSCAS/ Printed in Italy, in January 2006 ii The Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies The RSCAS carries out disciplinary and interdisciplinary research in the areas of European integration and public policy in Europe. It hosts the annual European Forum. Details of this and the other research of the Centre can be found on: www.iue.it/RSCAS/Research/ Research publications take the form of Working Papers, Policy Papers, Distinguished Lectures and books. Most of these are also available on the RSCAS website: www.iue.it/RSCAS/Publications/ iii Table of Contents Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................