APPENDIX I
A Letter to Peter du Moulin (1669)
by
Merle Casaubon INTRODUCTION
The copy of A Letter to Peter du Moulin from which this facsimile is taken is in the National Library of Scotland,pressmark NG.1341.c.1(8). The first and only issue, it runs to 36 pages with a title page and blank preliminary leaf, and cost sixpence; it is coarsely and probably hurriedly printed, with an error on the title page: to make sense of 'Prebendarie of the same Church,' the &c. after Casaubon's name should have been expanded to read 'and Prebendarie of Christ-Church, Canterbury.' An obliging contemporary has annotated the copy with the names of those whom Casaubon alludes to indirectly. There is no date in the pamphlet other than on the title page, and the only evidence for a more precise dating, in the absence of any ms. or notes for it, is in a letter written by Casaubon to J.G. Graevius on July 19th, 1668, from Cambridge. Casaubon and Graevius (1632-1703), Professor of Politics, History and Eloquence in the University of Utrecht, were accustomed to bewail the contemporary state of the republic of letters in their correspondence, and on this occasion Casaubon wrote: Prima mali labes a Philosophia Cartesiana, quae stultae iuventuti et novitatis avidae bonos tibros excussit e manibus. lade ad Experimenta ventum est, in quibus nunc omnis eruditio, omnis sapientia collocatur. Reales se vocant, specioso nomine, homines astuti: caeteros, quorumque Iiterarum genere celebres, Verbales, et Notionales, ad contemptim; et haec serio ammtur ab illis, dormientibus interim et praesentibus bonis acquiescentibus quorum maxime intererat tanto malo (si mens non laeva) 1(aO\1 01(01J6~ XCI. L; ]J nxCl. vD occurrere. Nos interim, cessantibus allis, illiquid pro viribus conati sumus, sed· Anglice, ut. ad piures fructus, si forte, perveniat. Apart from the general interest of the opinions expressed, it is clear from that letter that in July 1668 Casaubon either had written or was writing a work aimed at the new philosophy, and in English. There are three works to which this might refer: the treatise On Learning, which I have assigned to the late summer and auturrm of 1667; the first part of Of Credulity and Incredulity, which was finished in June, 1668, according to the date of the preface; or the Letter, which from the date on the title-page must have been finished by late in 1669. Now neither of the first two specifically singles out the new philosophy for attack, and as the Letter does, it is reasonable to suppose that Casaubon was referring to it when he wrote to Graevius. There is confirmation in the letter,'s being written from Cambridge, where the Letter was published and printed. Casaubon normally lived at Ickham, near Canterbury, and must therefore have been on a visit to Cambridge in July, when he wrote to Graevius; the Preface to the first part of Of Credulity and Incredulity, dated June 1st, 1668, is dated from Canterbury. Now the Letter is the only one of all Casaubon's wLatin poem in praise of the Royal Society, 'Pro Regia SocietateLondi-, nense', printed in the second edition of his poems, ITapspywv Incrementum (1671), which were dedicated to Boyle.
1 Almeloveen, Me Ep. xvi. 2 Plus Ultra, title page verso. 3 Stationers' Registers, 1640-1708, ii, p. 388. 4 Birch,History o/the Royal Society, 1756, ii, p. 297. 5 Robert Boyle, for one; see ch. iii, n.3. --
. , TER OF ' • E R. ICC A SA U BON D. D. &c• TO Peter du ~oulin D. D. and Prebendarie of the fame * Church: *"a,./w/. Concerning Natural experimental Ph.i• lofophie, and forne books lately fct out about it.
------\~\ CANlIlI.lD~ 'PIiaied for VI) , ,I. or MoIN~ tooIICeDer.; I· - NUS,. I. -
~=--.- --= A LETTER TO PETER DU MOULIN 151 (1)
Honoured Brother,
,~e~ (1/'0 IOU have not forgotten, I dare fay, ( it I ' "!vl ii' is not fo long (ince) where and when ~ . you were pleared to be-flow a Vifit "I¢' &I Iupon me, t\"'O young Univerfitie men l __ being then with me; and you orne '/ withYa book in your hand, :md delivered it to 'f!" ... ),1, me with a fmiling countenance, which, as [oon at!["il . as I had opened the book, I did interpret; ha- ving already cQ11tefred with you more then once a- bout the fame matter, as though by it you hoped to flop my mouth for ever. I c:mnoc fay you did intend it fo really: but fo I did interpret it then; but it did fall out much otherwire. For after I had opened it, by the velY Titlt= of it, I was much confirmed in my former opinion, and profeffed it fo to you, which oc- cafioned much difcourfe between us until I WJS weary, and (as my condition is now) [ol'l1ewhJt [pent. Ever fince that, what I now write, hath been in my mind, :lnd I have had thoughts to impart it to you long be- fore, though frill fomewhat hath diverted me. The matter in agitation between us (I need not cell you, I know) was: whether this way of Philofophy, of late ~years much cried up in L()ndon and elfewhere; was, as fet out by fome, more likely to prove advan- tageous, or prejudicial:) if not deftruCbve, to goo.d learning: by which I mean, (not excluding natural Phl- lofophy) what in former ages of the wodd, and by A 3 many 152 A LETTER TO PETER DUMOULIN (2) many to this day (by you alfo I ~ake no quefi~on) hath been and is accounted true, fohd, ufefut learmng: which hach been cheri111ed and countenanced by Kings and Princes and Pub1i.ck States:) in their generations, in all places of Europe hitherto; and hath gotten ~redit an] admiration to the Owners and ProfeiTours of It du• ring their lives, and after their death, immortal fame. But before I enter upon the buune[s, I mufl make my way by removing of a block, \Vhi~h I meet with artlficialiy laid by [ome, to fright us .10 our p:ogre~s) and hinder the freedom of our enqUiry. It IS this: Whether it be not a breach, if not of Allegiance, yet of that refped and reverence we ow co the Royal FOlm .. der ,. to except againO: any thing that is done, or writ• ten by any, who profers themfelves of the Royal So• ciety? I (hould not make Cuch a quefiion, but that I find juIl: occalion) as I conceive. I do not well under• Hand the full extent of that Cpeech, u[ed by [orne, to diminifh the Royal society. Diminutio, in th~ Civil Law, you know, is a very comprehenfive word, and reach• cth co many things. Were it but a breach of good m:mners, and civiilty; or, as they fpeak, 7114nt of mo• defly ana breediNg, I would be loth to be guilty of it. But God forbid, that fuch reafoning iliould pafs for cur .. rent ~ in good earneft. That his Najeft, ~ould fo far encourage any kind of learning, as not onely to be the F 0 U N D E R, but fiyle Himfelf the PAT RON alfo o~ fuch a S ocie!y '. is an act well becoming the magnani• mityof a great Kmg, and to be entertained with hum• bIen acknowledgements by all that pretend to learnina • But to interefi: that Sacred name, in every thino , gr any thing that is done, or written by any, that ha~e the honour to be of that Socil'1 ) though commended to us under A LETTER TO PETER DU MOULIN 153 (3) ilnder the title of good and profitable learning, I think is not ;ufiifiable: neither is the whole SDciety, as I con. (eive, concerned (except it be owned by ex prefs au tho- . rity of the whole body) in what is done by anyone or more members of the society: it being very poffible, that many, who even in thofe things that concern learn• ing and knowledge in general, are of different judge. ments and opinions, may yet agree in [omewhat fuffici• ent to jufiifie their title to [his Roy.zl FOflndation. Give me leave to infifi a little (for it is a tender point) upon the danger, or unreafonablenefs of fuch remote inferences. Dail, pubtick PrAyers, you know, were at firft inftituced by Primitive Chriftians, 3S [he moll: im• mediate fervice of Almighty God: grounding, not onely upon the praCtice of the Church, under the Law; but alfo upon the words of St Paul: 1 exhort therefore &.;;. for king $, aHd all that are in authority, that 1fe may lead It qNiet and peaceaMe life in all god/intI and honefly: and that ,he peace and welfare of kingdoms, the honour and fafety of Kings and Princes, did very much depend on the due and daily performance of chat service, was [0 general a belief in thofe days of exemplary piety, thac . we read of heathen Pririce~ and Emperours, who, though not Chrifiians otherwife, yet have had fo much faith and Chriil:ianity, as to commend their fafety to the Church upon that account. This, if you pleaCe, you may find OUt of good records of antiquity fufficiently proved and attefied, in a little Treatife Of the ufe of Daily Pub/ick Prayers; written by me fomewhat h:libly, to help a learned Bit110P againll: a pack of bold and confident Adverfaries: fent by me to the late Reve-' rend and learned Archbitbop of Ar1l11f,gh ~ and by him, at the requefi of that learned Bilbop, HlOrtlyafter Cent to 154 A LETTER TO PETER DU MOULIN (4) towe PreCs. In England, bc6de the authority of Cuch Precedents and of St Pauls Exhortation, or inftitution: thatJu.sb- ~ Service is efiabliihed by the Authority of / Kin!ZS (who al[o may in fame refpeCt, becaufe of thofe ma~y Cathedrals of their foundation, where it is moll: duly and folemnly performed, be fiyled Founders of it in this kingdom:) and Parliaments, who kno}Veth not~ Now, (to pars by the con[equence of the Royal Autho• rity, and what the wilful contemptof it may amount to) I ask: The honour, fafety and profperity of Kings, ac• cording to the belief of thofe Primitive Chrifiians, whom :111 erue Chrifi:ians, profefs to honour and reverence, be• ing fo much concerned in thofe PrAyers; would it be charitable hence to infer, that none love the King truly, and ftlldy his fafety) but thofe thatJQY<:. and frequent them, when not otherwife lawfully let or hindred ~ That fame ilate.and forbear them upon 'that account, (faCtious men ot)~fe, and Fanaticks, or openly fchiCmatical) I make no queftion: but to make a general conclufion of it, when we know that the fame effett may proceed fometimes from very different caufes, would argue, I think, great want of judgement and difcretion, and as great, if not greater, of charity. With much more rea• f?" I conclude, that· a man may write againlt the opi· mons of fame of the Royal S oeie,,; yea and cenCure them as they may de[erve, without any reflection at all upon the RO'JAI FoumJer, or Royal Society in general. In the nex t place, what made me judge of the Book, 3S 1 did, at the firft opening of it, by fome words 1n the Title-page, thoUgh probably I might tell you chen, yet I will now further explain my felf. I obferved there) !,rlll1icAI ufef.l leArning , appropr~ated to the way now In ufe) by experiments: and thofe that go any other way, A LETTER TO PETER DU MOUliN 155 (1) way) and follow other ll:udies, which have been formerly in requeft, ~yled, me,! of the NOli,ilJ"A'J. By P,.eical llfe/ut leArning, Ch,miflr, and the MAfhemAlicks, as the Author doth ex~lain himfelf) are alfo comprehended. whatfoever is belides, fo far as I can underftand by th~ . book,is profcribed, as IIfeleJf , notfinAI and .nprofitAble.~ I had obferved it before in ~otherbook, written by a c l'hyn..~ f . learned man, a great admirer and abetter of Experi- 111"';..." ~ ",e"'AI philo{tJp"'l who fpeaks of the Ancients, and an- :> t ,. J\ cient learning with a {hew of much more refpeCl: and mo- deration: but in effea, to the fame purpofe, to cry down all other !ladies and learning, ordinarily com pre• hendedunder the title of h.mAne leArning, to be but fl1IIbratick things, 'VerbAl things, of little or no ufe) flnce this new light of trlle real Knofflleage efpecially. Now, what other arguments need th~, either to ad- vance the ·credit of ·their way, and of that way they commend to'us; or to cry down any other way that hath hitherto ·been in requeft; dien to make the world beleeve, that it is of no .re? You know what judgement was pafs'd againft the (ig~Iret, 'hAl blre n, /rllil: And that eArth or ground,. whicll'inf/ed of herlJs meet for the fifo of mell, be.rtth nothing hut thorns Alia hr1trs, (dir• p.t;ng and "TAngling, in th~ir phrafe) is pronounced by St P~ul, ",c.'fea, and ,,"th, to be b.rnea. But, I ask, what ,is it that there ~ccount Ufo/fll, and .JeleJf! For if nothing muO: be accounted "feflll, ( as fom~ feem to de• termine) but what doth afford fome urefor the neceffi- , ties, or convc:niencies of this prefellt life, I do Dot . know but that a Brewer, or a Baker., a skilful Horfe• leech, or a Smith, orth~ like, may conten in point of true worth or ,de(ert widt many, who for their learn• ing, as then thought, have been reputed generally, the B great . 156 A LETTER TO PETER DUMOULIN (6) g~eat Lights and O!name~tsof .t~eir ag,e: thoug~ ruch; as never medted In their wrmngs with expenmental philofophy • They that belef!ve that man doth conlia: of tWO chief parts, the body and a foul, whereof the. foul the more noble and more confiderable POlrt, as even Heathens moll of them have determined it: natu.. ral reafon will oblige them to beleeve) that a greater lhare of 'care and provifion doth belong to that which is immortal, frorn the right ordering of which all tflle happinefs, preCent or future, dotl~ depend ; the~ to that which is mortal, and naturaJly brutiih, and of little eon• tina:mce. Thore men therefore, who have applied thernfelves by their writings to promote venue and god• linefs, in their kind, ( that is, fo far as God was known io them) were gen~rany thought to have deCeIved of m:inkind, as well (if not better) as the moft renown• ed invemours, or promqters ofuCeful Arts or Trades. ,Had Ariflotle never \vritten any ,thing but his Ethi&kr, (that inq~mparable piece) he deCerved the thanks of all ages; and I make no quellion but in all ages, even lince Chriftianity, many thoofands have reaped the iruit of that incomparable work, which alone is fuffi~i cnt where it meets with righ~ palats to fpeak its worth; but epmpared with others, that have written of thac .argqment {inee) and have not trod en in his paths, be• cc.>mes more· illuftrious. I' might fay the fame of -thofe A":t4~"'.~iflli, which are attributed to Pythagorll4, and w~lehG4Ie". (that exceJlent both P~lofopher and Phy• ficlan) h_d 10 fuch efteem~ that he did Rot onely com• mend them to others, as a fovereign antidote aoainft t~e. difeafes of the mind, bU,t himfelf doth prof:Cs of hlmfelf, that he was wont firft to read) but aftenvards to repeat them onCe or twice every day, for the bfnefit he. A LETTER TO PETER DU MOULIN 157 (7) he reaped by them. So of eehes his Table: of cict• ro's offices: and (not.to n:lm~ others) 9£ Epifletta his £nchiridi()n, though much lat~r then fome of the reft, yet not inferiour unto any. And here, by the way; both by him ~nd fome others that have written up• on him, we may find ,this very point ex~ellen~ly well handled; Whether thofe men who make It thelr work to reclaim men from that ~'7IiGE1c(' , or clore adherence of the mind to the body and fen(es (which moll: meR are naturally prone to) to the care and culture of their fouls, ought in reafon to be accounted unprofitahle to the Common-wealth; or rather, of all Profeffions, the moft N~ful and necefiary. I wiih fome of our Mechllnicks~ who are' fo highly conceited of their way ~ laying afide prejudice and preengagement (if they can) would take the pains to read thofe admirable difconrfes: it may be they would find, that the fwayof the times, mor,e then any weight of right reaCon, hath led them hitherto, into this opinion. ' , But alas! poor AriJlotle; your Author will not al• low of above three books of his to be worth the read• ing; and his Ethi'ks is none of them. And el(ewhe~e he doth queftion, whether thofe works, generally afcri• bedto Arifl~tle) were, or are his indeed,~ whereby we may guefs, though he have written againft him~ he faith, .how well he was read in Ari/lotle. Elfe) the fi.yle of AriJIotle, fo conftant to it [elf every where, and in 'a ,manner" imim'i'table ~' but much more the. matter f6 £0- lid ana rational every where a1moft , .wouldcaftly have convince,d him. But certainly the light account he makes of him all along', reproaching his adverfary fo often, for his love to and eileem of Arif/otle, would mak'e' a
m,an adxnire what ,account he mB,~de of hil1![elf''' 1 I)~i~ Z ne 158 A LETTER TO PETER DU MOULIN (8) . he had done well, before be had taken fueh ~ task upo .. himfelf, to have made it appear (the eafier (ask of the two as 1 conceive) that all men that have b~en fa• mon; in former ages , for ~heir judgement, Wlt aDd learning, were rio fu<;h thlng. r~y as they appeared unto die wo~ld, but meet rJ,lsand PbA~IA{",S" not true rational men, fuch as this latter age hath"produced; and their judgement t~erefor~ not at all. to be regarded•. Then indeed we might with more pauence, and equa• nimity hear what lie hath to fay againft. Arip"le, for found and {olid rearoo, ~ for all. ~nnerot ~ow1edg~ attainable by meer man wIthout d1VJDe revelatIOn, the wonder of all ages hitherto. But not to jnlift on former ages, I will name but one man of very frdh memory $ What, do you think that 7111;111 C.c{g sc4!;ge" for learning and judgement, may.be put in the balance to be weighed With your Author! rir proptlr exeel. le"'tm """i_ J;foiflilUrlllll er.aitJ'lIl", _I'AII.. Jill: So Pe",llll, tliat ~e:J9$4 and jqdicioos J auite of him: ad fo, fo many o~llers, that"a mao. out of an kind of writers might eafily fwell a book into a great vol~me of teftimonies concerning that ~mirable man. He .h2d read Ariftolle to the pOrp'ofe:, 'it feerns, again al)• fcure places in Scr~pt~re, but alfo may be fom~ confir• mation to the anttqUlty, and by confequent, 10 fome dearee to the truth of the fame. And {hould I fay, th~t S~ Paul was no {hanger to B,mer, (as I am fure, he was well read in Demofthenes) or Homer no ftran• oer to him; I hope it would be no difparagement to St PIINt, or matter of fcandal to any judicious, fober mao, no more then the citing of thofe Greek Poets (Epime• nides, Menander and ArAlIIS) their words, is or hath been: much inferiour, thebeft of them., toU,mer inma· ny refptCts. And for Yirgil ( the beft of Poets after Homer) that God was pleafed t() make ufe of his _in• comparable wit, (whereof himfrlf was· the Author, Qr Donor) to celebrate the coming of his Son our Saviour, into the world; hath been the opiaton of fome ancient and later Chriftians; men of excellent judgement. But again, a great plrt of the ancient Mythology,. thougb with much sophijlicat;on generally, being derived from the Scriptures, as· learned men anciently, and the moll: learned of this latter age have thought, aDd tihereupon taken great pains, fome of them to trace it to its fidl: original, fuppofing that the Scriptures among the learn• ed ~nd judicious, ~ould receiv~ no (mall con~rmation by their labo~ herem; how can it now be di{mifJed, or ca• Ihet'red, Without fame \wong to the Scriptures; which never more (in this vifible fad increafe of Athc:ifm every where) wanted all kind of confirmation! But much more did I wonder at anothu pa{fage of the f:ll~e Au~hor, in a more conftderable fubjetlthen POetr,ls. It 15 where he treats of the schoo/men; favou• rably enough I maa: confers, as \V hen he faith, 1/ the'J "'7OI~!d A LETTER TO PETER DUMOULIN 167 (17 ) f!1o.1a be c,nten; wilh All, ,hingle! then an Empire in It4",• .ng, we wOflld grAnt them v,er7 milch. I think they are much to blame, 1f ~Qj~fs..-w~l content them : and they as much who uphold them uJ?On that fcore. All the reO: that follows this is very moderate and reafonable. But the conc1ufion, Ana tel 1 {b,,,la nDt do.bt, (if ;t were not r,mewhat improper to the pre{ent di{CDllr{e) to pro'llt, that ('lItn i,l Di'llinit, it (elf, they are not fo nueUA,.." M the, Are rtftlltd t()'be; anazhllt All, or mop of our re/igiolll GOntrl'ller[ItS, mAy be 44 JVell aecided b, plAin reaJon, and '" c,nfidtrllti()ns "hich m41 be fetchea from the religion of "'Ankina, the nAttlre of g()'lIe'1I111tnt imJ hN1IIAfJe I,c;~t', Ana scripttlre it (elf, M ly the mM/lilude of Allihoritits An. [.blilties of Di/illttS, which hAve been heret%rt ;11 life:] this I do not underftand. According to ordinary conftruCl:ioD , the fenfe is obvious enough; but a fenfe fo amazing, that it is not cre4ible. It is well known that':) before the late troubles, a NolJle-m~n of this Realm wrote.z 4th' (,. ... a book intituled De Ye~it~te: the end~nd drift where- r;" ~ . of was, out of the ReligiOns of mankmd to extraa a f\. J.V" ~ Religion that iliould aeedno Chrift. And though they that~icenfed it did-not apprehend it fo, it feerns; (I did at fid} light) yet himfelf afterwards during the , troubles in his Epiftol4 ad S Icera,us, printed with the rell: of his works, did pretty well unmask himCelf and openly fltewed what opinion he,. had of Chriftianity. Since ~ I, /J ,,, _ him it is well known, that(orrt~ body huh taken fome tr0lt-~. pains to :tttemperate Chriftianity to the laws of every " Countrey, and commands ot Supreme Powers: and thIS he doth ground, or' endeavour to ground, '. (not as the' other, wllo did fcorn them) upon divers paflages of S &ri• plllre.What can this import,in ordinary conflrucbon, but a new Religion c: Efpecially when it is faid, that the (OfltTOVerJiC$ 168 A LETTER TO PETER DUMOULIN (18 ) controvtrfies of it may be deci~d by plain rt~ro~, 4S "~ll as by the multitude of AuthOYlties, Ana fubtlltles of Dlf· ,-utes, which have been heretofore in ure. For the.contr,ver.· pes of Chrijli,mity every body knO\~'~ be~~n In the A· poftles time, (asdoth appear by their writmgs,.3 great part of which is fpent on that argument) and bemg pro• fecuted and increafeJ in fucceeding ages (accordmg to old Simeons prophecy concerning Chrift, a~ unlA~OJl cG,·. 'n/.f;;;!L}IJ::;": Luke 1. 34. the effeCl: of which prophe .. fie, as alto of St Pauls, oportet b£re(es tife, will conti ... nue to the worlds end) by an hoft of Hereticks and Schi£'. maticks, who ha.ve been happily repreffed and repelled by thofe bleffed Fathers, and authority of general Coon· clls and Provincial, which every age afforded, whore excellent works by a fingular providence of God, are yet for the molt part, extant: who can expect, or ima· gine, that any other coorfe can be available to the mainte• nance ot true Chriftianity~ And certainly,when and where men (whether through force, or want of good learning) 01a11 be made uncaplble to uphold their faith with found reafoning and difputing (which they call wrallgling) Whlt will be the iffue, or who will get by it, any man may guefs.
Hoc Itha.1I4 velie) & magno mercentiir .Atrit1£.- I (hall fay no more. I profefs fincerely, that I can m3ke no other fenfe of the words: I fay therefore, I do not underftand them. Yet I mull: acknowledge, that the f.:1De Author doth elfewhere fpeak of Ctiriftian Reli. glon, :lnd the chief myfteries of it, very reverently and ~ealou£1y; ~u~h abhorring., or profeffing to abhor. aU mnovations In It) or that it fuould fuffer in any thlDg by A LETTER TO PETER DU MOULIN 169 (19 ) by Experirmnta! PJ,i!o{ophie; yet even there, he doth not onely fetch the firO: eilabliiliment of if, (which to me founds but odly, to fay no more) from Experimenr:;, calling miracles Divine Experiments.' but a1(o (:olh commend umo us, men of homjly, trai, and brlJ!MJi': ( fuch as deal in Experimmts, he doth mean certamly) 3S the beft upholders, or ttJNfers of it; rather then men of craJt and fpeCtllation: alleadging to that end the ex• ample of the Apoft1es: who indeed, moil of them, by their profeffion at firft, (and fuch chofen then of pur• pore by a fingalar providence) were no better then illi• terate tradefmen and labourers: but (which he doth not tell us) were not ondy long taught by Chrift their Mafter; but alfo immediately and miracu~ou£1y infpi• red ( be fides the power of miracles given them) by God, before they becan to preach the Gofpel unto men: none of wliich tYlings, I think, belong to the modern profeffors of Experimental phil%phie. By men of craft .nd {pecul4tiolf , by the drift and tenor of his difCourfe he can intend no other then ancient Fathers, and School· men and late learned Writers of Controverfies. Now fuch an aflertion, I conceive not andy prejudicial, bot very defiructive to true Religion and Chrifiianity. There things how to be reconciled, I profers I know nat. To fpeak therefore as moderately as I can; I [aid, and fay again, J do not underftand him. If you do, I 111al1 be beholding to you to help me. But I have not yet done with our school-Reformer. Whmce folloJPeth, faith he, that the curious fludy of Criti• fiJms lind ob{erv4tion ofJiyles in Authors, &c. And where have we a Commemator almot1, either upon the Scri• pture ( befides thofe lately colleCted and fet OUt in many volumes, under the name of Criticks) or upon any good Author, 170 A LETTER TO PETER DU MOULIN (20 ) Author, Greek or Latin, that is not put ~O h.is critici(ms fometimes, and ob[ervation offl71es ? which 10 very deed (obfervation of ftyles) is as confiderable a ftudy tor the prefervation and vindication of aU kind of ~r~th ,. whe• ther facred) (all truth is, more or lefs) or .ClVil, where• .in whole kinodoms and Commonweals are much con• cerned fometic:nes, as any ftudy can be. And what think you t>£ Longinll4, whofe ueatife me}. c+!t~, or de {ubli- 111; dicma; genere, ( not many years ago fet out by a very learned and worthy man, Dr Langbaine, Pro• vaIl: of !l.!~en$ Colledge inox(ord) fiath been fo much commended and admired by learned men; when be faith: ,j ~J' )..o')'JJv xpiq.,~ ;ql '7roM."~ 7rau.' 'nAJv'lTi;ov ~~JlJI"f-{St: fa diametrically oppofite ~ God blefs the U• liivedities) ~nd Univerfity- Libraries) from {uch Re• formers! I now retUrn to yoD:t.Book ; where I meet with an ObjeCtion againft old learning and AriJlolle particularly; which is made by more then one, but by your Author ( as he doth not want words to fet OUt his matter to the beft advantage) preffed very vigorouOy: which is in hjs own words ~ th4t it hllth kept him from !urve1ing the ,vorles of God, th4t m4gn~fie tmd t1ir(~ver their Author, from which onet, the trMe phi/,[ophie i4 obt4ined. Good God! can any body that hath but looked into Arijlotle, though never fo perfunttorily (except it be by the help of fome ~lafs that reprefents things quite contrary) fay fo ~ B.ut he gOf.S on :' A~d 'ke z,eAI I have fir Almighty G~d hu glor, dl{covered In hu. creatures hath in(pired me WJt~ (ome {mllrtne! and [evertt, againft~ k~Ath~!Lf!.~UQnS, ",h,ch hJve (0 unhappil, divertea learnea mell from the jllld, of Gods g~eAt book) "niverfJ nAtllrt ~ ana 'Info .. qllclltl, robbed hIm oj thAt ho'm~r) and thofo A&&I"",,,,ioIJS thAI A LETTER TO PETER DUMOULIN 171 (21 ) thiSt are dlle to hi", for tbDre IIdmirahle. re(.lts 0/ hit "ifdom and good"iff. This Author (1 (aid before) doth not ,,~ant word.s: he can expre[s ~imf~lf fmartlyenou.gh up• on very hght occaGons: which in 3 good caufeis no fmall commendation: but otherwife I fuould have been veryfufpicious, if not confident, he had borrowed this goodly language from fame _profane Chymift, fnch as our R9bert Fludd was, with whom fuch profeffions of zeal for the glory of God are very frequent and ordinary: and to that end to fet OUt his glory in its greateft luftr:.e, doth propofe unto us the confideration of the phi/oru- phers jone, applying all or molt: myfteries of the Scri. pture to it, as that wherein onely, or chiefly, the Good• nefs, Power and Wifdom of Gol is to be feen and admi• red: fa that in verY truth, his zeal was lnOre(or the phi• lo(ophers jl91Je, then old; or, the Philofophers pone, a God of his own making, for which he was ~ zealous. But this 1 cannot averr upon mi~e own credit. For though his books,whcn I was very young & curious enough to pry in• ~o e.v.ery thin~that promifed f~mewhat more then ordina• ry, dld-offet tllem[elves ta me 10 Book-feHers lhops; yet I prafefs-Ieould never 4ifpenfe fo much with myreafon or confcience,' as 'to read long, where I found nothing but what I judged in a high· degree' both. impertinent and blafp'~~}~otls. I ~uft therefore dif~harge my felf upon learned G~cndlll, who together wtth Mer!e""II4, wlll I think make godd what I have faidof him -to the full. But tndee3 it is the cornman language of all extravagant C~y.. mills: th~ all, as many as I have feen that are fuch, lU• fill: upon tlie fame thino. Neither is it their plea, or lan• gua~e .on~IY;, but o~ ~l men. ge~eral1y, who pr?fetling Chtlftlahlty \voUl~ -raife admrratlon, by broachlOg un• heard of myfteri~ ..JThere b~ tneR in the world we know, . :,' '.· .. D who : /!:, .~ " ',,"-, ..' - 172 A LETTER TO PETER DUMOULIN (12 ) who maintain with much thew of leal and holinefs) that the fiars of heaven are [0 many fignificant Charatl:ers and Hieroolyphicks , there placed by God of purpofe the better to ~anifefi his W lfdom to the beholders~ and from the rioht readmo &underfianding whereof greateft myHe· ries d~pend. N~ither want they fome places of Scripture, which they miferably abure to countenance the bufine[s~ G4afe/l is a great abetter of this heavmly my£lery. The Glor,4 God, and the Wifdom If God here a1fo mull: be the prttence: which to oppoCe (in very troth, the re• fult and produa of fick brains hunting after Novelties) how can it be lefs then he4thefJijh profanenefs and impiety. Yes) if you will beleeve them. But granting, as I do, ;md all men wilt, that well confider of ie, that pr£{en• /em Dcum qu.tlibetherba: that there is nothing in nature, in fight fo inconfiderable, but may give an intelligent man matter aqd occafion to admire and magnifie tIJe Power and Wifdom of God. Is the confideration of a~l thofe) (mentioned in this book) or like curiofities, the GreAI Book of God , from which men muft learn the great })ower lnd Wifdom of the Creator~ It is ordinary enough indeed (obferved by many) among men to wonder at nothing, though never fo wonderful and admirable, but what is ullufllal, far fetch'd, and feldom feen. Many who never took notice of either Sun or Moon, and the bene• £ ts of either; the viciffitudes of the year;, the flux and reflux of (he Sea and the like, to admire them, or God in them, becaufe daily and ordinary: will yet gaze with ~vonder at a Meteor, the £hooting of a Star :) as they call lC, or an ignil {atulIs, and the like. But they are not thought the wifeR of men, that. :lreof that temper. Da• 'ZIla, 1 hope, underfiood wherelO the Glory'f God conn filled» and for whac God himfelf would be magnified by men A LETTER TOPEfERDUMOULIN 173 ( 13) men principally', ~s well as another. \Ve do nodind by any of thofe admirable pfalms that are written of that fubjeCt, that any othe~ \Vor~s of God are fpecified, but thofe that are very vlfible ¢o aU men, fufficient alfo to make God vifible to them i, who have fo much grace ( which wicked Epicurus had not) to beleeve that they were not ~ad~ to eat and dfink, and to enjoy the plea• fures of thiS hfe ~ but to obferve the works of God, and to glorifie him therefor,. And befides thofe admi• rable Works of the Creatin., which many now (too m~ny) tau~~t by Epic~r"s and his mates, are apt to de• fplfe :lOd vihfie, as bemg t~e works not of a wife G()d, but bIinde atoms: there be other works of God not lefs to be admired: and thofe he the Works of his Provi ~ dcnce and Government of tht! Wodd; which the fame Pfalmift in his 107. PfaIm, doth very particularly inlifi upon, and doth adviCe all me" to confider well: the, that lire wife., faith he, will confider there things; implying aI- _fo, as I conceive, that the ¢onfideration of thofe things wiJl make a man wife; fo that it is very poffible, if we beleeve him, for a man to be both wife and religious; a great admirer of Gods works, his Goodnefs, Wifdom and Power; who never underltood , or {hall underfiand 3llyof thofe things, never known before, as we are [Old here. After all this, we need lefs wonder, that your Au• thour ( I pray excufe me, th~t 1 call him fo, not th~t 1 think you are bound to m~intain whatfoever he fa~{h) but becaufe I had him firft f~om you) lhouldappropnate r"bpant;"l wi(dom to this kind of Experimental P hilofo• phy : though I hope he doth nOt intend th~reby SI/()• mons j""l'W1n in our Enoliil" round wl(dom: mtendcd by solomon of the true fe:r a~J fantl:ifying knowledge 01 God, to which the promi[e~ of eterml life are annexed: D 2 from 174 ALETIER TDFEIERDUMDULIN (1.4) _ from whence itwo\lld follo~v ): that acco~ding. to. him, _• none can be J~v.ed l,lu(by thIS way of. philofophy • But I will be more charitable then to thmk ~he could for~ get himfelf fo much, though fome ,may, Juftly ftum?le at fuch [uperlative expreffions, and hls Phllo~ophy (with fober men) more likely to ~o~e then to gam by the!l1. For though Ideny not ( I f~l1d It before, and fay It agam;) that the ftudy, of Nature ~o ~ man that~ath...m:~~e, and is - well orounded in the pnnclples of Faith, may afford fome~hat befide the known and moft vifible works of .God, as SUD and ft,ars, &c. (wherein God, as the Scri• pture 3pd ,wifeft h~~hens did teach, is -mpft vifible) to the gl", 'fGOa, and afknow~dgment of his ~OJP.er and Wi{dom: yet truly 1 thmk they do not go a nglit way, either to improve the Glory of God, or ,humane wifdom, who do CQ Rlagn, Hie ,t,hiS .fiuqr" ,as thQUshtl1ere were no other wifd9ID in th~ wQrld c9be thouglJ.t;of , orpQrfued ~f[er \ that: make it the'Qoely -kf.l,. true,', -{ol~ leat'ping, , to which they wo\1ld haye aU Schoots~and UDiverfitits.l fitted, and to which the Nobility of the la~ are invited, as.to the.,e.lDp1oym~nt of all employmeats moll worthy their entertainment;' lth~ thereadtog ofHiftQties-~ and ,military ~x~gf~, (among which· hMllting is'reckoned) which. ma.y, fit them to do their King and Countr~y fer• vice; to maintain the credit· of their Anceftors; will much ~ore become them, then attending on furnaces, Qr raking ~to the entrals of JneP,01'; bea!ls,to find fomewha~-, whiCk it may· be will never make themmuch wirer when they knowi_, IlQr ever prove of any great ufe. Other employ• ments, which exercife the body, befide thatlhey are more credit~ble, they prefe~ve llealth aleo" and keep the ~y lD .~ conftan~read1Defs, for more Jleceffary ~~pl01; .ments, it ~cafion be •. And though ItaAini, of hifiories doth. A LETTER TOPETERDUMOULIN 175 (2; ) .toth not ex erdfe the body, yet it may 6 t them for aCtion. and if they be read with deUglu, they .may contribut~ \. much, not onely to compoCe the mind, in greaten. die. turb~nces; but. alfo to ~elp) yea cure the body, when "llQthlOg elfe wlli. So It l1appened to two great Prin• ,es, (Bodinll4 is my Author at this time, and he is one that may be trufted in matter of hiftory) .Alph()1J• /114 and Ferdi»4nd1l4 Kings of SPain and Sic;'" who when no Phyfick or Phyficians could do them good toward the recovery of their health; did own it, (under ,God) the one t<> th~ reading of LivY1 anp the other of .. 1Il!!.;ntm..~CllrtiH4. The fame is reported or Ltlllrellti1l4 Me• dICes, (that excellent Prince, both learned himCelt, and a great promoter of learning) as the fame Boainll4 doth more particularly give account. ,I c9uld tell you fome fteries of my fdf, how ftiJdio~I • haVe! been from my youth, of the kn?wledge of· ~e in 'general: not· to cQmmend my proficlency unto you, (I have no reafon, which I may partly impute to mYi~ ~ many kinds) but propably to fatisfie you, that JamtUll a great lover and honourer, of it. But when I Iead what mighty things fome men promife t,hemCelves " and others of their way: wha.t bra&gings~ and boa~ings : what contempt of all other thmgs: It makes me think of the- Hebr-ewprQy~rb, NOli 'lJoitnti6, neqllt Cllrre1ltu, &~. whether here alfo, Dot confiderable.: tbat is, whet?er it , be proba'Jle,that God will give a blefling to fuch'a VIolent ),mrruit, that will not keep within its bounds, but (as the matter. is propored unto us by fome writers; for I ~o no farther, nor c~n) doth aCpire to an abfolute Soveralgnty over all, that in fo many ages of the world hath b~n'ac count~ ,»fettJ learning and ~nowledg~. A man mdeed Jn3¥ plauJibly fup-poCe, that if rarefi tlilDgS and.moft ~e:;, 176 A LETTER TO PETER DUMOULIN (26) fictal, (tome or them) as the invention of the compa! ~ of PriNting: of Guns and Powder: of a new world, an~ the hke, have been found out by the inquifitivene[s, or mdu~ry of fome private men; what may we not ~op.e ~f the Joyne labours of an whole nation, all men being lOvlted and ad• mitted rich and poor, learned and unlearned -: Yet let it be r~membred withall) that there is a fupreme caufe, which hath a feaet influence into all the endeavours of men, to promote or to pu~ back; . to bIers or to blaft , as it plea[eth. God knows h1s own time, and when that time 15 come, one lingle man lhall do more perchance, then a combination of many thoufands, at another time. A man might give a probable reafon, now it is done, why God would referve the difcovery of the New world, lately found out, to there times, and why it was a very fea fonable, for his glory, and the truth of his promifes, difcovery then. I have faid fomewhat of it e1fewhere, tp which 1 will not trouble you with here. Now, in order to that difcovery , and ,'{hat enrued upon it ; the Compa(s and the. invention of gun-powder was not expedient one• Iy, but In a manner neeeffary. The invention of Printing did much promoreiearning, and learning (good u{titlt learnmg) that reformation, which God intended in his Church. Every thing hath its proper time, and that time is a fecret of Gods difpenfation, which muft be left to God, ~hough man may fometimes not improbably guefs, or conJedure. BaptiJitt Porta was a man that had as great helps and encouragements to feek into the reerets of na• ture,lS ever any man {ince Ariflotle had. He began betimes, he was not mueh above fifteen years of lae (as if Provi· dence hld .deGg.ned him for fuel: a work) °when he began to appear 1n Pnnt, as a Naturahil:; and his work was {() well accepted of in the world that it was (fet out in Larin at A LETTER TO PETER DU MOULIN 177 (27 ) :it lirft, as I conceive ) foon tranflated, him (elf celIs !l~ into the French, Italian, Spanifh and Arabick Tongu~s: From that time for thirty five years he followec ic"\yj{j] affiduons and indefatigable induftry. He was a man of fome means himfelf, it [eerns, and had large contributions from great men, Cardinals anc( others: ile made his houCe a kind of Academy for all men that had any curiofity that way: and himfelf travelled div~rs conn treys to confer with others. He negleCted not Tr-ildefmen and Artificers; and whither he could not convey ihis perron, he did addrers himfelf by letters, with much earneftnefs and inftancy: and he profefieth, that it was always his greacelt care not to take things upon truft, but to make trial firft himfelf, if poffible, of what he doth deliver for truth to others. W hat might not be expeaed from fuch a man? I will [l0[ fay, he hath done ~hing; I filould do him and the truth great wrong if I did. He hath certainly many fe- -crets, which were firft publi{h~d and perfeeted by himfelf; and I think it were a very goo4 work, if fome men ftudi• ous and well qualified that way would upon trial declare, what they find in him certaiQ and unquellionable, and what othcrwife, that fo we ~ight know what men may certainly cruft to. But what ever he hath done, to make the moil of it, will not amount, for the admirabl~nefs 2nd ufefulnefs of it, to what hath been invented, or found by fome one tingle man: from whence I conclude, t!lat greateft [ecrets will not be ex~orted from God, by ~ kmd of violence and prefumption) but that man doing hiS plrt ill his calling either as a Mt&h~i(;k, or Phil%pher) God \ 'muft be left to' his own will and, plea lure.r. And whereas a long Inventory is given by your Au• thor, of thinas lately di[cover~, that \Vere not known to the Ancient;· I think it would have been· the part of an , impartial 178 A LETTER TOPETERDU MOULIN (2.8) impartial man, to have told us at the fame time.' that we luve loft fome things alfo known to the AnClents, and what ,they are which happily might deferve as much re• fpeet; fo much at leaft as not to be pa{fed in ftle~ce. M~ ny fuch things (befides what is colleeted by Pdnczro/lus, In a Treatife of that Argument) have been obferved by more chen one, Phvficians and ochers, all which I cannot call· to mind (uddenly. One thing may be:Jcutting for the flone in the ,kidneys, which in Hippocrates .time was praeti• fed (I ha~ead it in more then one) wlth good fuccefs; buc now, and ever fince Galens time (for which fome blame him) loft and forgotten. To this, divers other things are added by learned Phyficians, as that which they call diffeBio in Empyematibus: eXIj.ftio in jecoris Immoriblls: .cran;; perforatio in 4q#4 tereb,i : /eaiD [lIprd Dellium in (uf• /fljionib,u: extraBio IUJ*£ intercfltH : wliich laft, though fome .venture upon in thefe days a1(o) yet it is obferved that few or none efcape; , for want of the right way. To thefe 1 make no quenion but many more might be added, and I am fure I have met with more in their books, which I do not at this time remember. Whether Galen had :my knowledge of the'Ven~ I"Se." and the like, 1 know nDt; but I am confident he had-that knowledge of all the mllicies, fineR'S, "rteries, fibers and the like, and their pro• per ~fe in every parrof the ~y, (as doth appear by thofe :Jd~Il1rable books ~e hath wntte!l of that (ubject) as I thInk few Phyfictans have at thlsdav: of which know• ledge what ufe he made. may appear by one fiory, which I remembert~ have read In him .. A young boy belonging to a great man In Rome, had recelve~ (orne hure in his body, by a fall out of a Coach, or Charlot, [uch as they. had in thofe days. J"he boy was very dear to his MaftCf, who fpared no co1\, to have him perfettly cured. Many Phyfi- Clans A LETTER TO PETER DU MOULIN 179 (t9) cians and Chirurgeons were e~ptoyed: but for all they could do, tWO fingers of one of his hands continued as it . were dead. G"len happened to come to R,,,,, about that ti.me, and w~s invite~ by the g~eat man t~ fee the b~i he did, and being wellmformed of all partlculm of his fall, he prefently took away all that he found applied to the . lick fingers, and applied fomewhat to one of the bones of his back, whereupon the fing~s immediately, or foon af• ter recovered their fonner ufe &ftrength. YetI know Yt• fa/ills made it his bufinefs to coptradia GAlellaS much as he could: but other bter Anatomifts have defended him; and Ye{Jifls, though generally acknowledged an excellent A• natomift, ~th.found.fome w~~ have taken as.much pains to conuadia!Um. It ~s my opl~n, that there lsCcarce any art, or facutty, wheretn we do not come tholt of the Anci• ents. Indeed their induftry, m~ch provoked by the great• nefs of rewards,was greater generalfy; that cannot be deni• ed. PAintin,; CArving,the St",•• ;", are in a manner loft,;. comparifon of what mey ~ «ttained ~o. So is the Art of Co,,,ing of money,. as pfe~ In *e.beft times of the RomaR Empire: beft Wnter~ and Artificers of there days ac• knowledge it. So isYil/ki. .LflUv;tll4 Yives (befides p"",i"lltll before named) was of that opinion, I am fure: and there is fo much to be f~d, that it is fo; that 1 do not fee how it can be doubted, pr denied by any man. The reaetof thofe tterNAl LAmps, ~ we·may Call them, found in divers ancient g~aves, dl~ugh fo lI!uch, by more th~ one, hath been-written of diem, contmues a reaet to this day: and 1 doubt whether modern ch1",;jlry , .fo much admired by fome men, afford any thing that deCeIVes more admiratioa. Doth any body fret~ ~thefe_days to on.. derRandthe NAlhe",,,ti,ks, as' .Arch'lIIetJes did ~ 'Y~t would Dot men, Kiogs and Prlnces give fo~ one of ~ lB- E venUODS~ 180 A LETTER TOPHTERDUMOULIN ( 30) ventions 1 But 1 have (aid more of h:m very lately. Hitherto oochinO' hath been [aid [0 impair the credit or uCefulnefs of N4~ural or Experimental Philofophy: but that we would not allow it to ufurp upon all other learn• \nO' as nOt confiderable in comparifon. Now I crave leave to";eU you, that it is (as all good things, more or lefs ) / very apt to be abuCed and to degenerate into AtheiJm. Men that are much fixed upon ma.tter aad fecundary caufes and fenCual objetb , if great care be not taken, may in time, (there be many examples) and by degrees forget that there be fneh things in the WQdd :\5 S p.irits ) [llbftan .. CfS reallyexifting and of great power, though not vifible, or palpable by their nature; forget I fay, and confequenc• ly difcredit f-perm,t"ral operAtiDlls: and at laft, that there is a God, and that their fows are immortal. T his is a great precipice; and the coruempt of all other learning ~n ill prefage. I cannot teU what filOUld make the MetAph,fKkJ, that noble fdeoce, fo defpj(able usto them : tnero I mea", who have declared themfelve$ and t~ir opinion of it. Indeed, they have nothing to do with the [epfes, and llliY be called N"~: btIt real thoQgh, and th~ mof~ 3.bfiraaed from the- fenCes, .therei>re d1C~mor¢ divift~. What a eQi~ hath ~kept with C4flfft.~' s E.g{) C0gftf.\ tQ pt:ove the ·l.1Ilmonahty Qf the fQul thereby -: How- mu€;n Ul ftory: which, when 1 confider the Worth ~d Noblenefs f of the man, of whom it is written, I could Willi that GA[~' {ella,s had left out: What ~ Pe1reskills, fo learned, fo wife a man, to profit more by the fight of fuch a combat, and the demeanour of the IOIl{e in it, in a thing of fnch con(equence to a ~ans life, then he had don~ by the read.. in cy of fo many Phllofophers, who have written fo excel,,: le~tly of that fubject, (and among other things, have Dot omitted this very particular, th~ ghaftly countenance and, deformity of a man in paflioD , and the difeafes and die.. mal accidents it doth expofe him to) or the precepts and perCw.1lions of the word of aod, always divine; but in this . Argument, even to humane reafon, molt excellent and fingular ~ Galen indeed, I remember, hath a fiory, how by fome chance being an eye.witnefs to the impatience of a man, who becaufe when ne knocked at a door was anfwer• ed, The party was not at home, fell into {uch a rage and fury , both in words and aaions, as no mad man could out do: it made fuch impreffion in him that he was the ...... better for it all his life after. This is fomewhat like, as the fight of a drunken man may work upon an ingenuous youth, to make him abhor drunkennefs for ever. But dut the lifoht of the IJIIIIIl" a lo.fe, pafling from the head to. the. tai , (which perdlan~e 15 no (uch extraordin3ty thlDg In a IOllfe) lhould be ot fuch force with fo brave a maD, 'as pe1reslei,,! was, above all that he had ever read or obferved upon that fubjett; and that he fhould as it were in thankfulnefs to the I',.fe, make an acknowledge• ment of it, to his friends, I have not faith enough to be.. leeve aA/!ellJMI in,th~: bot ratherbeleeve, or fufpec!t ,~bat GAjJt~1 made thIS pretty fiory, eidler upon occaUOll ,~fOlllewhat tbat Pe1rtlitills had told him of a [,.ft. or' a ,'II J. bac DOt lO that. purpofe; or of porpoCe to' giatifie fome A LETTER TO PETER DU MOUUN 183 (33) "'-. Come friends, who would be 'glad to hear what aCe can be ~e, ~in point of life ana manners, ora ",ier,fo'1t• Bat YOD Will f3Y perchance, i doth not wife 811,.", fay, G, II tht A", ,h,. P_ggArd ?&c. Yes he doth indeeCl but to the iluggard : pig", O~. Jl7If~: ,vor'ds of great weight ~ as elfewhere I liave fbewed: not to fuch a man as PtJre• skiMS was; nor as if AllIs by their example could teach men, what their own rcaCon and the good inftruaions of other men (bcfide the Scripture) could not; but to make fach wretches more fenfible of their degenerating into brutillmefs s when they fee f~h aas. of rmean performed by thofe creatures by mcer inftin&of nature, which nei• tlier their own rearon, nor ~e rcafon (good inftruaion ) of other men can perfwade them to. Bdides,. he fends them to what will not require ithe labour, or curiofity. of much obrervation, or inquifition; but to that whiCh is very obvious to all men.. Add, that Ants certainly, are mQ[e noble creatures then Lit, J becaure they live in com• mon, and have a form of go~eroment amoug themre1ves, ,---..."hich doth prefoppofe fome:kind at: rearOD, or fomewhat a'Mwerable to rcaron in men •. To this parpofe, I remcm-• ber I have read tbe defcri~tioniof a CiCT. made(l annot fay ...... built } by AlliS, tbe Author whereof IS no lees a mao then a learned BUhop, as by the ,elegancy of his ~yle 1 gaefs him to have been Learned Gill;., I am. Cure IS not mOte acc:urate in the ~~rcriptio~or c.p-Wle, tbeD ~e is· (f~. ~h~ bigile~ ont: ~ 1 ~ould not ~~e ~ t~IDk, tl13t .It ~ any thmg n,pr fo b~ as c'''fI."tl''''~) In the deCcriplionof this til, of AntS. H~ hath t~e ~lmcn6ons. . of the .. longitude and la~tude Of .cvery arec~ 10 It, .and ~he \,par~u1ars of Come public~.~e~ bel~lBgto It, With· .'iImGIl accurateneB. He wnteS ~t ~o -good cuneft, and for• Q1J part I beleeve him; though if you do DOt, I {hall not. . account 184 A LETTER TO PETER DU MOULIN (34) a(count you an Infidel for It. Yet I do not deny, but [o~e good may come) even in matters of life)by th~ obierv:lnon of fome aCtions in brutes: but as good, to eVlI al[o, when men not knO\\'ing) or forgetting whore image ~hey bar~) are more apt ( fo the greater nuro~er) to pro(ht~te their reafon to meer nature, then to rechne nature by rtght rea• fon. V·ol e read in Herodotus of a people who thought car- 011 copulation lawfut enough in their Temples, becaufe they o~ferved that beafis that were brought to and kept in Temples for facrifices, made no (onCdence of it. So POfJf#S Houttrus of Delph in Holland, grounding efpecially upon the cafioro ofbrme beafis, would infer the lawful• nefs of incefl among men: NIn ilta (natura) 1tJAtrem Ag• nD(cit, non (ororem, &c. which is very horrible. And I cou\d name [orne body dfe, who dOth not fay much lees; . but for the reputation he hath in the world I will fpare his name.. And what will you fay tG him) who out of his ftudy (he faith, not very blifie then certainly:) having o~ferved the carriage of a Sparrow ( the moft lafcivl0us of all creatures, as is obferved by fome Naturalifis) to• wards its mace, (vicies repetito COi#lI, & ;nde ex llfnguor( ad terra'" decidente) began co quarrel ~. with God Almi-2h!.0 ty (en (orum iniquAm, bfJC p4(f~ribu$ datum, negattlm ho- minIbus! ) that he had made 'him a mlO and not a Spar• row. Ie were to be wifued that they that aredefiined to ehe ftudy ~f Nat~re, 'Yer-e [ud~as ~ve attained by their ye~ to ordmary dlkretlon, anti'ate well O'rounded in ReliO'ibn:' ~ know not wh!1t we 1l1ayexpeCl ofwantoRB'07es, \;hom iome would have trained up in thofe fiudies betimes. Bat another danger is: may not a man 0'0 too far in this ft~dy, and overvalue' his1'rogrefs fo far,oas to thittk,no• thtngoUtGfhisr~ach ~ It was a rioble~ttempt (as to Hl:int_ of them that bUilt) or would have butlt the tower of BwI!i bel, A LETTER TO PETER DU MOULIN 185 (35 ) 6el; wbIJ{e top' might reach",o Helwen: Ids ootlikely they could be fo hmple , 3S to think really they {bould reach to Heaven by it: they might think they lhould be fome• what. nearer perchance; :md.jho\Vev~r, °et a name among men 10 after ages, that they that built fuch a tower, were fomewhat above men. But c-onfufionWQs their reward. I have no reafon to be againft the Art of fl1j~ , if difco• verable by humane indufiry; I have reaped the pleafures of it in my dreams more then once; and I thought no pleafure comparable to it , though but in:l dream. Yft I doubt it m.ay have fomewhat of the Babyloniih prefum• ption in the eyes of God 5 and thar [llch high curiolities are fo far from being .fcful , that they may be, daagerous. AtM 'lit -txpeOart, ,., {icrare, intemperantu &- n"turtC {1I1l CDnd~Ji()1It", ~{II"A"'is "~;rni t{l: is G~fle"dus hisjudge• ment" upon the matter, whIch 1 bope will excufe me. Yet I mull: confefs, I think there is lees offenc~ in the conceit of Arti/i&iAl fI1ing then in the conceit of U,;m 'and 'IhN"''' IIIj~ pang an Artificial ch,micJ ,rep"'.ti';'" whoever was the Author of it; which! thinkdefert>ed to be cen';' fured as impious: and if fueh liberty be taken, or allowed, I know not how far it may proceed, ()r how foon Roher: '" FI.d his blafphemies, \V hich Ga/Jendlu hath cenfured and confuted may be received for life/III truths or learning. But I have done ...What. ",f:, had, to c~ept againO: the book you brough~ m~ I .b~\:,,~ ~q ron. I mua now thank you for it. For iO"ver9 frUt1\.~-' his 'Divinity at the end. whic~ ~,(qr@e.\Vh1lt ij'l.JftiQClU ~ I hope I do noc under{bnd it) and thofe two partlculars, his contempt of Arijlotle, and his cenCuring all other learning beftdes Experimental' Philofophy, and wiut tendeth to iells ,,(del, and meer JI1r4TJg~;ng and dj{plI~iTJg, excepted: I. have read the.refi', wherelD he doth give us an exaa accou~t of late dlf~o- venes> 186 A LETTER TO PETER DU MOUliN (;6) veties, with much pleafure. For though I think many ages may pars before the. ure of many ot thofeparticiJlars is known; yet .4riftltle hath taught me, (and he proves it excellently) that nothing can be in nature fo mem, 'or fo vile, but dcferves to be taken noticeof~. and will af• ford to an ingenious fpeculative JD~ matter of pleafllre and delight. . sr, I know your ~elationf J'rome of eminent wonh.and piety i~ that l!0"",rJHe $"'.ilI1, ~hom t~ we have not the happmefs to know OdietW1fe, then\:bY ;tbe fame of their writings 5' yet we honour their worth as much 35 . you do. I hope you do not think any thjng, I have Writ• ten caD, refl~ u~n any f~cli. No, por ~,any Others, fmher, then \Q thofe partlC\l~rs lliave ..~. You ~kno~ my condition, and Judge I hope fo: ~baritab1y, that I would .~ $0 OUt of die World, bu.t m perfett love ~ ~ty Wltb.aU men. As long as 111v~~IiU~~o ~ 1 ~y,..,~f~t ci YQUt ,lo\le, anQ:iood ~.,n, who am . " .... . ' , • J .• ' " 7"" IIJ/eflitll'" .'6.;IIht,i . ': . ,.,J }j~e, ."I,er",.,; " '> . '. T.·,·· :." -M. a ~ t . C·, "~A lJ~o)t;; .: . ~ .' ~ . .,. .~ . ; .... ~ . : .. ~ : \ " t ...... " , , . -~~, NOTES 1 p.2: 'I should not make such a question, but that 1 f'md just occasion' See Plus Ultra, p.4. Glanvill pleads for civil usage from opponents of the Royal Society out of respect to the founder of it, but he does not suggest that the King's interest in it is a guarantee of its good intentions. In his Preface, however, he does make this claim on the basis of the numbers of ecclesiastics who were members. 2 p.3: 'a little Treatise Of the use of Daily Publick Prayers" The Use of Daily Publick Prayers, in three Positions (1641). 3 p.5: 'another book, written by a learned man' Sprat's History of the Royal Society (1667). 4 pp.6-7: 'these Aurea Carmina' ... ·'Cebes· his Table . .. Epictetus his Encheiridion ' See Bibliography.. items 12 and 15. 5 p.7: 1l:P01l:ct~E~ct, . A printer's error: the word is 1l:PO Sprat, History, p. 22. 19 'a Noble·man of this Realm wrote a book intituledDe Veritate' Lord Herbert of Cherbury, De Veritate, (Paris, 1624). See ch. vii, p. 133 20 'his Epistoia ad Sacerdotes' Lord Herbert of Cherbury, 'Epistola ad Sacerdotes,' De Causis Errorum (London, 1645). 21 'somebody hath taken some pains to attemperate Christianity to the laws of every Countrey, and commands of Supreme Powers.' Thomas Hobbes. See Leviathan, ch. 42 and elsewhere. 22 p.18: 'Hoc !thacus vetit, et magno mercentur Atridae' See ch. ii, p. 31. The reference (to Virgil, Aeneid, ii, 104) implies that the new philosophy has been set lip as a counter-Reformation plot to breach the unity of Protestantism, like the wooden horse: 'lthacus' is the Pope, and the Greeks the Catholics. But the allusion is inexact, as Sinon is actually referring to his own death in this line, the opposite of what the Greeks really wanted. 23 p.19: 'calling miracles Divine Experiments: but also doth commend unto us, men of honesty, trade and business . .. as the best upholders, or testifiers of it; rather then men of craft and speculation. ' All quoted phrases from Sprat, History, p. 352. 24 'Dr. Langbaine' .... " , , Gerard Langbaine, to. J\.oyy LVO U TI:£P L Y In Science and Imagination (1956), Marjorie Nicolson seems to refer to this anecdote in her essay The Microscope and English Imagination,' where she remarks, "In the long history of the warfare between the 'humanities' and the 'sciences', there is no more ironic chapter than the quarrel between Meric Casaubon and Pierre Gassendi, one of the greatest French scientists." (p. 178) Miss Nicolson seems to have relied on a quite erroneous version of this story, in which it was made to appear that the story was recounted by Gassendi about himself. 1 have found no evidence of a quarrel of any kind between Casaubon and Gassendi: Casaubon admired Gassendi very much, though he was bewildered and distressed by his Epicurean works. 36 p.33: 'Learned Gillius ... in the description of Constantinople' Peter Gillius, De Topographia Constantinopoieos ... lihri quatuor (Lyons, 1652). The social organisation of ants was a commonplace since the writings of Pliny, but the author who described the city built by ants is unknown to me. 37 p.34: 'Pontus Houterus' Pontus Heuterus, a Dutch historian (1535-1611). The same quotation is given in more detail in A Treatise of Use and Custom (London, 1638), p. 120, where Casaubon refers the reader to Heuterus' De Libera Hominis Nativitate. I have not been able to trace an edition earlier than 1655. 38 p.36: 'your relations to some of eminent worth and piety in that Honourable Society' Probably Robert Boyle; see ch. iii, n.3. APPENDIX II Extracts from On Learning (1667) by Meric Casaubon INTRODUCTION The manuscript from which the following extracts are taken is Bodleian MS. Rawlinson D.36.I, indexed as A Treatise on Learning. It consists of 20 leaves, of which the first and last are blank, except for a scrap of six and a half lines from a letter and some jottings by a later owner of the ms. The leaves have been paginated, and the numbers run from 3 on the recto of the third leaf to 27, when the next page, left blank to allow the author to insert a previously omitted passage, was numbered 27b, and then continuously again from 28 to 34. These numbers, as they occur on the pages of the ms., are inserted in the transcript thus: [17]; [11, [2] and [35] are supplied. The ms. has been bound into a ledger cover, and is undated, un• addressed and unsigned. On the first leaf is written 'Suppos'd to be written by Dr. Turner Dean of Canterbury,' and on the last is the title 'De Studiis Instituendis.' A later owner of the ms. had tried to discover its authorship, and the endpapers and first leaf have scraps of a corres• pondence on the subject as follows: 1) This Sir in my humble Opinion is one of the most noble masterly Performances of its kind I have ever met with: Tis a Thousand Pities methinks'the World has never had the benefit of it. 2) I have certainly found out your author: it is honest Meric Casaubon. Pa. I he speaks of being at Canterburie: sold his books. v. Ath. Oxon. (perhaps AW. had seen this) of his Fa[ the] r. p. 12 he quotes his own book of Enthusiasm: which having read, I pretend to know his style. p. 15 Prebend almost 40 years; therefore pretty near his death. he speaks of the Dean, as father to the person he writes to. quo what Dean? .. ... What is best in him are scraps of his F[athe] rs, a great many good things: but he writes and rambles like a blind horse. However, being in some reputation for learning, he was put upon this, to encourage a young Fellow in study, with excellent meaning. 3) I submit to better Judges, but whoever might be the Author of the MS, I read it with great pleasure; the writer appear'd to me neither to want Parts, Learng. nor Judgment; about Method indeed I was not solicitous, not looking for it in an easy, familiar epistolary comp• osition. The msjs written in two hands: Hand One, which is Meric Casaubon's, has written pp. [1-2] and [27b-35], as well as various marginal corrections and insertions, and Hanl Two, presumably an amanuensis, wrote the remainder. The authorship is proved by the handwriting and the quotation from A Treatise concerning Enthusiasme, as the writer of Letter 2 noticed, on p.[ 12] (not reproduced). (Throughout this book, quotations from the text of On Learning reproduced in Appendix II are referred to by the ms. page number followed by the book page number). The date of the composition of the text (the ms. is a fair copy) is ascertainable from two passages in it. The first is on p, 28 (208), where after mentioning the use of charms and amulets to cure disease, ~asaubon adds 'of all which I may perchance give a further account ON LEARNING 193 (for 1 have it ready) to the World, if 1 live.' His 'further account' is the discussion of the subject in Part I of Of Credulity and Incredulity in Things Natural!, Civill and Divine (1668). The Preface to this work informs us that he compiled all the materials for it shortly after Easter Day, 1667, but did not start to write for some months; by June, 1668, it was complete and ready for licensing, and the preface is dated June 1668, so that it must have been being written and made ready for the printer since the beginning of that year, if not before. Since Casaubon evidently wrote On Learning when he had some, at least, of the materials for Of Credulity to hand, but not in form for the press, the most probable date for the composition of the treatise On Learning is the summer and autumn of 1667-indeed, the writing of it may well have been the cause of the delay in writing the first part of Of Credulity and Incredulity. A rough confirmation of this date is given by the second passage, on p. 15 (253): 'You know I am a Prebend of a Church, and have been now almost these 40 years.' Casaubon was given his prebendal stall at Christ Church, Canterbury, on June 19th, 1628, and 'almost these 40 years' would suggest a date some time in 1667. The identity of the person addressed is more problematic. On p. 15 (253) Casaubon recalls that 'when we were first restored' he was enthusiastic about the prospect of establishing a lectureship in divinity, and in the following sentence recalls to his correspondent that he 'moved it, as to some others, so to your father, our reverend and worthy Dean.' The Dean of Canterbury at the Restoration was Dr. Thomas Turner (1591-1672), who had been appointed in 1643, took office in 1660 and held it till his death. On Learning is therefore addressed to one of his two sons. The son in question was evidently in orders in 1667: 'As a Christian and a Divine,' wrote Casaubon (p. 3, 249), 'I write to you, who are a Divine'; now the younger son, Thomas (1645-1714), was still proceeding to his M.A. degree in that year, and did not receive his first living till 1672, but the elder, Francis (1638-1700), had been presented to his first living in 1664, though he compounded for his B.D. and D.D. degrees only in 1669. Since there is no further evidence of relations between Casaubon and either son of the Dean, I conclude that the treatise, written and transcribed for the press in the year 1667, was originally addressed to Francis Turner. The title on the last leaf of the ms., De Studiis Instituendis, cannot be shown to have any authority, and as the treatise is more about the decay of learning than the acquisition of it, I have preferred the title On Learning. In presenting the following extracts 194 ON LEARNING I have retained the gist of the first half, omitting the very long examples and instances, and have given the second half almost entire, omitting only one or two anecdotes. I have retained the ms. spelling and punc• tuation, but have silently incorporated all Casaubon's additions and corrections. ON LEARNING 195 Sir, When you were at Canterburie last (when I myselfe was there) you were with mee in my Studie sometymes. Wee had then, I remember, much discourse of Learning in generall, and of all manner of Bookes tending thereunto. It was your owne seeking, and you seemed to receiue· some satisfaction. But whateuer you were with myne, sure I am, I was much pleased myselfe with your discourse and Company; and it made such impression, that I have thought ofit since, many tymes with delight; soe often that now you see what at the last it hath produced; a sufficient euidence unto you, (what euer you may thinck of it otherwise) ofthe truth of what I haue said, I thinck of you often, when I doe not see you; and that the subiect of our discourse, when I had you here, doth still run in my mind. The truth is, that which I call GENERALL LEARNING (now the subiect I propose to myselfe in this Letter) or call it what you will, hauing had some kind of apprehension of it in my youth, more than euery bodie hath (my Father was wont to say Pauci sunt,qui capiunt magnitudinem Literarum) that pretends or aspires to learning, I did entertaine these thoughts of it with great admiration, and as earnest longing, soe that it hath broken my sleepe many tymes, and made mee forgett'my meat, to the preiudice of my health, when a more softer pursuit (more' agreeable to the temper of my bodie) might have proued much more aduantagious. And least you should thinck I wryte this to uaunt, I shall acknowledge and profess to you ingenuously (yea, in uerbo sacerdotis, if you will) that what euer my thoughts or my hopes were in my youth; it is now; and hath bine these many yeares, my certain beleefe, my progress hath 'bine soe inconsiderable, that I reckon myselfe but where I was, in a manner, at the uery begining; but that I cannot say now, as then I could, thatlpreis stille towards the marke, hauing giuen ouer all hopes of atteining ( euen to mediocritie) long agoe. If you aske mee, how this comeS to pass, I will tell ypu. First, I became a Preacher to soone; and then, because partly of the unhealthiness and partly remotenes of the place, I could not settle where I was preferred;i that occasioneduitam desultoriam, forsome yeares; sometymes in the Vniuersitie, sometymes in London.( where I had frends, and ellgagements for the future) and somtymes at my Liuing; that was my condition for 3 or 4 yeares of my best of strength, and uigor: which in those dayes fitted my humor (for I did loue trAuelling maruelously) well enough, but didinot agree soe well with my studies. But that which did more hinder mee, is sickness and bodily infirmities. I could tell you strange stories of what I haue suffered in that kind, though not by one kind of sickness. I am confident I can giue an account of one third part of my life, or uery neare, since I first went to the Vniuersitie, that hath bine soe spent And then after some yeare~ residence in Canterburie, by that I had atteined to perfect maturitie of ,fudgement (such as I was capable of, through maturitie of age) to make !lome use of that little stock of learning I had gott, the troubles begann in England; by which, as others were of my profession, who did not basely comply, or were not before ill affected, I was . \ 196 ON LEARNING driuen from place to place, untill at last, finding myselfe by yeares and otherwise much declined, and utterly despairing euer to see them together, or to be in a capacitie to make use of them, I sold (besides what were lost, and plundered before) the greatest part of my bookes; among which were diuers noted with my hand, which, till I was come to this degree of desperation, I made great reckoning of. Iftherefore I haue had in my youth a little more insight into the nature, or extent of true learning (what I understand by it, I shall [2] explaine myselfe afterwards) all the advantage I can bragg of, is, that I haue bine, and am now, more sensible of my ignorance, then many are, whoe haue as little learning as I. However, though I haue giuen ouer hoping long agoe, myselfe, and further attempting; yet soe much I retaine, and shall, I thinck, to my dying day, of my first temper and disposition, as to wish well, and to haue a high esteeme of them whom I conceiue to be in the way either to speed themselves, or to countenance and encourage others. Hauing therefore in my priuate and retyred thoughts concerning learning, which offer themselves to mee mostly, with some pleasingnes, when I am most indisposed for others; often, as I said before, thought of you: of late two things haue made me more frequent in those thoughts then I was before. The first, a sad apprehension I haue, lately much increased, of the decay of learning, and great danger of approaching barbarisme, to the great detriment, as I conceiue, if not hazard, of Religion it selfe. An other is, seuerall reports I haue heard of you, from diuers, of the creditt you haue (for one ofyouryeares)2 in the World, which you haue gott, and daily dox encrease, I understand, by worthy performances. These reports, added to my former thoughts, or iudgement, haue wrought in mee to a confidence, that what by your creditt, what by your exemple, if your apprehensions concurr with myne, much may be done towards the preuention ofthat mischeef (in England) which, as I conceiue, is alreadyuisible, ifnotin tyme preuented. Whither I haue ground for what I say, will be the cheefe business of this Letter. If you shall iudge it a groundless feare, or iealousie, all I haue to say for myselfe is, Res est solliciti plena timoris amor: and that it is one ofthe properties (infirmities if you will) of old age to be querulous, and suspicious. I will now fancie you to be present with mee in my Studie as you haue bine heretofore; as ready and willing to read what I shall wryte, as you were, then, to hear what I had to say. The first thing I haue to consider of is, what true learning is, or what that learning is that makes a GENERALL SCHOLLER, one that may deserue, without limitation, the name of a learned man. This is a great question, from which cheefly depends the determination of what I haue taken upon mee to make good, the present decay of Learning. I need not tell you, I know; I make noe question, if you bee the man still, you appeared to mee, but you and I are of one mind. Howeuer, I shall proceed with more confidence, when I haue told you what I thinck GENERAL LEARNING is. It is an old Sophisme, practised in all ages by the subtile sort of men Xdo) doth MS. ON LEARNING 197 (obserued by best Historians, Thucidides, and others) when they intend an alteration of things, that they may doe it with less offence, and insens• ibly, as it were flETaq>spovTas; Ta ov6wna anaTav : saith Demosthenes) first to alter the notion of words; which in this particular subiect wee are upon hath bine done notably. No man pretending to civility and ingenuity but will profess to reverence learning. But what is now called or accounted learning by many; th~rein lyeth principally the discouery of the busines, and the true ground of my feare or charge. It is not a full 12 Months since, being in the company of a uery learned man, as by many learned bookes (although I could wish he had forborne one) he hath approued himself to the learned and iudicious; being upon this subiect, the danger or decay of learning: One word, said he, consisting of but two syllables, hath undone (or much damaged) good learning: it is, as he explained himselfe, the word, Peda'lt. It made me remember(besydes what Sir Francis Bacon hath in his Aduat:/cement ofLearning of this uery word, to the same purpose)3 what I had read in the Histories of England of the word nithing; the imputation whereof was once soe generally abhorred in England, that euen the most Coward (naturally) would choose present death, such operation it had then, aM become resolute and ualiant against their nature, rather than to undergbe the ignominie of it There be alsoe whoe by the same fallacie and subtiltie style that. reall learning, or knowledge only, which comes by Experiments and curiosities, or is operatiue and mechanicall; upon which they inferr, or would haue others to inferr, that all other learning is but uerball and useless. This worketh much upon them that are simple and ignorant (whether through want of yeares, or witt, or both) [3] who shew their weakness, in that whilest they pretend to reality, they are so farre led by wordes before they haue examined the truth or weight of things. What is generalliearning, I will not here consider at large. There be, and haue beene of all professions, lawyers, physitians, and others, who (whateuer their aime hath beene) have deserved the title of generall schollers, as their learned labours, dealing with and in all kinds oflearninge, with good choyce and judgement, w~ll beare them testimony. As a christian and a Divine, I wryte to you, who are a Divine. I am very well content, as Plato woulde have it, that nothing should be accounted learninge but what doth tend to the maine end As a christian therefore it doth concerne mee to be well satisfied myselfe, and as a Divine it is part ofmy charge, to be able to satisfy others, if need be, that what I ground my faith upon (which I beleeve must make me eternally happy, if! live accordingly, or eternally miserable, if otherwise, and uppon that accqunt more considerable to mee than a thousand worldes) is truly and really the word of God For if bare confidence and education, or zeale, for what we professe or beleeve, be enough to satisfie a man, I doe not know wherein we have the advantage of Turkes and Mahometans, or other religions that are now or have been formerly professed by any nations of the worlde. Now to be well satisfied of the truth of Christianity upon a rationall account, there is no kinde of learning but, if not absolutely necessary, will marvellously conduce; but 198 ON LEARNING espetially the perfect knowledge of former tymes, actions and opinions proper to every age, as farre as may be knowne eyther by perfect Historians or by any other bookes and recordes, ofbest authors in every age, those that are of the greatest antiquitie chiefly; and have had the approbation of many ages. Even to reade all those bookes that have been written, anciently or in later tymes, for the truth of Christian religion (which doth include the truth of the old and new testaments) and to be able judiciously to examine the weight and soliditie or arguments and objections, doth require more then ordinarie learninge and itbilitie. I know all thinges doe not worke equally upon all men. For my part, I profess to you bonafide (neither is it my case alone, I beleeve) I would not loose the satisfaction I have received by readinge of ancient bookes, the ancientest especially (Poets and Historians) for what this world may affoord, as most valuable; whereof! shall be ready to give you a more particular account when you shall require it Well, being satisfyed of the tntth of the Scriptures, both old and new testaments; I come to reade. I will not hunt after Cabalisticall mysteries, in wordes and letters, nor farre fetcht allegories, of both of which to tell you my judgment at this tyme I shall forbeare: I seeke the plaine litterall sense; how can any man dox any good, to satisfye himselfe rationally, without competent knowledge of the originall tongues, a good stocke of humane learninge, some insight in all sciences, good knowledge of former tymes, of actions and events, rites and customs, sacred and civill: how miserably will he be putt to it, in the prophetts (a great part of the old testament) especially, that is not thus stored and provided? But if he can content himselfe with the labours of others (though he must be a very meane man who cannot hope, ifhe will be industrious and take peynes, to find somewhat himselfe that hath not [4] yet beene observed by others; and where the obligation doth lay upon all, how can he satisfye his conscience, that doth not his uttermost endeavour,_ that he may be able to contribute somewhat towards soe great a worke?) but if he can content himselfe, soe as I have said: yet to be able to make good use with choyce and variety of what he reades, and to be able, in such multiplicitie, and contrarietie sometymes, of interpretations and opinions, to judge what isYmost probable or warrantable: even this doth require noe smalllearninge and judgment, which last is the fruit commonly, if nature hath not beene defective, oflong and assiduous reading. What kinde oflearninge is it, that is not usefull for the better understanding of most places, generally: what antient authour, that will not help? naY,how many places, that could not be understood without that help? What ancient booke or author, almost, of what subject or argument sOever he be, to whom we doe not owe the right understanding or better understanding of some place of Scripture? Even Anacreon, that drunken poet, Beza doth acknowledge, when no other authour in all his reading could help him, he was beholding to him: Dubitanti mihi de hac interpretatione, tandem occurrit locus Anacreontis in Odario etc. How many tymes doth that learned Commentator make use of Homer and other Classicall authours (as we call them) soe pertinently, Xdo) to do MS. Yis) MS. omits ON LEARNING 199 soe opportunely, in many places, that without them he would have left his reader much unsatisfyed? And who doth not, whether Protestant, or Papist, that hath written since the restoration of learning, and is generally approved? ...... [6J But I proceede. Christianitie, you know, is become (and so it was from the begining, more or lesse) a matter of dispute, not with them onely that are without, or profest adversaries, but amonge them also that professe it What am I the better, to know that Christianitie is the true religion, if as a Christian I doe not know, and as a Divine I cannot satisfie others, what is true Christianitie? To attaine to this, even to mediocritie, to understand the true estate of differences between us, and (not to mention other adversaries) the Papists; and where the right lyeth; not out of petty Compendiums, and Medullas and the lyke, which can give but a very superficiaU and partiall account, the authours of such, for the most part, knowing but little themselves, but as they collect from others whom they trust; nor yet from larger bookes, upon the credit of the authours, though learned, barely; but out of authentick records and monuments, which every age hath produced since the first plantation of Christi anitie, Fathers, Historians and others; to doe this, to be able to reade them, with profitt, and good judgment: to know, whether by our own discovery, or by ajudicious examination of proofes and allegations on both sydes, which be genuine and true, which suppositious and counterfeit; No man is in a right capacitie, who is not a good linguist( for in his reading, he will meete with many knotty places), competently versed in all sciences, and well acquainted with all good authours of ancient tymes, Poets and Orators especially, without whom no ancient booke (their wordes and phrases and sentences occurring soe frequently) can be understood. My opinion is that as this is the chiefest, soe the hardest part of Ie aming. For in very truth, mans lyfe being soe short as it is, were it not for the knowledge of former tymes, wee should differ little from brutes, which have no knowledge at all. The longest lived man might say, with them in Job, We are but ojyesterday, and know nothing. But the Ancient ojDays, it is one of Gods titles in the Scripture. Hence it is, that historie is so much comended, which doth represent unto us former ages, by the perfect knowledge whereof, so many years or ages are, after a sort, added to our lyfe, as we can give a good account of, to ourselves or to others, by the light of Historie ... [l1J By this, Sir, you will easily understand (if neede were, for I am confident you are of the same mind) what I understand by a generall schollar, or a learned man (Divine or other) without limitation. Truly my opinion is, that title doth not belong unto any man who hath not made a competent progresse in all sciences, so farre at least, as to understand the proper tearms and the grounds of each, for want of which a man sh.all be grounded, and to seeke; and which is worse, apt to mistake, in most bookes; and againe, who hath not read all ancient authours, Greeke (some few excepted, perchance, who write of things very remote from sense, and not intelligible but to very few that are of the same profession), and Latin, the two learned languages, in their own tongue; who is not able, being allowed competent tyme, to give a rationall account of any place in any such 200 ON LEARNING authour, sacred or prophane, if he be consulted about it; or not able to judge of styles, and what by the style, and what by the matter and other circumstances (if it be required of him, and competent tyme, as before, allowed) to satisfie himselfe, and others, that are of capacitie to judge, what is true and genuine, what false and counterfeit; and to supply by probable conjectures what cannot be cleered by certain evidences . . . . Therefore I sayd, to know books, and to know how to use them, is no small part of that learning, which belongs to a generall schollar. [12] But now after all this I have said of bookes and reading of them, I doe not conclude that hee is a learned man, who hath done alII have said, no more than hee a good painter or carver, that is well furnished with all materials, and instruments belonging to each profession. If he have not thatfuluC,,4 which Aristotle makes to be all in all, for the attainment of any perfection; if he have notpregnancie of witt and judgment, naturally, to make a right use of all he hath read, in due tyme and place; he may be styled a man of much reading, and may deserve some commendation for his good will and generous mind: but ifhe think himselfe a learned man, because he hath read much, and when he doth make use of his reading unseasonably, imperti• nently, thinkes of it well himself, though no bodie else doth, then indeed he may deserve that names which they, who for a little witt and some quaint language would be thought the onely worthyes and truely learned of the world, very wrongfully cast upon all, indifferently, whose industrie, and generositie of spirit doth aspire much further ...... [ 14] But I must goe further then soe. You doe not suspect mee, I dare say, for one that would favour pretended inspiration, eyther in point of praying or preaching; which I look upon, and have allwayes done, as the ready way to Mahometisme, or some such thing. Blessed be God for this blessed alteration, and restoration of libertie, and religion. God knoweth what we had had in England by this tyme, especially if those wretched examiners,6 who would take an account of the tyme and manner (that is, force men to iuggle and invent) how every man was converted, had continued. However, I will impart my thoughts to you: Had Christians as much zeale for Christ and his gospels, as ancient heathens had (Orators and sophisters) for their credit, or profit, or both, why might not (and good discipline besydes might doe much towards it) many younger preachers, in these dayes, attaine to a facultie of preaching ex tempore (upon one howre or twos premeditation) upon any subject or Text, if occasion should be as both Orators and Sophisters did in ancient tymes, ordinarilie? So that Quintilian (that judicious and experienced man) doth peremptorily determine it, that he that doth not attaine to that facultie, hath studied publick speaking to little purpose, and would not have him by noe meanes, to take upon him the title of an Orator, or advocat. St Augustin saith little lesse of preachers. Certain it is, that ex tempore preaching was very ordinarie in those (15] dayes. Bernardinus, De Ritu Concionum,7 hath many instances; to which many more might be added, if need were; though neyther Quintilian to his Orators, nor St Augustin to preachers, doe allow this license or privilidge to any, but to those whom long study, and constant ON LEARNING 201 practise (in ordinarie preaching) hath brought to this perfection, that they may undertake it without danger; which they that venture upon it, upon advantages ofnaturall parts only, before they be well grounded; can hardly avoid. And better never to attempt it, than to run the hazard of being ridiculous, or blasphemous (as many of our late extempore men, in their praying especially) in soe serious a thing. Had the King but ten such men in every shyre of England, but in London especially, provided that their discretion and good affection were answerable to their eloquence, they might doe him, upon occasion, as much service in tymes of danger, or of warre, as an armie of many thousands; and it would be such a quelling to puritans, and non-conformists, who have nothing, for the most part, but their tongues to trust too, which they use very industriously, that they would not dare to shew their heads. There is no question but the thing is feasible, and with 'much ease, I dare say, were but a right course taken, and men would be persuaded to be industrious; wherein generally we come so short of the ancients, that a man would scarce beleeve we are of one making: But a little discipline, with due encouragement, would soone mend the matter. I have you in my thoughts as one that may be the instrument of much good; which makes mee to wryte to you as I doe. Before I leave this argument, therefore, I will yet ease my heart of another thing. You know I am a prebend of a Church, and have beene now allmost these 40 years. What a character (in the begining of these troubles) intended for the howse of Commons, and since that published by the Author, was made of a Cathedrall, Deane and Chapter particularly, by a Knight of this shyre who was allyed to the then Deane8, you may know, probably. I think his very friends, if not very partiall, would say, he sought more to vent his spleene and malice (upon some privat grudge or quarrel, probably) then to discharge his conscience, or speake that which himselfe thought really true. Yet I musf tell you: wee lye very open to censure, and the common exception is, that wee live at ease, and doe little good, and that such meanes might be better bestowed. To prevent this, in part, at least, I thought, when we were first restored, that a Lecture in Divinitie, to be performed by turnes in the Latin tongue, with some other such exercises becoming Vniuersitie men and Doctors in Divinitie (besydes frequent preaching) would have done well. I mooved it, as to some others, so to your father, our Reverend and worthy Deane,9 particularly; and I was very hott upon it for a tyme; but I see nothing done as yet, neyther have I any great hopes that anything will be done suddainly, though I hope it is the wish of many, as well as mine. Yet I beleeve it would be founde that some such thing was once ordered by one of our Visitors in this place; and whether that was not one end of the first institution ofCathedralls, would also be considered. All the ministers in the country might be the better for it, and receive encouragement. I have given it over, long ago; I had a reason for it; but do you think of it, I pray, and if you bee of the same opinion, make [16] use of your creditt, and you may doe Cathedralls (which in very deed are the glory of this land and Church) good service, and expect a reward for it, at the hands of God. For I cannot promise you much thanks from many, whom I doubt you will find more 202 ON LEARNING disposed to favour themselfes, being now in quiett possession, then to doe the Church, and posteritie (who is most concerned) right. And yett I must confesse, it would have become us well to have begun, who are most exposed to envie, as men generally famed to be grown rich, and worldly, by this late restoration. But I have too much digressed; but that I allow myselfe the libertie, as if! had you in my studie, to say anything by way of discourse, whether coherent or incoherent, as it comes into my thoughts, soe it be not impertinent of itselfe. But learning, in generall, is that I chiefly propose to myselfe at this tyme, and the decay of it; and upon what ground. I am now to give you my reasons why I thinke so, and then I will consider of the causes. I will not say anything of particular men, by way of comparison, which may savour oftoo much arrogancie; of bookes in generall, I nay, I hope, without offense . . . . [20] If all I have writtenhytherto, upon accuratperusall(ifyou thinke it worth it) be deemed by you, or the greater part, but phansie; truly I shall adscribe much to your judgment and shall not be sorrie, if you have a better opinion of the tymes: For it is that I desire [21] to leave the world with that comfort, that pietie and learning do flourish, and lykely to flourish, as in former dayes. But if otherwyse, if you be satisfyed in the 0T L. ,that it is as I say, you will be the better disposed to inquire into the cause, or causes, and to heare what I have more to say concerning that also; wherein if your judgment and myne happen to concurre, I am very confident you will be ready to contribute what lyeth in you towards a remedie, which is the very end (as I have allready said) of this writing. But before I enter into the consideration of particular causes, I will begin with one generall. It is observed by more than one: when things, those that depend of the art and industrie of man, as well as those that are naturall, or civill, which have their bounds often from secret causes, besydes apparant, are come to their height or perfection, which the course of nature, or providence, hath allowed them; they cannot long continue in that state, but must decline, not without daunger of a great fall, if not absolute destruction. Hence it is that the Phisicians look upon perfect health, in summa gradu, as a prognostick of sicknes, or death; and to that effect there is an aphorisme in Hippocrates, as I remember. It is my opinion that learning (you know what I meane by it) in this last age, some three or fowre score years agoe, was brought to that perfection, as noe other age of the world ever saw it in. 10 Particular arts and Sciences I speake not of. Though we have some late inventions to facilitate the studie of Mathematicks, yett what is that is now knowne, to what Archimedes knew, and hath left in wryting (in part at lest), could he but be understood? II The art ofpainting or carving ( ifthat may be reckoned a liberall art, for the credit it hath had among the ancients, and for the affinitie it hath with some liberall arts) though some have excelled, as to these later ages, yet I reckon as good as lost, in comparison of ancienter tymes. Soe of some other arts, or faculties perchance. But as for learning in generall, or generall learning: soe farre as the witt of mortall man, or industrie, can reach unto, it is my opinion that it was then at the height. But no wonder, if it did not hold long. It was come to that height, that for a man to ON LEARNING 203 make himselfe considerable (besydes competent witt andjudgment, without which nothing can be done, and are not, to that degree, every mans happines) soe much labour, soe much industrie was required, as is enough to fright any whom God hath not endowed with extraordinarie courage, and strength of bodie withall. Any new project, promising new discoveries of a shorter way, must needs be very acceptable unto most. Ramus attempted somewhat, and men began to run after him; but the age was too learned for him, or the creditt of his attempts, to hold long. Others had appeared before him (as Lullius, Trithemius,12 and some others, I beleeve) and since him probably some, boasting of new inventions, and they have had some abettors and admirers, but have not prevailed; I shall not need to name them. Descartes is the man I shal take notice of, whose name and bookes in what credit they are in both Vniversities of this land, and abroade, in the Low countries especially, you may know much better. What my apprehension of him and his way is, I shall tell you freely, though not without some hazard, perchance,eyther of affected singularitie, or great weaknes of judgment. I must acknowledge, my reason and my judgment [22] were never so putt to it I had read his Method, in French (with those Mathematicks sett out with it) many years before I mett any man, who eyther in print or by discourse tooke any notice of him. How he came to be cryed up afterwards (for it was carried with great cunning) I have heard, but it is not much materiall, at this tyme. Shall I tell you the truth? For his Mathematicks, I will not take upon mee to judge. I went as farre in that studie when I was young, as I could well, and the temper of my braine would beare, without any help but ofbookes. Since that tyme, I have not had any leysure to intend it. However, I had the curiositie to reade. I mett with nothing there, that gave me any occasion of suspition, but rather that he had a facultie that way, more then ordinarie. But for his Method: I tooke him for one, whom excessive pride and self-conceit ( which doth happen unto many) had absolutely bereaved of his witts. I could not beleeve that such stuiTe, soe ridiculous, soe blasphemous (as I apprehended it, and doe still) could proceed from a sober man. A cracked brain man, an Enthusiast, such a one as Acosta gives us the relation of, and lout of him in a booke of that subject, 13 I tooke him to be. You will say perchance, I am a bold man, that I dare acknowledg it. Truly, I have suspected myselfe many tymes, and my judgment, since I have seene in what esteeme he hath beene and is with many; and I am yet, at tymes, very much disposed to acknowledge my errour and want ofjudgment, when I shall meet with any man (which I have often sought, but could never find) that will make mee understand what it is he hath done, or brought to light (besydes what he hath done in the Mathematicks, of which somewhat will be said afterwards, how necessarie to one that doth adspire to genrall learning, for the discoverie of truth in matters of greatest consequence) to deserve such creditt. I have heard many in generall tearmes speak highly; but when we came to particulars, nothing did appeare, answerable to such boasting. But I will tell you what hath confirmed mee not a little. Gassendus, I dare presume, is not unknowne to you, nor his manifold workes in all kind oflearning. I for my part have that 204 ON LEARNING opinion of him, he was the most accomplished Generall schollar we have had oflate. It is great pittie that his facilitie, and too great ambition to please, knowing how acceptable such a worke would be to many in France, noe great friends to the Christian faith, putt him upon that base design to sett out Epicurus,14 whom former tymes (not the ignorant multitude, or vulgar judgments, but the most learned in all professions, philosophers, Mathematicians, Physicians, Historians; Heathens and Christians) for his lewd doctrine, notorious stupiditie, and grosse ignorance had sett out as a detestable monster: to sett him out as an example ofvertue, and an excellent Philosopher. How he was putt upon it against his own judgment, at first, and undertaken by him rather by way of exercise (to shew his witt or to please some) then a serious taske, a man may probably gather from what himselfe saith of it, 15 in his IV book De Vita et moribus Epicuri, 3x chapter. (lam cum elevare aggrediar quae Epicuro objiciuntur, absit alia mente id praestem quam exercitationis gratia, etc.) though in his praeface, he doth professe [23] the contrarie. But whatever his first motive was; I make noe question, when he saw himselfe (as at such a tyme, soe much inclining to atheisme, might be expected) soe much applauded for what he had done, it gave him great encouragement to go on. But a learned man he was, as any of his tyme, it cannot be denied; and besydes what may be due unto him for his learning; his candor and ingenuitie, soe eminent in all he hath done, may, in my judgment, deserve no lesse commendation. This Gassendus, then, being putt to it, as divers others were, to declare his judgment concerning Descartes, and what he then did offer, to be considered of, didY it at first, (in respect to them that appeared in the business as much or more, I beleeve as Z to Descartes himselfe) with all possible respect and tendernes, yet so that he could not but acknowledge he was not satisfyed in all things. But Descartes, whom no lesse would serve (as he promised himselfe) than absolute applause and admiration from all men, tooke it heynously,16 and replyed accordingly, charging him, among other things, that he was altogether sensuall, meere flesh (Epicuri de grege) , no fitt man, therefore, to judge of such things. Hereupon Gassendus, a very mild man otherwyse, thought himselfe obliged in his reputation to deale more freely and roundly than he had done before; and to that end, tooke upon him to examine very particularly the said preface, or Method, part of which Descartes had contrived into six Meditations (intituled Meditationes de prima Philosophia) sett out in Latin. The booke (Gassendus, I meane: Petri Gassendi Disquisitio M etaphysica etc.) is to be had everywhere, if you have not read it All I shall say of it: he doth lay him open, very sufficiently: more need not be said by any man to shew the vanitie, futilitie, nugacitie, of that confident, if not brainsick (in that Preface at lest) undertaker. But one particular passage I tooke speciall notice of, because it did so concurre with my first apprehensions. He tels him plainely,17 some succes in his Mathematicks was the very thing which had infatuated him into this conceit, and presumption, to cast all philo sophie into a new mould, and to proclaime X3) and 3 MS. Ydid) he did MS. Zas) then MS. ON LEARNING 205 himselfe the Oracle of the world. He doth not use these very words, and what he saith, he doth qualifie with aforte, but I thinke I doe not misreport his sense, though I put it in my phrase, as I apprehended it long before. But I beseech you, lay Gassendus aside, and tell mee what you think of those Meditations, that Preface, which promise soe cleere a demonstration of those two fundamentalls of religion, the being of a God, and the immortalitie of the soule. His other workes, perchance, may require some studie, some initiation, more than every man is willing to affoord them. In these Meditations, all is plaine enough: they need no Oedipus, no Delius natator, though cunningly, to rayse the credit of them, great heed and intention is required in the reading. What a mysterie doth he make of his Ego sum: ego cogito, to attaine to the excellencie whereof, a man must first strip himselfe of all that he hath ever knowne, or beleeved. He must renounce to his natural reason, and to his senses; nothing [24] but caves and solitudes will serve the turne for such deepe meditation, such profound matter: rare inventions to raise the expectation of the credulous, and in the end to send them away pure Quacks, or arrand Quakers. Wherein the man seemes to me to take the same course with his disciples, as many Jesuited Puritans18 doe with theirs; which is, first to cast them downe to the lowest pitt of despaire, and then, with such engines of persuasion they are commonly well stored with, to rayse them up againe to the highest pitch of confidence; but soe that they leave themselfes a power still to caste downe and to raise againe, when they see cause; which must needs oblige the credulous disciple, as he hath found the horrour of the one, and the comfort (whether reall or imaginarie) of the other, to a great dependencie. Soe Descartes, after he hath obliged his disciples to forgett and forgoe all former praecognitions and progresses of eyther senses or sciences, then he thinks he hath them sure: they must adheare to him tooth and nayle, or acknowledge themselfes to have beene fooled, which of all things in the world ( though nothing more ordinarie in the world) with most men is of hardest digestion. God help them that have no better grounds to build the soules immortalitie, or the existence of an Omnipotent Deitie, upon. I thinke Sextus Empiricus the Sceptick (not to mention Christians or ancienter philosophers) will furnish a man with much better, though proposed by him but as probable arguments only; whereas this man would have us to thinke his, plain demonstrations. What thinke you of that which philosophers and schoolmen call reflexa cOl{itatio; 19 may not the immortalitie and independencie of the soul more plamly, more evidently be proved that way? Or if himselfe intended the same thing by his Ego cogito, why doth he make such a mysterie of it? And that inference that there must ofnecessitie be a principle, or Originall of reason, and cogitation, from whence ours is derived; how much more excellently and forcibly is that argument sett out by Socrates, in Xenophon, and by Cicero (out of him) in his second De Natura Deorum? And what adoe doth he keepe, what abjuration, what conjuration ( or coniuring rather, as where he doth suppose God for a tyme, by way of necessary preparation to his mysteries, an impostor, a Divell) would not any sober man, as Gassendus doth well observe, suspect such doctrine, that doth need so much mountebankisme to 206 ON LEARNING sett it out? 1 have objected this Preface, those Meditations, to some of his friends; and when 1 began to argue with them, their answer was, they would not justifie it, nor would have me to judge of him by that one peece. I know not whether that Preface was one ofhis first ( though first abroad) or last workes. If it were one of his first, I must looke upon it as a miracle, if the author of such extravagancies ever became sober againe. However, lett him be more sound and solid in his other workes, I had rather beleeve it then not. Yet is is certaine (which makes mee most to doubt), himselfe made great reckoning of those Meditations; and 1 see his blind adorers magnifie them as an incomparable peece to convince and silence all atheists, and stick not to style those weake arguments and [25] phansies (soe Gassendus thought, 1 am sure) certain, and mathematicall demonstrations; which is a certaine argument to mee (and may be to anybody else that looketh into it impartially), that many of his admirers are ledd more by blind credulitie, following the judgment of others, than by any evidence of reason. I could tell you of some body, besydes Gassendus, a very learned man, a mathema• tician and philosopher, and great wryter, who hath no better opinion of this great undertaker and his philosophie than Gassendus had; which makes me hope that all the worlde is not bewitcht, and that in tyme men may see their cnour. But this use in the meane tyme we may make of the credit this man hath. You know we have in England some body, who with no less confidence, though not soe great luck, doth take upon him to be the Oracle of the world; who would make the world beleeve noe such thinge was in the world, truly and really, as art, or science, or philosophie, till he was borne and began to wryte. Would you know what opinion Cartesius had of this philosophus Anglus, 20 as hee calls him? I pray see; it is worth your sight; in one of his first bookes (I have it not; in had, I would save you the labour), which conteines the judgments of divers, and his answers. Which ofthese 2 great pretenders (for both cannot be in the right) shall we beleeve? Truly, 1 thinke neyther, concerning themselfes; but of the two, whom most, intolerable pride and arrogancie (as I conceive, with submission to better judgments) being the chiefest foundation of both, I will not take upon me to detennine. Certain it is, the designe of both is and hath beene; but of Cartesius particularly; that all other bookes and learning should be layd asyde, as needles, but what came from him, or was grounded upon his principles. And if all other bookes and learning, as he would have it, there would be little use of libraries or Vniversities, which is that many would have; and what the truth, in point of religion and divine worship, may, yea, must suffer, by such proceedings, is the thing I dread to thinke, and you need not be told by mee. This is the reason I have given him the first place (his wrytings and opinions being in such request) among the causes of the present decay of learning, as 1 apprehend it The next that I shall take notice of, not observing the order of tyme (for of this sort some have beene at all tymes), but as I apprehend them more or less considerable: are those who would seeme, and happily think soe really (some of them) to adscribe great perfection to the Word ofGod, 21 more than ON LEARNING 207 other men, because they would fetch out of it all arts and sciences, for which others thinke wee must be beholding to humane wryters, looking still upon God as the author of all good gifts, whether in heathens, whose labours and inventions, God stirring them up for the benefitt of mankind, we enjoy, or in others who have had the happines to be better acquainted with Him, by whom they wrought all that was laudible, and beneficiall to the generallitie of men. We have had some, men otherwyse accounted pious, who would take no account of former tymes but from the scriptures, accounting all that hath beene written by Herodotus, or any ancient Historians, fabulous, and prophane. Learned Joseph Scaliger hath mett with some of them, and Petavius the Jesuite22 with some others [26] since. Great contests and contentions have beene in some Vniversities beyond the seas about Aristotle, especially his Ethicks (which booke, as also Cicero, De Officiis, had I such a memorie as some have, I would have learned by hart, I doe soe much admire them), some godly zealous men (it may be soe, but not very discreet or wyse, which is a mischeefe) accounting it a Heat ungodlines, that the workes of a heathen should be read to Christians, and the Scriptures, as they foolishly inferre, laid asyde. This word heathen doth so stick in their stomack, and doth so worke upon innocent people that are bredd under such mastery, that not Aristotle only (that inestimable magazin of human learning) but all other good bookes would be quickly turned out, if they had their wills. Reasons and authorities of ancient fathers, of best account against this phrensie, there be store; but my busines is not to advise you herein (which I know you need not) but to tell you what I ground upon my opinion of the tymes. I have read somewhere, when great Alexandria in Egypt was taken by the Mahometans, there was some consultation what should be done with the famous Librarie, the greatest ornament of that renowned Citie. Some would have had it preserved; others were against it. But at last it was so resolved by some of chiefest authoritie: If those bookes contained anything that was good, it would certainly be found (and who durst denie it where blinde zealotts had rule) in the Aleoran. But if noe good, they deserved not to be preserved. And accordingly executed it was. Soe, that immense collection, the lyke whereof had not been knowne in any age before, or was since, containing the labours of soe many excellent witts, perfected with indefatigable industrie, atthe word of an ignorant fierie zealot (who can doe lesse than ingemiscere?) miserably perished. I thinke I may without offense make it part of my privat Litanie, From thefury of blind zealots, Good Lord deliver us. I myselfe have heard, in these late sadd tymes, some fanaticks acknowledge, it was intended no other booke should be left in England, had they prevailed, but the Bible; and I doubt many who would not be thought fanaticks would be well enough pleased that it were so. But whatever their aime is, who drive on such designes of themselfes, or suffer themselfes to be deluded by plausible pretences, being sett upon by others; any sober man may foresee, when all light of Historie, sciences and languages, by which the credit of the Scriptures and Christian religion hath beene by learned men soe happily upheld, against all human forgeries and delusions, is taken away (which God forbidd should ever happen) there will 208 ON LEARNING be but little difference between the Bible and the Alcoran. My meaning is, it will be very indifferent unto most men, which they imbrace, the Bible, in the hands of such men (fanaticks, enthusiasts, mechanicks and the lyke) soc expounded, soe applyed; or the Alcoran. For my part, I acknowledge and adore with all my heart the perfection of the holy Scriptures, but such perfection, as the Scriptures themselfes have taught mee to adscribe unto them: that is (being rightly understood) to make a man (who doth beleeve them, and with a devout heart doth apply himselfe unto them) wyse unto salvation. But for the right expounding of the said Scriptures, against Hereticks, (27) and solid asserting of the same, against all atheists, all adversaries; there is no kind of learning but may be usefull; and without much learning, it cannot be done. Soe that in effect I conceive, the Scriptures have no greater enemies than them who by their heterogeneous, imaginarie perfections, which they ad scribe unto them, goe the ready way to take away the true use, to which God hath ordained them, and to cashiere their authoritie. A man may love God too much, or more than is expedient Soe Gregory N azianzen, I am sure, somewhere doth aile age, who makes it the cause of great evills; that is, when men love God, not as himselfe doth prescribe, but superstitiously, ascribing and performinge unto him such worship, as by sacrificing their own children unto him, and the lyke, which God doth abhorre. As in the love of God himselfe, soe of his Word, there may be an excesse, when not content with that sober use and esteeme which is proper unto it, we putt upon it what we phansie, more in complyance to our own temper, than out of true real affection. The superstitious heathens, some of them, thought they did not honour Homer (who was their Bible) sufficiently, except they fetched from his verses, the fates of men and cities, and the events of things, which lay hidden in the secrets of providence. These were their sortes Homericae. Many Christians thought they owed as much respect to the word of God; and whylest they pretended honour, they turned it, what in them lay, into magick, thereby exposing themselfes to the curses denounced in the said Word against all such superstitious practises. Others went further: If the word of God be all sufficient, and the author of it Omnipotent, why should it not cure diseases of the body, as well as those of the soule? And I have reason to be Ie eve, that some bodily diseases have beene cured by such charmes, and amulets; I find soe many [28] of them, in ancient Physicians, Heathens and Christians (men of judgment and skill otherwyse, in their profession) and which is more, allowed and counte• nanced by the Constitutions of some Christian Emperors; of all which I maY}lerchance giue a further account (for I have it ready) to the World, if I liue. "Most true, therefore, that a man may loue and admire too much (that is, fondly and superstitiously) that which otherwyse cannot sufficiently (not too much, I am sure) be loued and admired. Such wild phancies haue driven others to turne the Starres of Heauen into letters, a,nd those letters into bookes, conteining great mysteries, because they conceiue it more suitable to the Goodnes and Wisdome of God, that soe many resplendant figures and characters, besydes tymes and seasons, and what else is acknowledged generally, should signifie somewhat, as legible letters and characters, then ON LEARNING 209 noething. Soe that if men will not yeeld to what they phancie, as a necessary consequent of their incredulitie they must be thought to beleeve that God was not soe Good or soe Wyse as he might haue bine. A heauie charge, it must be granted, in case they that phansie such things be beleeued to be in their right witts; which I do not, no sober man, I hope, doth, beleeue. Little better opinion haue I of them whoe would haue all wisdom, arts and sciences, deducible out of the uery letters of the Hebrew Alphabet;25 whoe alsoe goe much upon the same grounds. It greeues me to thinck that men, euen learned and pious otherwyse, should be lyable to such dotage. If these things were looked upon, without any further daunger, as the innocent phancies of men ofweake braines, I should not much stand upon it. But truly I am of opinion, that such phancies, though at the first the effects of great ignorance, or weake and distempered braines only, yet afterwards when unaduisedly enterteined by more sober men, to whome the cognisance of such things doth not properly belong, the more apt therefore to be wrought upon by pretences, and not wary of the consequences, tendX uery much to the destruction of all good learning, and consequently of the right use and rationall esteeme of the Holy Scriptures among men. Euen since these late confusions, when fanaticks and Enthusiasts did reigne, I haue seene some bookes, generally commended, 26 which had much of this straine ( contempt of humane learning, etc.) as tending to the exaltation of the Holy Scriptures; which hath made mee the more willing to take notice of it. I shall take them in the next place, whoe would reduce all learning to Method, 27 and make the World beleeue that by the helpe of a right Method (such as they phansie and prescribe), learning would be euery man's purchase that had but a will, and would take some peines. To bring this to pass, they cutt off from learning whatsoeuer themselues do not understand, nor their phansie can reach unto, which is indeed the greatest part by faIT, it being noe small part of learning (besydes the happines of a pregnant and peircing braine) to comprehend the amplitude of true learning, such as may qualifie a man for a generall Schollar. As if a man should beate his braines to find a way how to make some little Riuer (which he hath bine acquainted with, and by what he hath seene in his Parish, iudges of whatsoeuer he doth he are of in the whole World) foordable or nauigable, or how to make some artificiall bridge ouer it, without much cost or labour; and then should thinck, when he seeth his proiect lyke to take effect, the lyke may be done upon that which folkes call the Ocean. Vrbem quam dicunt Romam, Meliboee, putaui Stultus ego: you know what followeth. Of this nature is all that John Amos Comenius28 (an honest and well meaning man, as I haue heard) hath done or undertaken, by which many haue bine taken, that I say not (because I beleeue the man doth intend well) gulled. But I cannot but admire the iudgement of those School em asters whoe would admitt his Januas, and such other inuentions of his, into their Schooles, as though boyes were taught the Latin, in Schooles, only for [29] commerce in worldly matters, to make themselues if need bee (and that skiruily, to) understood 'tend) they tend MS. 210 ON LEARNING abroad, and not to reade good Authors at home, from the diligent reading, and right understanding whereof, not only true learning doth depend, but alsoe the true use of those learned tongues; to which end I conceiue those deuices rather a hinderance, then furtherance, but a uery praeposterous way, certainly. Yet I doe not deny but that method is a great point, and that many miscarry in their studies for want of it. I should commend them, to young Schollars, that haue written De recte instituendis studiis, in euery profession particularly, and in the generall persuite of the whole Encyclopaedia. Though my opinion is withall, that noe one Method will fitt all men, but should uarie, to be a right Method indeed, according to the uarietie of tempers; which to discerne rightly, and to fitt accordingly, is not the work of euery man, but requireth, besides learning, a good measure of Judgment and dexteritie. Some excell in memorie, others in somewhat else; of memories, some are quick, and quickly forgett; others, the c1eane contrary. Some are memories of words; others, of matters and consequences. There be praecocia ingenia; and then there be those that ripen slowly, but come to better perfection in tyme, and with tyme. All these uarieties, and many more (besydes uarieties of bodies and complexions, which should be considered too, some being able to beare that labour and plodding when they are young, . which others cannot, whoe yet in their kind and tyme may doe well) would require a different Method, in some particulars at least, if a right course were taken. Whereas to tye all tempers and witts to one method precisely, seemes to me to haue some affinitie with Procrustes (soe I thinck he was called) his bedd, to which all bodies, eyther by uiolent stretching, more or less, as they wanted of the iust me sure; or by cutting off, as they exceeded more or less, were to be fitted ... [31] You know the storie of him, whoe thought ifhe could but gett the sword of one, much famed for his ualiant acts, he should alsoe become a gallant man; but alas! poore man! when he had gott the sword, he found he wanted the arme and spirit, and had the witt, at the last, to laugh at his owne folly. Which is the uery case of those wyse methodists, whoe thinck by the helpe of a right method, they shall or can make all men wyse or learned. Soe many, whylest they spend their tyme enquiring after or diuising a method how they may become learned, they loose the best method to learning: that is, indefatigable (soe farr as the bodie will beare) industrie and assiduitie in reading good authors, such as haue had the approbation of all learned ages. Yet I know, Non ex quolibet ligno; it is not all the industrie in the World. nor the best method that cann be deuised by the witt of man, that can make some men learned (truly learned), though they should liue 500 years, and spend all that tyme in reading; but as once that Roman Emperour said, that he that hath once atteined to thirty years must either be a foole, or a physician, to himselfe ( or to that effect), as by Tacitus is related,soe say I: hee that is well endowed by nature, from his infancie, to make a Schollar, or learned man; lett him well ply his busines in his younger yeares, and be constant in labour, and it will not be uery long before himselfe will know what [32] is his best and truest method to proceed, and to compass his end; his owne witt will serue him for that, though he may be much helped by good aduise, ifhe be so happy as to light ON LEARNING 211 upon them that can giue it. As for that method which is proposed by Comenius, or any other before him, by the helpe whereof they undertake to make all men wyse, or learned, it is a meere dreame, or gullerie; from which, should it be enterteined generally, the destruction oftrue learning, and soon after of Christian religion, must (as to humane reason and iudgement) ineuitably follow. Which is the reason I haue taken this notice of it. Thus haue I freely imparted my thoughts to you, as to a frend. I doe not expect you should be of my mind in all things: yet if you will as freely impart to mee what you can obiect in any poynt, or particular, it may be you may receiue further satisfaction. In the meane tyme, I will suppose you may plead for the happines of the tymes, and aduancement oflearning, because the Mathematicks. and that which they call Experimental! Philosophie. are in great request, and new discoueries euery day made. First, you must remember, that as a Diuine by profession I wryte to you, who are of the same profession. My enquirie is about truth in matters of Religion and Gods worshipp:TCEpL: TOU oW!;Eo{}aL, H \.l\!astheStoickswerewontto speake; things to all true Christians, whoe really beleeue an other world after this, of greatest importance, certainly; but the proper busines of those, that profess Diuinitie. Yea, though there were noe such thing as an other world, yet it was Aristotle's opinion (you know) that a little knowledge of God and heauenly things, well grounded, should be preferred before the most exact knowledge of Worldly things, that mortall man is capable of. Galen alsoe hath somewhat, to the same purpose. But I doe not press this. I consider things (soe I told you at first) as a Christian. and a Diuine. or Theologue. The Mathematicks (to beginn with them), as they are, or deale in things, most abstracted from the senses, and proceed soe orderly from noted principles, by certain demonstrations, to highest speculations, euen such as are able to amaze and rauish the greatest witts, and most comprehensive braines; I shall not stick to grant them, absolutely, the noblest of humane sciences, and as usefull for the things of this world, as they are noble in their owne nature. But as to truth in matters of Religion, and God's worshipp, to which all I haue said ofgeneral/learning hath a particular respect; I know noe great use, much less necessitie. Wee may say the like of other sciences which often goe under the same name, as Astronomie and Astrologie. But yet, accidentally, excellent use may be made of all these, for propagating religion among infidels, as you may understand by the relations of Matthaeus Ricciu.s, abric:iged and sett out by Tricatius, which I haue read with much pleasure. And that knowledge St. Augustine had of Astronomie stood him in noe small stead against Faustus Manichaeus, who pretended to great perfection, and thereby did much hurt, as he (St. Augustin) doth acknowledge, in his Confessions and elsewhere. There is good use to be made of Astronomie alsoe, not only to regulate the feasts of the yeare, and for other Ecclesiasticall computations, but alsoe in poynt of Historie, to examine the Chronologicall part of it by the course and mutuall aspects of Sunn, and Moone, Ecclipses, etc. though not much practised, till Joseph Scaliger (of immortal memorie), continued since by Petauius the Jesuit. Of 212 ON LEARNING the Opticks alsoe uery good use may be made, to discouer impostures and false miracles. The badd use most men make of these studies, and the little religion of most professors, and danger of going too farr, made St. Augustine, and some other Fathers of the Church, speake somewhat rigidly, as that commodius honestiusque contemnuntur, and the [33]lyke. And it is strange that euen in Plato's tyme, the common opinion, or obseruation was that such men, for the most part, were Atheists, which they imputed to the sciences themselues as the cause; the contrarie whereof is well asserted by Plato, in his Epinomis 29and elsewhere, though he denie not but such a thing may follow, if the professors goe noe further then the bare outsyde or phaenomenas. As for the Fathers, they speake manytymes contra Mathematicos, absolutely, when they intend only ludiciall Astrologers; for that was the style of those tymes, not in the writings of Fathers only, but in the Lawes and Constitutions of Princes alsoe. . . . As for Experimentall Philosophie: I may say to you truly, that naturally I haue, and euer haue had a great inclination that way. I thinck it may appear by some things I haue written. When I was young, I was well acquainted with Sir Francis Bacon his workes,and made tryall of diuers of his experiments, though seldome (for want of more Judgement or dexteritie, perchance) with any success. I neuer mett [34] with any man of any trade, in Citie or Countrey, but if! were at leisure, and he too (and were not uery reserued), I took great pleasure to enquire into the mysteries of his art, which afforded unto me matter of contemplation, with delight. And it hath bine my great desire and endeauour to meete with some author, that doth treat of the mysteries of all arts, and handicrafts (not anyone omitted that hath to doe with nature, more or less, in their operations); unfolds all the secrets and circumstances of it, how, and by what degrees, euery thing is brought to pass; not doubting but euery man whoe hath a speculatiue braine, and is not altogeather a stranger to nature, might with much delight make excellent use of it, towardes the better understanding of natures wonders. I did allwayes thinck the tyme as well spent in such communication, as if I had bine in my Studie amongst all my bookes; and what I had learned I did many tymes sett downe in writing for my remembrance. I neuer see glass to this day, but I would gladly see it made againe though I haue alreadie seene it, more then once; neuer wryte upon paper, or read in a printed booke, without some admiration of the inuention; and soe of euery thing, almost, that I use, or see. But I neuer was soe happy as to light upon any such booke, for that none such is extant, I can hardly beleeve. Fiorouanti indeed his Miroir ofArts and Sciences30 I haue seene, whoe doth intreat of diuers trades, but rather of their use, then secrets; or if of any, not soe particularly as to satisfie mee. And many I find, not at all mentioned. But againe, whither, or how farr, hee may be beleeved in any thing, whoe was soe full of bragging and boasting (as where he treats of his seuerall inuentions, and particularly of a boate he made, that it could not sinck, and yet uery swift and nimble, and euery way seruiceable, which I doubt was neuer tryed) more lyke anK Empirick or Mountebanck than a serious man, 'an) and MS. ON LEARNING 213 or philosopher, is a question. This kind of knowledge, if any man will call it learning, I am not against it, and that it may be usefull for the better understanding of many places in Scripture is not doubted. St. Augustine doth instance in some examples, to which hundreds might be added. And againe, uery usefull, and sometymes necessarie, for the discouering of false miracles (as before was said of the Opticks) and pretended inspirations, by which the world hath often bene shamefully abused. Yet euen soe, the least part (or but one part, at lest) of that learning, that makes that generall SchoIlar, by mee heere intended, by whome doubts and difficulties of Scripture must be resolued; the creditt and authoritie of the Scriptures themselues, as the Word of God, against all opposers mainteined; controuersies in religion, by the exact knowledge of former tymes, decided; forged wrytings and euidences, by which men in all ages haue bine abused and deluded, arraigned and conuicted; the true meaning of doubtfull places in ancient authors, against the subtilties and imposturesY of Sophists, uindicated and asserted. And the danger of such learning, when men addict themselues wholly unto it (the search and contemplation of secondarie causes, I meane) is that it often turneth them (it hath done many) into meere Naturalists, and makes them forgett the first and origin all cause, God; or, because that acknowledgement and knowledge of a God is in a manner naturall, it makes many keepe to that one article of their faith, and forgett all the rest. Now to acknowledge a God, and notto beleeue a day ofJudgement, or that God is a rewarder ofthem that seek him (and consequently of them that doe not), is little better and in some respects worse, then right downe atheisme. But my intention, in answer to what I thought you might oppose, is only to say, that best learning, which hath reference to truth of greatest importance, may suffer, and grow out of use and creditt, where such learning, (which some call curiosities) is in great request. Certain it is, that many whoe pretend to these studies, Mathematicks and the knowledge of nature, and thinck themselues great proficients (if not masters) in either or both, contemne all other learning as needless and superfluous; euen Diuinitie, more then the bare grounds, [35] and the Scriptures themselues, prouided the expounding be left free, not doubting but by theAlembick of their witts they can upon occasion extract out of them any opinions (euen Chimistries, the Philosophers stone, and what not?) any religion, that may be most suitable to the tymes, and their owne ends or aduantages. Haue you not seene some Petitions, or addresses to the men then in power, during the late confusions and tyrannies, for reformation of Vniuersities? Some, I say; whither all of that streine, I know not. But if all were of one streine, it might haue bine expected (had they receiued encouragement) their next step would have bine, that Bedlam might haue bine made an Vniuersitie. Why not Bedlam an Vniuersitie, as well as an Vniuersitie, consisting of Chimists, Behemists and Enthusiasts? Turkes and Mahometans, you know, haue natural fooles in some kind of ueneration; and why might not those that wee call Phreneticks, and crackbraine, be thought inspircd, by such Judges, whoe haue much of that humor in them Yimpostures) impostors MS. 214 ON LEARNING themselues; and that thought the only true learning? By what chance I know not, a little booke of one of these Reformers, intitled the Reformed Schoole etc., by John Durie,31 came to my hands. Among other things, turning the booke ouer hastily, I lighted upon this: Whatsoeuer in the teaching of tongues doth not tend to make them a helpe unto traditional! knowledge, by the manifestation ofreal! truths in Sciences, etc. Whencefol!oweth that the cllriolls studie ofCritic is me, and obseruation ofStyles in Authors, and ofstraynes of I I' itt, which speake noething ofrealitie in Sciences, are to be left to such, as delight inuanities more then truths. A uery serious man, one would thinck, that pleads soe earnestly for truth, and realitie, and sciences, against word." and Criticismes. But they that are better acquainted with the nature ofthings, and the drift of such language; through this uizor of grauitie and seriousnes will easily discouer the Spirit of a pure fanatick, or ignorant zealot. What pittie it is this man had not the reforming of the Vniuersitie Librarie; or rather, pittie he had to doc with any. By that tyme he had purged it of such uerball authors and Criticks (Hesychius his Lexicon must haue bine the first that had bine throwne out, whoc hath busied the braine of soe many learned men of all professions, as accompting it the greatest treasure of humane learning now extant) hee might hauc pulled downe one half, I beleeue, of that goodly fabrick, and somewhat more, and left roome enough for his realists; especially, if to satisfie othcr fanaticks, his brethren and fellow workers in this great worke of reformation, he had separated betweene the godly and the profane. Just such another spirited man, (though of a different profession; the one an antiprelatical zelot, under the late usurpers, the other a zealot for the Pope and his tyrannie), doth the author of a late booke, entitled Sure-/ooting in Christian it ie, 3 etc. shew himselfe throughout his whole booke, bitterly complaining against wordish learning, aierie descants and discourses, knacks of humane learning, Grammar and Criticismes, bookishnes and much reading, and the lyke; whereby a man that is not a Prophet or an Oedipus, may easily guess what he would doe, if it were in his power. And indeed, if such traditional! Christianitie, as he cals it, that is, the testimonies of fathers of families, in cuery age, be all in all, and the only thing to build the certaintie of truth in matters of religion upon; and that noe booke, noe ancient father or historian, is of any force, but as it is authorized by tradition, there will be little usc or need of bookes, as to matter of Religion. The Papists need not obiect fanaticks to us: if this man be not afanatick, I know not whoe is; and I beleeue the more sober sort of that syde thinck noe otherwyse of him. Sir, this is the case of these tymes, as I apprehcnd it; upon which I ground my feare, and ieaJousie, the subject of this Letter. If I be mistaken, I shall be gladd; and thinck myselfe much beholding to you, or any other, whoe will shew mee my error. Why I haue made this complaint to you particularly; I will not reapeat what I haue said at the begining. Soe I commit you to God and rest, etc. Finis. NOTES 'I could not settle where I was preferred' Casaubon's first living was Bleadon, in Somerset, to which he was preSented in 1622. 2 'one of your yeares' Francis Turner was then 29. 3 'what Sir Francis Bacon hath in his Aduancement of Learning of this uery word' "For howsoever it hath been ordinary with politic men to extenuate and disable learned men by the names of pedantes ... it is almost without instance contradictory that ever any governll\ent v::as, disastrous that was in the hands of learned governors." - Work~, III, 270. 4 'that E 1J CO 1J lAX What Matthe;w Arnold called 'a finely tempered nature' in Culture and Anarchy is defined by ArIstotle In the Nlcomachean Ethics, 1114bI2. 5 'that name which they, whoe for a little witt and some quaint language would be thought the only worthyes.. .' i.e. the name of pedant. See n. 3 above. 6 'those wretched examiners' The Committee for Public Preachers and the Commissioners for Approbation of Ministers were set up und~r the Council of State in 1654, to examine the competence of ministers to preach and then loyalty to the Government. 7 'Bernardinus, De Ritu Concionum' Franciscus Bernardinus fierrariensis, De Ritu Concionum (Milan, 1600). 'what a character ... was made of a Cathedrall, Deane and Chapter particularly, by a Knight of this shyre who was allyed to the then Deane' Casaubon is referring to the criticism of Cathedral clergy made by Sir Edward Dering (1598-1644), Knight of the Shire for Kent in the Long Parliament. Dering was a scholar and antiquary who became involved with the Root and Branch party in 1641; he had little political skill or interest, and his half-hearted and equivocal support of Church reform earned him much suspicion. To clarify his position he published in 1641/2 his speeches, both previous and intended, with a commentary, but the House of Commons took offence, burnt the book and suspended Dering. The 'character' to which Casaubon refers is probably that on p.70 of the 1660 reprint of Dering's speeches, Sir Edward Dering Revived. The Dean of Canterbury in 1641, Isaac Bargrave, had married a cousin of Dering's father. 9 'your father, our Reverend and worthy Deane' Dr. Thomas Turner (1591-1672), Dean of Canterbury from 1643 to 1672. 10 'learning, some three or fower score years agoe, was brought to that perfection, as noe other age of the world ever saw it in.' No doubt a verdict prompted by filial piety; perhaps a claim could be made for the super• excellence of the age of Lipsius, Scaliger and Isaac Casaubon in academic classical scholar• ship. The remark is also attributed to J. J. Scaliger (G. Saints bury , History of Criticism (1902), II, 276.) 11 'what Archimedes knew, and hath left in wryting ..., could he but be understood?' It is difficult to see how any estimate can be made of Archimedes' writings if they cannot be understood-this is the kind of 'ancient' adulation that played into the polemical hands of the new philosophers. In fact, Archimedes' works had been edited many times since the middle of the sixteenth century, without apparently causing any great perplexity. 12 'Trithemius' Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516) is hardly in the same class as Lully and Ramus as a methodologist: while Lully compiled his Ars brevis (Leyden, 1514) as a Comenian introduc• tion to all knowledge, and Ramus attempted to replace Aristotelian logic with his own Dialecticae Institutiones (Paris, 1543), Trithemius was principally a chronicler and theo• logian. Casaubon is probably thinking of his occultist key to hidden knowledge, Stegan• agraphia (Frankfurt, 1606) which was very popular in the seventeenth century. 13 'an enthusiast, such a one as Acosta gives us the relation of, and lout of him' The anecdote of a priest in the New World who was burnt by the Inquisition for entertain· ing Messianic delusions is quoted by Casaubon in A Treatise concerning Enthusiasme (1655), p. 77, from Josephus Acosta, De Temporibus Novissimis (Rome, 1590) - an edition which does not appear in bibliographic records. 14 'that base design, to set out Epicurus' See ch. v, pp. 85-88 For a more detailed criticism of Gassendi's rehabilitation of Epicurus, see Casaubon, Of Credulity and Incredulity, (1668), pp. 210-229. 15 'what himself saith of it' Gassendi is certainly evasive about his motives. In De Vita et Moribus Epicuri, IV. iii, he 216 ON LEARNING remarks, as Casaubon says, "lam cum elevare aggrediar quae Lpicuro objiciuntur, absit alia mente id praestem, quam exercitationis gratia. Ncque enim si iUc fuit, ut esse potuit, impius, malignus, aut alia ratione vitiosus, ego is sum, qui patrocinium ipsius mordicus suscipiam, et vel fuco facto extitisse pium, bonum, temperantem defendam." (Opera, (Lyons, 1658), VI, p. 201) Yet in his prefatory letter to Francois Luillcr, he refers to the latter's approval of his projected Life of Epicurus in much less guarded terms: "Scilicet Te ca1)doris plenum ac mirifice erga omneis bene merenteis anima tum, statim ac ille [Epicurus 1 Tibi visus est merito non suo fuisse diffamatus, mire delectavit eximi eum posse ab iis quibus est oppressus calumniis, posseque eius non modo vitam ab omni labe repugnari, sed Philosophiam quoque (expunctis, ut circa Aristoteleam, erroribus quibusdam pauds) tum de Natura solertissime tum de Moribus sapientissime Dogmata tradentem ostendi." (lb., p. 169) 16 'Descartes ... tooke it heynously' Gassendi's initial criticisms appear as the Objectiones Sextiae appended to Descartes' Meditations. For evidence of Descartes' irritation, see his letter to Mersenne, Oeuvres, ed. Adam and Tannery, III, p. 383-389. 17 'he tels him plainly ... ' Gassendi's comment is: 'Communis sane haec vax fuil: Fierine putest ut ille vir, Math• ematicis studiis innutritus et quae res dcmonstratio sit tantopere sciens, cas rationes habeat evulgetque pro demonstrationibus germanis, quae anubis tamen adeo attentis, adeo bene anima tis, eli cere assensum non valeant? An forte elatus applausu quo aliqua nova in Geo• metricis excogitavit demonstravitque, eo adductus fuit ut cunsideret posse se circa caetera, ac metaphysica praesertim, paris esse foelicitatis?' (Disquisitio Metaphysica (Amsterdam, 1647), ed. and tf. Rochat (Paris, 1962), p. 19. 18'Jesuited Puritans' 'The Puritans of En/iland, I remember, were wont to teach, that there is no true conversion, but through the horrors of a sad kind of desperation, as antecedent to it, or always concomi• tant, and they made very good use of it, many of them. For when they had brought their disciples as low as they thought fitting, then they were to raise them again by their methods (Long prayers and the like) until they had put them in a seeming possession of heaven, which nothing, whatever their lives were (su they kept to their tenets) could deprive them of, and so they had them fast enough, they thought), for the time to come, what occasion soever, for themselves or others, they might have of them. The Jesuits, some of them (for all I dare say are nut acquainted with these mysteries), are said to use some such things to get themselves some confidants, whom they use in time of need. It may be our Puritans learned it of them, as they have done many other things.' Casaubon, Of Credulity and Incredulity, Part II, (1670), p. 151. Suspicion that Roman Catholics infiltrated the sects in England, and particularly the Quakers, was widespread in the latter half of the century. Glanvill remarks, '[Papists] put themselves into all shapes and disguises among our sects, and under those Vizards drive us on toward more Confusiun and disseminate their own Doctrines under other Names and Appearances.' The Zealous and Impartial Protestant (London, 1681) p. 26. 19 'reflexa cO/iitatio' More correctly reflexa cognitio: the fact of the soul's capacity to perceive its own act of perception was a commonplace long before Descartes (see Aquinas, Summa contra Gentiles, ii.66.4) Casaubon did not see what was novel in Descartes' use of this. 20 'what opinion Cartesius had of this philosophus Anxlus' i.e. Hobbes. For Descartes' explicit opinion, see his letter to an unknown correspondent, Oeuvres, ed. Adam and Tannery, IV, p. 67. Casaubon is here referring to the Responsiones ad Objectiones Tertias appended to the Meditations; the Objectiones Tertiae were by Hobbes. 21 'those who would seeme ... to adscribe great perfection to the Word of God' Casaubon may be remembering also Bacon's very similar strictures on the Paracelsians: the philosuphical expusition of Scripture 'hath been extremely set un fuot of late time by the school of Paracelsus, and some others, that have pretended to find the tru th of all natural philosophy in the Scriptures, scandalizing and traducing all other philosophy as heathenish and profane.' (Advancement of Learnin/i, ii, in Works, III, p. 486). 22 'Petavius thc Jesuite' Denis Petavius (Petau) (l583~ 1652), Professor of Theolugy at Paris. 23 'Great contcsts and contentiuns have been in some Vniuersities beyund the seas about ON LEARNING 217 Aristotle ... some godly zealous men accounting it a great ungodlines, that the works of a heathen should be read to Christians.' Aristotle was opposed so often in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries that no specific reference seems indicated here. Casaubon may be thinking of the attacks on Aristotle by the French sceptics and Gassendi, which came to a head in the University of Paris in 1624. See also his remarks on Glanvill's attitude to Aristotle, Appendix 1, n.6 24 'of all which I may perchance giue a further account-for I haue it ready-to the World, ifI Iiue' See the Introduction to On Learninfi. p. 192-3 25 'such wild phancies haue driuen others to turn the stars of Heauen into letters' 'them whoe would haue all wisdom, arts and sciences, deducible out of the uery letters of the Hebrew alphabet' See Lynn Thorndike, History of MaJiic and Experimental Science, VI (New York, 1941), ch. xliv, and above, p. 117 26 'I haue seen some bookes generally commended' See above, eh. iii, n. 40. 27 'them ... who would reduce all learning to Method' Casaubon has already mentioned Ramus, Lully and Trithemius (see n. 12) as abridgers of learning; the example of Comenius suggests that he is now thinking more specifically of the educational reformers of his own day. On the existence of a tradition of 'methodisers,' Frances Yates remarks, 'the seventeenth century universal language enthusiasts are translating into rational terms efforts such as those of Giordano Bruno to found universal memory systems on magic images which he thought of as directly in contact with reality. Thus Renaissance methods and aims merge into seventeenth century methods and aims, and the seventeenth century reader did not distinguish the modern aspects of the age so sharply as we do. For him, the methods of Bacon or of Descartes were just two more of such things. '(The Art ofMemory (London, 1966) p. 189) 28 'John Amos Comenius' See ch. iii, p. 50 29 'asserted by Plato in his Epinomis' The Epinomis is usually regarded as spurious. Its chief aim seems to be the inculcation of a kind of theological astronomy; the protagonist remarks as a preliminary that though the sciences are among the first needs of the human race, yet those who study them in modern times incur reproach, and they are avoided by those who wish to be thought good men. 30 'Fiorouanti ... his Miroir ofArts and Sciences' The spelling of 'mirror' suggests that Casaubon had seen the French translation: Leonardo norovanti, Miroir Universel des Arts et Sciences, mis en Francois par G. Chapuis (Paris, 1586). The original was published at Venice in 1564. 31 'a little booke ... intitled the Reformed Schoole etc.' John Dury, The Reformed School (London, n.d. [1650?])Casaubon refers to it, with the same quotation, in the Letter, p. 14, where the title is misquoted. Casaubon's reference suggests that he read the second edition of 1651, which included A Supplement to the Reformed School and The Reformed Librarie Keeper. 37 'a late booke, entitled Sure-footinfi in Christianitie' John Sergeant, Sure-footing in Christianity (London, 1665). See ch. i, p. 10. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS CONSULTED (i) Printed Works of Meric Casaubon (excluding notes or revisions contributed to other published works). 1 Pietas contra maledicos patrii nominis et religionis hastes (40 London 1621) 2 Vindicatio patris aduersus impostores, qui librum ineptium et ineptum De origine idola• latriae etc. nuper sub Isaaci Casauboni nomine publicarunt (40 London 1624) 3 Optati ... De Schismate Donatistarum contra Parmenianum Donatistam libri septem. In eosdem notae et emendationes (80 London 1631) 4 Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, the Roman Emperor, his Meditations concerning Himselfe ... Translated out ofth Casaubon to G. Lakes, 14 March 1634, copied out with corrections by Casaubon probably about 1667. - fol. 70 Letter from Samuel Bochart to Meric Casaubon n.d. Burney MS. 363, fol. 203 Letter from Isaac Chabanes to Meric Casaubon, 24 September, 1612 - a humorous letter to the 13 year old Meric. - fol. 220 Letter from John Cosin to Meric Casaubon 4 March 1623 Burney MS. 367 fol. 94 Note of the births and deaths of the children of Isaac Casaubon. - fol. 138 Letter from James Casaubon to Meric Casaubon, 27 October 1632 - fol. 139 Letter from Florence Casaubon to Meric Casaubon, n.d. Burney MS. 368 fols. 1,2 and 4 Latin poems of Meric Casaubon, ca. 1617. Burney MS. 369 fol. 22 Testimonial from Meric Casaubon in favour of William Axon, 10 February 1634 (o.s.) - fols. 23-25, 28-29 Letters to J.G. Vossius, n.d.; to N. Ward, n.d.; to Theodore de Mayerne, 12 February 1654/5; to Isaac Gruter, 30th June 1654, all from Meric Casaubon. - fol. 58 Letter to Meric Casaubon from William Harrison, Casaubon's brother-in-law, 1629. Harleian MS. 7012 fols. 89-91 Letters to J.G. Vossius from Meric Casaubon, 4 July 1642, 20 November 1643, 27 August 1643. Landsdowne MS. 983, 986. Biographical notices by Bishop Kennet of Isaac and Meric Casaubon. Sloane MS. 118 fols. 11, 14 Letters to Lancelot Andrewes from Florence and Meric Casaubon, n.d. probably about 1615. LONDON: Lambeth Palace Lambeth MS. 595 fols. 101-3 Copy by Archbishop Sancroft of a letter from Meric Casaubon to Oliver Withers, 24 February 1645 (n.s.?), titled De Methodo Studiorum. MAIDSTONE, Kent: County Archives Office PRC 31/140 Will of Meric Casaubon dated 23 February 1669/70 OXFORD: Bodleian Library Ballard MS. 46, fol. 82 Letter from John Casaubon (Meric's son) to John Sargenson containing reminiscences of his father, supplied to Antony Wood. Bodleian D.8.14 Art. Shelfmark of the proof copy of Meric Casaubon'sedition of John Dee's mss.: A' True and Faithfull Relation of what passed for many years between Dr. John Dee . .. and some Spirits (London, 1659). In addition to many marginalia, this copy has on the flyleaf an autograph version of the dedicatory letter from Meric Casaubon to an unknown peer which is recorded in Rawlinson MS. D.932, fol. 205. Bodley MS. 324, fol. 40 Minute Book of the Committee for Plundered Ministers, giving in 1646 details of Merlc Casaubon's assets and circumstances. Rawlinson MS. D.36.1 Treatise by Meric Casaubon, and with corrections in his hand, in the form of a letter to Francis Turner (?), about 1667, and titled De Studiis Instituendis. Rawlinson MS. D.320 Latin Oration on the reconciliation of the Roman and Protestant Churches, attributed to Meric Casaubon and apparently in his handwriting. Undated and untitled. Rawlinson MS. D.932 fol. 205 Copy of letter dedicatory 'inserted in a blank page before the Earl of Anglesey's copy of Meric Casaubon's A True and Faithful Relation' (see above, Bodleian D.8.14 Art.) - fol. 240 Letter from Nicholas Bernard to Meric Casaubon, 14 November 1658, about Archbishop Ussher's opinions of John Dee's mss. Rawlinson MS. Letters 83, fols. 151, 162. Letters to GJ. Vossius from Meric Casaubon, 26 July 1635 and 20 May 1638. Smith MS. 75, Cols. 109-111 Letter to Patrick Young from Meric Casaubon, 18 May 1652, announcing his wife's death, 24 February 1651/2. Tanner MS. 49 fol. 144 Letter to Archbishop Sheldon from Meric Casaubon, n.d., probably 1661. Wood MS. F. 40 fols. 350-1 Note of 'What hath been writ by me Meric Casaubon', n.d., probably about 1667. - fol. 352 Copy of letter from John Casaubon to John Sargenson, n.d. See above, Ballard MS. 46, fol. 82. (iii) Other sources consulted Adolph Robert. The Rise ofModern Prose Style (Cambridge, Mass., 1968) . Allen, Don Cameron. 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Comenius in England (London, 1932) INDEX References to the text of A Letter to Peter du Moulin are prefaced by L before the page number of the facsimile, and are placed at the end of each entry. Acosta, Josephus, 66, 203, 215. Beale, John, 16, 23, 25, 28, 39, 49, 54, 58, Addison, Joseph, 29. 78,91,94-5,97-8,103,109,119,121. Adolph, Robert, 143. Beauxhostes, J., 108. Agricola, George, 40. Bernard, Nicholas, 13. Agrippa, Cornelius, 118. Bernardinus, Franciscus, 200, 215. ,Almeloveen, Theodore van, 1, 12, 35. Beza, Theodore, 198. Andreae, Johann, 112, 120. Birch, Thomas, 57, 62, 75,147. Andrewes, Lancelot, 1. Blake, William, 143. Anglesey, Earl of, 13. Bochart, Samuel, 6. Aquinas, St. Thomas, 65, 216. Bodinus, Johannes, 188, L25. Arcerius, Johann, 96, 103. Boehme, Jacob, 66, 115-8. Arderne, James, 33. Boyle, Robert, 8, 13, 15-6, 19-20,24-6,28, Aristotle, 1, 17-9, 21, 30, 39,43-6, 64-5, 30, 32-3, 35, 38, 44, 47,49,56,58,60, 75-6, 85-6, 96,98, 105-6, 111-4, 117-9, 62, 74-5, 78-9,88-9,91-2,97,102-8,114, 125, 141, 187, 200, 211, 215, 217, L6- 119, 121, 124,126,135-7,139,147,188, 13, 20, 26, 35, 36. L36. Arnold Christopher, 12. Brooke, Samuel, 59. Arnold Matthew, 46, 53, 143, 215. Brouncker, Lord, 27,33,77. Ascham, Roger, 140. Brown, Harcourt, 29. Aubrey, John, 137. Browne, Sir Thomas, 19,20. Augustine, St., 211-3. Bunyan, John, 56, 59. Aurelius, Marcus, 5. Burnham, Frederic, 121. Burnet, Gilbert, 13. Baber, Sir John, 30. BUrton, Robert, 7. Bacon, Francis, 19, 24, 34-5, 39-44, 57, Butler, Samuel, 15-6,27,32,117,121. 64,73,75-7,93-4,98,106,110-1, 117, Butter, Nathaniel, 2. 126-9, 131, 133,142-3,197,212,215-7. Baillet, Adrien, 63, 67, 71. Campanella, Tommaso, 29-30, 33, 111, 119. Baillie, Robert, 31, 37. Capellus, G.F., Li5. Balthasar, Christopher, 4. Cardwell, Thomas, 13. Baptista Porta, Giovanni, 188, L26. Casaubon, Anne, 7, 9. Barclay, Robert, 79. Casaubon, Florence, 1. Bargrave, Isaac, 215. Casaubon, Frances, 9. Barlow, Thomas, 15,30-2. Casaubon, Frances (nee Harrison), 4, 6, 7. Barnett,.Pamela, 12: casaubon, Isaac, 1-4, 11-2,215. Baronius, Caesar, 3-4. Casaubon, John, 6-7, 9,12. Barrow, Isaac, 103. Casserius, Julius, L8-9. Bathurst, Ralph, 17. Cawley, William, 6. Batten, J.M., 57. Charles, Prince (Charles I), 2. Baxter, Richard, 15, 23-4, 27, 31-2, 90-1, Charles II, 9,17,30,77,119, L2. 120. Charleton, Walter, 16,35,89,102,118. Bayle, Pierre, 17-8. . Chillingworth, William, 11. 230 INDEX Christina of Sweden, Queen, 6. Faulconberg, Lord, 35. Clarendon, Lord, 94. Finch, Sir John, 51. Colet, John, 140. Fiorovanti, Leonardo, 212, 217. Comenius, John, 48-52, 56, 58, 108, 115, Fludd, Robert, 32, 109-12, 114, 116, 118- 209,217, L13. 20, 136,188, L21. Cope, Jackson, 32-3, 78,127,138-9,143. Fraser, Sir Alexander, 28, 34. Cotton, Sir John, 7, 9. French, P.1., 13. Cowley, Abraham, 41, 57, 59,124. Coxe, Thomas, 28. Gafarell, Jacques, 109, 188, L22. Cromwell, Oliver, 6-7,13,17,27. Gale, Theophilus, 94-5. Crosse, Robert, 25.fi. Galen, 39, 119, L6, 28-9, 32. Cudworth, Ralph, 58, 94 5, 98-9,125,135. Galileo, 17,75,126. Gassendi, Pierre, 19, 23, 30, 39,43,66,69, Dalton, John, 106. 78, 82, 84-90, 92, 95-6, 99, 102, 126, Darcie, Abraham, 2. 138, 188-9,203-6,215-7, L21, 31-2. Dauling, John, 9. Gilbert, William, 126. Davenant, Sir Edward, 122, 137. Gillius, Peter, 189, L33. Deacon, Re, 13. Gimcrack, Sir Nicholas, 15-6, 54, 90. Debus, Allen, 119-21. Glanvill, Joseph, 8-9,14-5,17-27,32-5,38, Dee, John, 7-8, 13, 111, 116, 118. 43-6, 52-3, 56-7, 59, 62, 73, 76, 78, 80, Dell, William, 49, 53, 55, 58-9. 90-2, 94, 97, 99, 103-13, 117, 120-2, Democritus, 91, 96, 98. 126-8, 130-42, 147, 187-8, 216-7, L5-10, Dering, Sir Edward, 201, 215. 14,20-4,27,35. Descartes, Rene, 6-7, 11, 17, 19, 20-3, 30-2, Graevius, J.G., 13, 18,60,146-7. 39,41-2,45,47,53,60-77,91,94,96, Graunt, John, 39, 59. 103, 115-6, 119, 121, 125-6, 131, 138, Greaves, John, 6,12. 146,203-6,216-7, L30. Gronovius, J.G., 61, 78. Digby; Sir Kenelm, 11,17,21,107. Gunning, Peter, 28, 38. Draper, J.W., 14. Dryden, John, 10,57,104. Haak, Theodore, 12. Du Hamel, Jean-Baptiste, 30. Hamey, Baldwin, 29. Du Moulin, Peter, 9, 18, 20, 28, 35, 38,46, Hanmer, Meredith, 34. 53; 57, 60,147, LI-36. Hartley, Sir Harold, 58. Du Muis, Simon, LI2. Hartlib, Samuel, 47-51, 54-5, 58, 79, 121, Duncan, C.S., 33. 124. Dury, John, 12; 38, 42, 47-53, 55-6, 58, Harvey, William, 11,94,114,126. 187,214,217, L13, 19. Helmont, J.B. van, 107, 112, 114, 119-21. Helvetius, J.A., 107. Eachard, John, 138. Herbert of Cherbury, Lord, 123, 125, 133, Ecebolius, 34. 139,188, LI7. Empiricus, Sextus, 35, 83, 205. Herschel, Sir John, 143. Epicurus, 20,23,25,32,35,74-7,80-104, Heuterus, Pontus, 189, L34. 114, 135; 188, 204,215-6, L23. Heydon, John, 107. Espinasse, M., 59. Hobbes, Thomas, 10, 17, 23, 32, 35, 61, 68, Evelyn, John, 17,49,82,104. 70-1, 89, 92-4, 98, 103, 120, 123, 125, 128-9,133-5,139,141,188,206,216. Fabricius ab Aquapendente, L8-9. Hogben, Lancelot, 59. Falkland, Lord, 11. Hooke, Robert, 59,111. 231 INDEX Hooker, Richard, 1. Milton, John, 12,48-9,56,59,84, 138. Hotham, Charles, 115, 120. Mirandola, Pico della, 85. Hotham, Durant, 115. Montaigne, 35, 85. Houghton, Douglas, 34. Moray, Sir Robert, 27, 39. How, Samuel, 39,55. More, Henry, 7, 27,32,34,39,45,61-3, Huet, Pierre, 6. 67,73-4,78,116,210-1,125-6,137,139. Hunter, Michael, 143. Huss, John, 49, 55. Nazianzen, Gregory, 208. Hutin, Serge, 119-20. Newburgh, John, 27. Huyghens, Constantin, 25. Newcastle, Duchess of, 105. Newton, Isaac, 25, 81, 94,107,137. Jacob, 1.R., 59,119. Nicolson, Marjorie, 16, 33, 35, 77, 138, Jacquot, 1., 35. 189. Johnson, Samuel, 56, 59, 143. North, Roger, 60-1. Jones, H.W., 33, 35. Jones, R. F., 32, 143. Oldenburg, Henry, 4,16,27,44,49,55,57- Juxon, William, 9. 60, 78, 91,94,103,108-9,119,121,130, 138. Kelly, Edward, 7. Optatus, St., 5. Khunrath, Henry, 111. Knox, R.M., 58. Panciroli, Guido, 188, L28-9. Knox, Ronald, 58. Paracelsus, 106, 110, 112, 114, 116-21, Korshin, Paul, 12, 78. 216. Koyre, Alexander, 120. Parker, Samuel, 32, 39, 54, 634,97, 105, Krook, Dorothea, 35. 116, 131,134-5,138. Patrick, Simon, 126, 128, 136, 138. Laertius, Diogenes, 81-3, 87. Patrizzi, Francesco, 112, 120. Lai'ng, David, 37. Pearson, John, 87-8. La Mothe Le Vayer, Francois, 35. Peiresc, Nicolas, 188, L31-2. Lamprecht, Sterling, 77. Pepys, Samuel, 105. Langbaine, Gerard, 188, L20. Pereira, Benedict, 187, L8. Laud, William, 3-5, 12. Petavius, Denis, 207,211, 216. Laurentius, Augustin, L8-9. Petty, William, 12, 30, 45-8, 57-8, 78-9, Lavoisier, Antoine, 106. 121,139. Leavis, F.R., 53, 143. Pierse, Thomas, 28. Lecky, William, 14. Plato, 20,45,96-9,126,197,212,217. Leichner, Eccard, 55. Polybius, 7, 11. Leucippus, 91, 96, 98. Pordage, John, 115. Locke, John, 129. Power, Henry, 74, 126. Lucretius, 81-3, 100-1. Prior, Moody, 35. LUll, Ramon, 64,203,215, 217,LI4. Purver, Marjory, 138. Luther, Martin, 49. Pyrrho, 19, 35, 85. Marvell, Andrew, 139. Ramus, Peter, 64, 203, 215, 217, L14. Masson, David, 12. Ray, John, 111, 136. McKie, Douglas, 52. Reynolds, Sir Joshua, 130. Merrett, Christopher, 334. Riccius, Matthaeus, 211. Mersenne, Marin, 30, 86, 102, 216, L21. . Richards, LA., 143 232 INDEX Ross, Alexander, 20. Tompion; Thomas, 59. Royal Society of London, The, 14-6, 18, Trevor-Roper, H.R., 57. 25-9, 32-3, 38-9, 41-4, 47, 51, 53, 55-6, Trithemius, Johannes, 64, 121, 203, 215, 59, 61-4, 66, 68, 72-3, 75, 90, 95,97, 217. 105-6, 108, 111, 113, 117, 119, 122, Trye, Mary, 34. 125-7,133,135-6,138,146, L24. Turnbull, G.H., 57-8. Turner, John, 136. Turner, Francis, 60, 193,215. Salmasius, 6. Sanderson, Richard, 4. Turner, Thomas, 192-3, 201, 215. Sargenson, John, 12. Scaliger, Joseph, 207,211,215. Underhill, Thomas, 116, 120. Scaliger, Julius, L8. Ussher, James, 8, 12-3, L3. Seldon, John,S, 12. Vanini, Julius, 139. Vaughan, Thomas, 63, 69,111. . Sergeant, John, 9-10, 62, 71,138,217. Shadwell, Thomas, 15, 35, 90. Venner, Thomas, 54. Shapiro, Barbara, 137. Veron, Francois, 35. Vesalius, Andreas, L29. Sheldon, Gilbert, 13, 124-5, 138. Vives, Juan, 40, L29. Smectymnuus,5. Voetius, Gisbert, 31. Smith, John, 125. Vossius, Gerard, 3,6. Snow, C.P., 53. Vossius, Isaac, 6. Socrates, 20, 205. Sorbiere; Samuel, 57, 62. Wallis, John, 17,58. South, Robert, 27-8. Walton, Izaak, 4. Sparrow, John, 116, 120. Ward, Seth, 17, 58, 89, 110, 117, 131. Spinoza, Benedict, 139. Webster, Charles M., 14, 32, 50, 57-8, 121. Sprat, Thomas, 14-6, 23-6, 30, 33, 38-9, Webster, Clarence; 78. 41-5, 47, 52-9, 62, 64, 74, 76, 78,90, Webster, John, 8, 32,49,110, 116-7,120-1. 92-3, 102-8., 113, 119, 122-3, 126, 128-9, Westfall, R.S., 35, 138-9. 130, 1324, 137-8, 142-3, 187-8, L15-19. White, Andrew, 14. Stanley, Thomas, 35. White, Thomas, 15-23, 32, 35,44,57,65. Stephanus, Henry, 12. Whiting, C.E., 58. Stephanus, Robert, 12. Wilkins, John, 17, 58, 110, 117, 121, 124-6, Stillingfleet, Edward, 10, 127. Stimson, Dorothy, 35. 129,141,143,187. Willey, Basil, 125. Stubbe, Henry, 15, 25-30, 32-5, 44-5, 80, Williamson, George, 78,137. 120,138,140. Sutch, Victor, 138. Wood, Anthony, 1, 12-3, 17-8,52,58. Swift, Jonathan, 51, 62, 64, 68-72, 115, Wren, Sir Christopher, 16. 141,143. Wright·Henderson, P.A., 138. Sydenham, Thomas, 28. Wycliffe, John, 48-9,55. Syfret, Rosemary, 35. Yates, Frances, 7-8,13,59,120,217. Taylor, Jeremy, 83. Telesius, Bernard, 119. Theresa, St., 66-7. Thomson, George, 34. Thorndike, Lynn, 217. Tillotson, John, 10, 127. ARCHIVES INTERNATIONALES D' HISTOIRE DES IDEES INTERNATIONAL ARCHIVES OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS 1 Labrousse, E. Pierre Bayle. Tome I. Du pays de Foix II la cite d'Erasme. Out of print 2 Merlan, P. Monopsychism, Mysticism, Metaconsciousness. Problems of the Soul in the Neoaristotelian and Neoplatonic Tradition. 2nd. ed., 1969, xiv+155 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0178-3 3 Leeuwen, H.G. van The Problem of Certainty in English Thought 1630-1690. Preface by R. H. Popkin. 2nd. ed., 1970, xv+159 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0179-1 4 Janssen, P.W. Les origines de la reforme des carmes en France au XVIIe si(:cle. Photomechanical reprint, 1969, vii + 291 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0180-5 5 Sebba, G. Bibliographia Cartesiana. A critical Guide to the Descartes Literature 1800-1970. 1964, xv+510 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0181-3 6 Labrousse, E. Pierre Bayle. Tome II. Heterodoxie et rigorisme. 1964, xvi+639 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0182-1 7 Swart, K.W. The Sense of Decadence in Nineteenth-Century France. 1964, xi+272 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0183-X 8 Rex, W. Essays on Pierre Bayle and Religious Controversy. 1965, xv+271 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0184-8 9 Heier, E. L.W. Nicolay (1737-1820) and his Contemporaries. Diderot, Rous• seau, Voltaire, Gluck, Metastasio, Galiani, d'Escherny, Gessner, Bodmer, La• vater, Wieland, Frederick II, Falconet, W. Robertson, Paul I, Cagliostro, Gel• lert, Winckelmann, Poinsinet, Lloyd, Sanchez, Masson, and others. 1965, viiH 207 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0185-6 10 Bracken, H.M. The Early Reception of Berkeley's Immaterialism 1710-1733. Rev.ed., 1965, xiv+ 130 pp. Cloth ISBN 90·247-0186-4 11 Watson, R.A. The Downfall of Cartesianism 1673-1712. A Study of Epistemological Issues in Late 17th Century Cartesian ism. 1966, viii + 158 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0187-2 12 Descartes, R. Regulae ad Directionem Ingenii. Texte critique etabil par G. Crapulli avec Ia version hollandaise du XVIIieme siecle. 1966, xxxviii + 240 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0188-0 13 Bray, B. J. Chapelain. Soixante-dix-sept lettres inedites It Nicolas Heinsius (1649-1658). Publiees d'apres Ie manuscript de Leyde avec une introduction et des notes. 1966, viii + 467 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0189-9 14 Brush, C.B. Montaigne and Bayle. Variations on the Theme of Skepticism. 1966, 361 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0190-2 15 Neveu, B. Un historien It l'ecole de Port-Royal. Sebastien Ie Nain de Tillemont 1637-1698. 1966, xiv+337 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0191-0 16 Faivre, A. Kirchberger et l'ilIuminisme du dix-huitieme siecle. 1966, xxx+284 pp., ills. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0192-9 17 Clarke, I.A. Huguenot Warrior: The Life and Times of Henri de Rohan, 1579-1638. 1966, 230 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0193-7 18 Kinser, S. The Works of Jacques-Auguste de Thou. 1966, x+356 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0194-5 19 Hirsch, E.F. Damiao de Gois. The Life and Thought of a Portuguese Humanist 1502-1574. 1967, xvi+243 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0195-3 20 Whitmore, P.I.S. The Order of Minims in Seventeenth-Century France. 1967, ix+367 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0196-1 21 Hillenaar, H. Fenelon et les Jesuites. 1967, x+388 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0197-X 22 Hargreaves-Mawdsley, WoN. The English Della Cruscans and their Time, 1783-1828. 1967, 322 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0198-8 23 Schmitt, C.B. Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola (1469-1533) and his Critique of Aristotle. 1967, xiv+252 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0199-6 24 White, H.B. Peace Among the Willows. The Political Philosophy of Francis Bacon. 1968, xi+263 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0200-3 25 Apt, L. Louis-Philippe de Segur. An Intellectual in a Revolutionary Age. 1969, xv+158 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0201-1 26 Kadler, E.H. Literary Figures in French Drama (1784-1834). 1969, v+149 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0202-X 27 Postel, G. Le thresor des propbeties de l'univers. Manuscript publie avec une introduction et des notes par Fran!;ois Secret. 1969, vi + 270 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0204-6 28 Boscherini, E.G. Lexicon Spinozarum. 1970, xxxvii + 1374 pp. in 2 vols. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0205-4 29 Bolton, C.A. Church Reform in 18the Century Italy. The Synod of Pistoia, 1786.1969, ix+162 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0208-9 30 .Tanicaud, D. Une genealogie du spiritualisme francrais. Aux sources du bergsonisme: Ravaisson et la metaphysique. 1969, viii + 276 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0209-7 31 D'Angers, .T.-E. L'Humanisme chretien au XVlIe siecle: St. Francrois de Sales et Yves de Paris. 1970, xxii + 194 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0210-0 32 White, H.B. Copp'd Hills Towards Heaven. Shakespeare and the Classical Polity. 1970, viii + 155 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-0250-X 33 Olscamp, P..J. The Moral Philosophy of George Berkeley. 1970, x+241 pp. Cloth I~BN 90-247-0303-4 34 Noreiia, C.G. Juan Luis Vives. 1970, xiii+321 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-5008-3 35 O'Higgins, J. Anthony Collins. The Man and His Works. 1970, x+267 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-5007-5 36 Brechka, F.T. Gerard van Swieten and His World. 1700-1772. 1970, viii + 171 pp. Cloth ISBN 9q-247-5009-1 37 Waddicer, M.H. Montesquieu and the Philosophy of Natural Law. 1970, x+215 pp. . Cloth ISBN 90-247-5039-3 38 Bloch, O.R. La Philosophie de Gassendi. Nominalisme, materialisme et metaphysique. 1971, xxx + 525 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-5035-0 39 Hayles, .T. The Waning of the Renaissance 1640-1740. Studies in the Thought and Poetry of H. More, J. Nonis and I. Watts. 1971, xvii+265 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-5077-6 40 Bats, H. Correspondance de Jacques. Dupuy et de Nicolas Heinsius (1646-1656). 1971, liv+234 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-5092-X 41 Lehmann, W.C. Henry Home, Lord Kames and the Scottish Enlightenment. A Study in National Character and in the History of Ideas. 1971, xxvi + 357 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-5018-0 42 Kramer, C. Emmery de Lyere et Marnix de Sainte Aldegonde. Un admirateur de Sebastien Franck et de Montaigne aux prises avec Ie champion des calvinistes neerlandais. (Emmery de Leyere) Antidote ou con• trepoison contre les conseiIs sanguinaires et envenimez de Philippe de Marnix Sr. de Ste. Aldegonde. 1971, xii+234 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-5136-5 43 Dibon, P. Inventaire de la correspondance d'Andre Rivet (1595-1650). 1971, xxiii + 406 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-5112-8 44 Kottman, K.A. Law and Apocalypse: The Moral Thought of Luis de Leon (15271-1591). 1972, xii + 153 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1183-5 45 Nanen, F.G. Revolution, Idealism and Human Freedom: Schelling, HOlderlin . and Hegel and the Crisis of Early German Idealism. 1971, ix + 104 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-5117-9 46 .Jensen, H. Motivation and the Moral Sense in Francis Hutcheson's Ethical Story. 1971, viii + 125 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1187-8 47 Rosenberg, A. Tyssot de Patot and His Work (1655-1738). 1972, viii+ 235 pp. + 5 plats. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1199-1 48 Waiton, C. De la Recherche du Bien. A Study of Malebranche's Science of Ethics. 1972, vii + 178 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1205-X 49 Whitmore, P •.J.S. A Seventeenth-Century Exposure of Superstition. Select Texts of Claude Pithoys (1587-1676). 1972, xliv+263 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1298-X 50 Sauvy, A. Livres saisis a Paris entre 1678 et 1701. D'apres une etude preliminaire de Motoko Ninomiya. 1972, v+230 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1347-1 51 Redmond, W.B. Bibliography of the Philosophy in the Iberian Colonies of America. 1972, xiv + 174 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1190-8 52 Schmitt, C.B. Cicero Scepticus. A Study of the Influence of the 'Academica' in the Renaissance. 1972, xiii+214 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1299-R 53 Hoyles, .J. The Edges of Augustanism. The Aesthetics of Spirituality in Thomas Ken, John Byrom and William Law. 1972, 164 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1317-X 54 Bruggeman, .J. and A •.J. Van de Ven. Inventaire des pieces d'llrchives fran!;aises se rapportant Ii l'Abbaye de Port-Royal des Champs et son cercle et a la resistance contre la Bulle Unigenitus et a l'appel (Ancien Fonds d' Amersfoort). 1972, xxvii + 450 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-5122-5 55 Montgomery, .J.W. cross and crucible. Johann Valentin Andrae (1586-1654). Phoenix of the Theologians. 1973, xviii + 577 pp. in 2 vols. Cloth ISBN 90-247-5054-7 56 Lutaud, O. Des revolutions d'Angleterre a la Revolution fran!;aise. Le tyrannicide et 'Killing no murder'. 1973, xvi+463 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1509-1 57 Dncbesnau, F. L'empirisme de Locke. 1973, xv+261 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1349-8 58 Simon, R. Henri de Boulainviller. Oeuvres philosophiques - Tome I. 1973, xviii + 346 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1332-3 59 Harris, E.E. Salvation from Despair. A Reappraisal of Spinoza's Philosophy. 1973, xix+270 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-5158-6 60 BattaiI, .J.-F. L'livocat philosophe Geraud de Cordemoy (1626-1684).1973, ix+267 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247~1542-3 61 Lin, T. Discord in Zion. The Puritan Divines and the Puritan Revolution, 1640-1660.1973, xiv + 197 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-5156-X 62 Strugnell, A. Diderot's Politics. A study of the Evolution of Diderot's Political Thought after the Encyclopedie. 1973, ix+251 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1540-7 63 Defaux, G. Pantagruel et les sophistes. Contribution 11 l'histoire de l'humanisme chretien au XVle siecle. 1973, xxv+233 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1566-0 64 Planty-Bonjour, G. Hegel et la pensee philosophique en Russie, 1830-1917. 1974, viii+343 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1576-8 65 Brook, R.I. Berkeley's Philosophy of Science. 1973, 210 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1555-5 66 lessop, T.E. A Bibliography of George Berkeley. With inventory of Berkeley's manuscript remains by A.A. Luce. Secnd.ed. (rev.+engl.) 1973, xx+155 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1577-6 67 Perry, E.I. From Theology to History. French Religious Controversy and the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. 1973, x+254 pp.' Cloth ISBN 90-247-1578-4 68 Dibon, P.,H. Bots and E. Bots-Estourgie. Inventaire de la correspondance de Johannes F. Gronovius (1631-1671). 1974, xxx+529 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1600-4 69 Collins, A.B. The Secular is Sacred. Platonism and Thomism in Marsilio Fieino's "Platonic Theology". 1974, x+223 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1588-1 70 Simon, R. Henry de Boulainviller. Oeuvres philosophiques - Tome II. 1975, xviii+276 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1633-0 71 Tans, I.A.G. and H. Schmitz du Moulin. Pasquier Quesnel devant la Congregation de I'Index. Correspondance avec F. Barberini et memoires sur Ia mise a I'Index de son edition des oeuvres de.Saint Leon, publies avec introduction et annotations. 1974, xlv+156 pp. Cloth . ISBN 90-247-1661-6 72 Carven, I.W. Napoleon and the Lazarists. 1974, xii + 190 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247·1667-5 73 Symcox, G. The Crisis of the French Sea Power. 1688-1697. From the 'Guerre d'Escade' to the 'Guerre de Course'. 1974, ix+267 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1645-4 74 MacGillivray, R. Restoration Historians and the English Civil War. 1974, xi+264 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1678-0 75 Soman, A. (ed.). The Massacre of St. Bartholomew. Reappraisals and Documents. 1974, xi+269 pp, Cloth ISBN 90-247-1652-7 76 Wanner, R.E. Claude Fleury (1640-1723) as an Educational Historiographer and Thinker. Introduction by W.W. Brickmann. 1975, xiii+ 282 pp, Cloth ISBN 90-247-1684-5 77 Carroll, R.T. The Common-Sense Philosophy of Religion of Bishop E. Stillingfleet. 1635-1699. 1975, vi+ 176 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1647-0 78 Macary, I. Masque et lumieres au XVIIIe. A.-F. Deslandes "Citoyen et philosophe". 1689-1757. 1975, xiv+260 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1698-5 79 Mason, S.M. Montesquieu's Idea of Justice. 1975, xv+319 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1670-5 80 Elden, D.I.H. van. Esprits fins et esprits geometriques dans les portraits de st. Simon. Contributions Ii. I'etude du vocabulaire et du style. 1975, ix+286 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1726-4 81 Primer, I. (ed.)MandevilIe Studies: New Explorations in the Art and Thought of Dr. B. Mandeville (1670-1733). 1975, xiv+223 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1686-1 82 Noreiia, C.G. Studies in Spanish Renaissance Thought. 1975, ix+277 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1727-2 83 Wilson, G. A Medievalist in the Eighteenth Century. Le Grand d'Aussy and the Fabliaux ou Contes. 1975, xiv+303 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1782-5 84 Armogathe, J.-R. Theologia Cartesiana. D'explication physique de I'Eucharistie chez Descartes et dom Desgabets. 1976, xi+146 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1869-4 85 Stuart, B. Traite sur I'art de la guerre. Introduction et edition par Elie Phillippe de Commingers. 1976, xlix+77 pp. Paper ISBN 90-247-1871-6 86 Kaplan, S.L. Bread, Politics and Political Economy in the Reign of Louis XV. 1976, xxx + 797 pp. + 1 pI., in 2 vols. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1873-1 87 Lienhard, M. (ed.) The Origins and Characteristics of Anabaptism. With an Extensive Bibliography. 1976, ix+245 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1896-1 88 Descartes, R. Regles utiles et c1aires pour la direction de l'esprit et la recherche de la verite. Traduction selon Ie lexique cartesien, et annotation conceptuelle par J.-L. Marion avec des notes mathematiques de P. CostabeI. 1977, xvi + 346 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1907-0 89 Hardesty, K. The Supplement to the Encyc1opedie. 1977, vii + 177 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1965-8 90 White, H.B. Antiquity Forgot. Essays on Shakespeare, Bacon and Rembrandt. 1977, viii+160 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-1971-2 91 Blaas, P.B.M. Continuity and Anachronism. Parliamentary and Constitutional Development in Whig Historiography and in the Anti-Whig Reaction between 1890 and 1930. 1978, xvii+441 pp. Cloth ISBN 90-247-2063-X 92 Kaplan, S.L. (ed.) La Bagarre. Galliani's "Lost" Parody. Cloth ISBN 90-247-2125-3 93 McNiven Hine, E. A Critical Study of Condillac's "Traite des Systemes". Cloth ISBN 90-247-2120-2 SERIES MINOR 1 James, E.D. Pierre Nicole, Jansenist and Humanist. A Study of his Thought. 1972, vii + 191 pp. Paper ISBN 90-247-1282-3 2 Silverblatt, B.G. The Maxims in the Novels of Duclos. 1972, vii + 159 pp. Paper ISBN 90-247-1346-3 3 Allen, E..f.B. Post and Courier Service in the Diplomacy of Early Modem Europe. 1972, viii + 162 pp. Paper ISBN 90-247-1496-6 4 Grey, E. Guevara, a Forgotten Renaissance Author. 1973, vi + 141 pp. Paper ISBN 90-247-5155-1 5 Thompson, R.H. L.F. von Schonborn and the Dilpomacy of the Electorate of Mainz. From the Treaty of Ryswick to the Outbreak of the War of the Spanish Succession. 1973, xii + 198 pp. Paper ISBN 90-247-1346-3 6 Hassler, D.M. The Comedian as the Letter D: Erasmus Darwin's Comic Materialism. 1973, ix+99 pp. Paper ISBN 90-247-1553-9 7 Kivy, P. Thomas Reid's Lectures on the Fine Arts. Transcribed from the Original Manuscript, with an Introduction and Notes. 1973, viii+57 pp. Paper ISBN 90-247-1539-3 8 Lindgren, JoR. The Social Philosophy of Adam Smith. 1973, xvi + 164 pp. Paper ISBN 90-247-1533-4 9 Kivy, P. (ed.) Francis Hutcheson: an Inquiry Concerning Beauty, Order, Harmony, Design. With an Introduction and Notes. Paper ISBN 90-247-1545-8 10 Altizer, A.B. Self and Symbolism in the Poetry of Michelangelo, John Donne and Agrippa d'Aubigne. 1973, xi+117 pp. Eaper ISBN 90-247-1551-2 11 Ruestow, E.G. Physics at Seventeenth and Eighteenth-Century Leiden. Philosophy and the New Science in the University. 1973, vii+174 pp. Paper ISBN 90-247-1557-1 12 Sutch, V.D. Gilbert Sheldon, Architect of Anglican Survival, 1640-1675. 1973, viii + 184 pp. Paper ISBN 90-247-1567-9 . 13 Mijuskovic, B.L. The Achilles of Rationalist Arguments. The Simplicity, Uni.ty and Identity of Thought and Soul from the Cambridge Platonists to Kant: a Study in the History of Argument. 1974, vii + 142 pp. Paper ISBN 90-247-1957-0 14 Labrousse, E. L'entree de Saturne au Lion. L'eclipse de soleil du 12 Aout 1654. 1974, 115 pp. Paper ISBN 9O-247-1625-X 15 Free, LR. Virtue, Happiness and Duclos' "Histoire de Madame de Luz". 1974, 102 pp. . Paper ISBN 90-247-1670-5 16 Baird, A.W.s. Studies in Pascal's Ethics. 1975, viii + 100 pp. Paper ISBN 90-247-1677-2 17 Bugge, J. Virginitas. An Essay in the History of a Medieval Ideal. 1975, viii + 168 pp. Paper ISBN 90-247-1695-0 18 O'Higgins, I. (ed.) Determinism and Freewill. Anthony Collins' 'A Philosophical Inquiry Concerning Human Liberty'. 1976, vii+127 pp. Paper ISBN 90-247-1776-0 19 Dibble, I.A. The Pythia's Drunken Song. Thomas Carlyle's 'Sartor Resortus' and the Style Problem in German Idealist Philosophy. 1978, vii+80 pp. Paper ISBN 90-247-2011-7 MARTINUS NIJHOFF PUBLISHERS