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Babasaheb Ambedkar subcontinent with the in . Apparently, it was this function as a channel for ▶ Ambedkar long-distance trade which brought the necessary means for establishing a Buddhist center and ensured its ongoing support. With two exceptions, literary sources on the history of the valley are Bactrian Alphabet absent and there are only archaeological remains which help to infer a possible scenario. The place ▶ Kharoṣṭhī Script is famous for its monumental Buddha , and to have these statues carved out of the rock would have required considerable sponsorship. Such sponsorship could hardly have been available Bamiyan from local people alone, but since merchants played a decisive role in the spread of Jens-Uwe Hartmann all along the Silk Road, it must have been wealthy Institut für Indologie und Tibetologie, University traders who, most probably in combination with of Munich, Munich, Germany royal patronage, donated the funds indispensable for creating such images [5]. The two standing Buddha statues were indeed Definition gigantic. The larger of the two measured about 53 m, and the smaller one stilled about 35 m. For The valley of the Bamiyan river in western more than a 1,000 years, they overlooked the . valley, slightly damaged by earlier invaders and largely forgotten after Afghanistan had become a thoroughly Islamic country. Within the last Location decade, however, they attracted worldwide atten- tion and it is a specific irony in history that this Bamiyan is the name of a river, a valley, and sudden awareness of their existence came as a small town. It lies to the west of in the a result of their total demolition by the western continuation of the moun- forces in the beginning of March 2004. There are tains. In the first millennium C.E., the valley was plans, surely debatable, to reconstruct them; as one of the routes which connected the Indian a first step toward this goal, the debris in the

# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017 K.T.S. Sarao, J.D. Long (eds.), Buddhism and , Encyclopedia of , DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2 208 Bamiyan niches of the statues has been cleared and ana- , passed through the valley on his way lyzed and this has led to several important discov- back to and he still draws a very positive eries. It was found that the statues were fully picture of Buddhism in the area. In his travel painted; the robe of the western, larger Buddha account, he mentions support for the religion must have been red and this even raises the ques- not only by the king, but by all classes of society, tion whether the image may have represented and he speaks of plenty of and Amitābha. For the origin of the images, scholars monks who practice both the Hīnayāna and the had proposed widely differing dates ranging from Mahāyāna [3]. the second to the eighth centuries. However, sam- There are artificial caves in the immediate ples taken from organic remains and subjected to vicinity of the Buddhas, some of them decorated radiocarbon analysis have resulted in a dating of with paintings, and there are more caves in other the eastern Buddha to the period 544–595 and of cliffs in the area, but they were probably not used the western Buddha to 591–644 [8]. as monasteries [4]. In the 1930s, they were However, both statues must have been in place inspected by members of a French team of archae- before 632 when (Hsüan-tsang), ologists and this search yielded a few manuscript a Chinese monk and pilgrim on his way to visit fragments of in Indian languages the holy places of Buddhism in , passed [6]. Scholars were extremely surprised, therefore, through the valley and reported on the visit in when all of a sudden in the middle of the nineties his travel record [1, 7]. The record is preserved, thousands of manuscript fragments surfaced on and this makes him one of the only two eyewit- the rare book market in the West, allegedly from nesses of a time when Buddhism was still a major the Bamiyan area. All of them belonged to Bud- factor in the area. On his way from Central Asia to dhist works, many of which had been unknown so Bamiyan, Xuanzang had seen many signs of the far, and all of them were written in Indian lan- decline of Buddhism, but in Bamiyan, he encoun- guages. The study of these fragments revealed tered a flourishing Buddhist community. At more surprises: according to paleographical a certain distance from the standing Buddhas, criteria, the manuscripts cover a period from the the Chinese pilgrim describes a third and consid- second or third centuries to the eighth or ninth, erably larger , an image of the well-known with the majority stemming from the later centu- type of the reclining Buddha representing the ries. There are texts which scholars ascribe to scene of the Parinirvāṇa. Since Xuanzang is con- the canonical scriptures of the Mahāsāṃghika- sidered a fairly reliable witness, archaeologists Lokottaravādins, as attested already by have searched for this third image and recently Xuanzang, but there are also texts of other schools discovered the remains of such a statue which, and, notably, a fair number of manuscripts however, measures only 19 m. Whether this is containing Mahāyāna sūtras [2]. They reveal an yet another image or an indication that astonishing variety, suggesting a Buddhist com- Xuanzang’s measurements are the result of textual munity consisting of rather diverse currents, and corruption cannot be decided. they make it very clear that at least its literary Apart from the statues, Xuanzang mentions ten forms were exclusively Indian. Rumors have it monasteries in the area with about a 1,000 monks. that all these fragments were found in one cave He classifies them as belonging to the small near a place called Zargaran about 1 km east of the vehicle and to the school of the Mahāsāṃghika- smaller Buddha [2], but this information is not Lokottaravādins, a well-known school of earlier easy to verify. If true, it is difficult to explain Buddhism.Inhisrecord,healsoconfirms royal how this amazing collection came together; one patronage, alluding to a specific ritual regularly possible explanation would be that the fragments carried out by the local king for the benefit come from a gathering place for damaged manu- of the monks. A 100 years later, in 727, scripts which had fallen out of use or been Hyecho (Chinese Huichao), a Korean monk on replaced by new copies. Bauddha Gyāh 209

Cross-References Bārānāsī (Buddhism) ˙ ▶ ▶ Mahāsāṅghika ▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism) ▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang) B

References Basic Tenets of Buddhism

1. Beal S (1884) Si-Yu-Ki. Buddhist records of the west- ▶ Philosophy (Buddhism) ern world translated from the Chinese of Hiuen Tsang (A.D. 629). Trübner, London 2. Braarvig J (2006) Buddhist manuscripts, vol III. Her- mes Publishing, Oslo 3. Fuchs W (1938) Huei-ch’ao’s Pilgerreise durch Basis Consciousness Nordwest-Indien und Zentral-Asien um 726. Sitzungs- berichte der Preussischen Akademie der ▶ Ā ā Wissenschaften 426–469 laya-vijñ na 4. Higuchi T (1983–1984) Bāmiyān. Art and archaeolog- ical researches on the Buddhist cave temples in Afghan- istan 1970–1978, 4 vols. Dohosha, 5. Klimburg-Salter D (1989) The kingdom of Bāmiyān. and culture of the Hindu Kush. Istituto Basket of Conduct Universitario Orientale, Naples 6. Lévi S (1932) Notes sur des manuscripts sanscrits ▶ provenant de Bamiyan (Afghanistan), et de Gilgit (Cachemire). J Asiatique 220:1–45 7. Li R (1996) The great T’ang dynasty record of the western regions. University of Hawai’i Press, Berkeley 8. Petzet M/International Council on Monuments and Basket of Higher Expositions Sites (Hrsg.) (2009) The giant . Safeguarding the remains. Monuments and Sites 29. ▶ ṭ Hendrik Bäbler, Berlin Abhidhamma Pi aka

Banaras (Buddhism) Basket of Transcendental Doctrine ▶ ṭ ▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism) Abhidhamma Pi aka

Banārasa Battles

▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism) ▶ Warfare (Buddhism)

Bārānasī Bauddha Gyāh ˙ ▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism) ▶ Bodhagayā 210 Bedsa

Bedsa

Claudine Bautze-Picron Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS), UMR 7528 ‘Mondes Iranien et Indien’, , France

Synonyms

Bedse

Definition

Buddhist excavated site in .

Bedsa is a fairly small site, with only four caves (but altogether 15 excavations including cisterns), all facing east ([2], pp. 153–154; [3], pp. 107–113) (lat. 18430 N., long. 73320 E.; Maharashtra). Like most similar sites of the region, it has a large sanctuary surrounded by monastic dwell- ings. The caityagṛha (“house of the caitya”)of Bedsa, Fig. 1 Façade of the sanctuary (Photo # Joachim Bedsa (monument 7) has been excavated very K. Bautze) deep in the mountain, like the same monument at Kārlī but unlike the one of Bhājā: a passage has been cut here through the rocks to reach elephants, two animals of primordial importance a courtyard created in front of the monument as in , wearing elaborate dress such; together courtyard and monument measure and jewelry, these characters are most probably ca. 20 m in depth and ca. 8 m in width ([1], pp. images of the divine world, hence also their posi- 86–87) (Fig. 1). tion in the structure of the monuments – they are This courtyard practically coincides with a indeed depicted much above eye level (Fig. 2). veranda supported by octagonal pillars and pilas- Monastic cells have been excavated in both ters which are richly adorned: they stand within sidewalls of the veranda, and the caityagṛha as a base shaped as a pūrṇaghaṭa (“jar of abundance”) such is entered at the middle of the rear wall. and are crowned by a very elaborate capital with A large horseshoe-shaped window is hollowed two parts: the lower part reproduces a reversed in the upper part of this façade allowing light to lotus flower, probably inspired from third century fall on the stūpa or caitya carved deep in the capitals carved above Aśoka’s pillars, and an upper sanctuary (Fig. 3). part with practically carved-in-the-round elephants The traditional ornamentation at that early or horses being mounted by couples. The quality period, that is, first century B.C. to first century displayed by these carvings, the round and gener- A.D., covers the walls with a harmonious associa- ous volumes, and the elegance and freedom of the tion of different architectural motifs, that is, the outline remind of images of the yakṣīs standing railing or vedikā which runs at ground level, thus under a tree and added to the toraṇas (“porticos”) shown as if surrounding the monument, but also at of stūpa 1 at . Seated above horses or higher position on the walls where it supports Bedsa 211

B

Bedsa, Fig. 2 Pillars and pilasters with highly elaborated capitals (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

Bedsa, Fig. 3 Façade and sidewalls of the veranda (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze) horseshoe-shaped blind windows of different sizes contrast to those standing outside, these are and adorned with toraṇas carved in low deprived from any ornamentation. The vault (Fig. 4). used to be adorned by wooden beams now all A row of octagonal pillars separates also the disappeared and only reminded through their nave from the aisle inside the monument, but in traces. The caitya (from citā,a“funeral pile”; 212 Bedsa

Bedsa, Fig. 5 Inside of the sanctuary (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

Bedsa, Fig. 4 Right sidewall of the veranda (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

Bedsa, Fig. 6 Apsidal (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze) Bedse 213

B

Bedsa, Fig. 7 Bedsa (After Franz HG (1965) Buddhistische Kunst Indiens. VEB E.A. Seemann Buch- und Kunstverlag, Leipzig, Fig. 28)

also named stūpa or a relic shrine containing ashes being connected through a railing, a motif also of a holy person) carved in the depth of the monu- encountered at Bhājā (Figs. 6 and 7). ment has a rather elongated outline, the main hemi- spheric part of the monument or aṇḍa (“egg”), Cross-References resting practically on a double-leveled plinth or medhi, each level being adorned by a railing, ▶ Bhājā vedikā, carved in low relief. A pavilion or harmikā ▶ Caitya surmounts this structure: it includes a square which ▶ Kārlī protects the wooden pole or yaṣṭi arising out of it ▶ Stūpa and ending in an elegant blossoming lotus flower which is used to support the umbrellas (chattras). A number of caityas were also sculpted in smaller References circular, apsidal, or even rectangular caves which have at times partly collapsed with the result that the 1. Dehejia V (1972) Early Buddhist rock temples, a chro- caityas areinopenair(Fig. 5). nological study. Thames and Hudson, London 2. Mitra D (1971) Buddhist monuments. Sahitya Samsad, The architects working at Bedsa also made use Calcutta of the apsidal ground plan for the excavation of 3. Nagaraju S (1981) of western a place of habitation for the monks (monument India (c. 250 B.C. – c. A.D. 300). Agam Kala 11). This monument is excavated directly to the Prakashan, right of the main sanctuary and is open to the outside world. Nine monastic cells, each with two stone beds, open on this apsidal inner court- yard; further cells are excavated outside. Each Bedse entrance is surmounted by a toraṇa carved in low relief in a horseshoe-shaped niche, all niches ▶ Bedsa 214 Behavior in Accordance with Intrinsic Nature

therefore, is closely associated with the term Behavior in Accordance with Intrinsic “healing.” In the MahāparinirvāṇaSūtra, Nature Bhaiṣajyaguru’snameis“new doctor”;inthe Saddharmapundarīka Sūtra,Bhaiṣajyaguru’s ▶ (Jainism) name is “good doctor,” in addition to Medicine King, Healing King, and Great Healing King. These are meant to extol his skills in applying med- icine, practicing medicine, and saving beings. The Benaras (Buddhism) belief in Bhaiṣajyaguru has been widely accepted in nongovernmental circles since the Liu Song ▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism) Dynasty in China, ensued by illustrated paint- ings of Eastern . Also a popular figure in early Buddhism, Bhaiṣajyaguru reigns Benares over the Pure Lapis Lazuli Paradise in the East. Bhaiṣajyaguru belief is not confined to the ▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism) Chinese world; it gathers more momentum in , , and . Apart from the main function of ridding calamities and prolonging life as recorded in the eponymous Bhaiṣajyagur- Benevolent uvaidūryaprabharāja Sūtra, commonly referred to as the Medicine Buddha Sutra, Śākyamuni ▶ Metta Buddha in the Sutra expands on “recalling the Buddha’s name,”“chanting incantations,” and “making offerings” the three sorts which cleave Bhaisajyaguru to practice method, expounding the self- ˙ cultivation method in Bhaiṣajyaguru belief. Ever since Bhaiṣajyaguru belief’s dissemina- Der-Huey Lee tion commenced from India, it has presented Research Center for Buddhist Education, a splendid sight in China and Tibet, even taken Peking University, Beijing, China deeper root after its being propagated to Japan and Department of Philosophy, Chinese Culture Korea, blended in with local cultures, opening up University, Taipei, Taiwan distinct features. Masters Hongyi, Taixu, and others gave ultimate appraisal to Bhaiṣajyaguru Synonyms of the East, especially master Hongyi late in life strongly suggested that those practiced the dharma teaching of Pure Land should simulta- The Bhaiṣajya Buddha; The Buddha of Healing; neously practice that of Bhaiṣajyaguru, so as to The Healing Buddha; The Medicine Buddha enhance their chances to be reborn in the Western Paradise, which enables the Medicine Buddha Definition Sutra to pass down to the present day. The ren- dered version obtainable today in China, Japan, and Korea is done by Xuanzang. Name of a buddha.

Contextualized Background India: Already Being Marginalized

The Medicine Buddha is the one who heals the ills Despite the firm ground of Bhaiṣajyaguru belief of body and spirit in sentient beings; his name, in , only little information is made Bhaisajyaguru 215 ˙ available on the belief within the Indian subcon- Tibet: Combination of Belief, Practice, tinent. The sole data known to the world is and Medical Science a -versioned Medicine Buddha Sutra among the textual finds unearthed by Aurel Stein Bhaiṣajyaguru belief holds sway in Tibetan Bud- inside a in the vicinity of Gilgit, , in dhism, and it is the combination of belief, practice, B 1931, attesting to the popularity of Bhaiṣajyaguru and medical science. It is Śāntarakṣita (725–788) in the ancient northwest Indian kingdom of who introduced Bhaiṣajyaguru belief into Tibet at Gandhāra. The manuscripts in this find are dated the end of the eighth century, known as the first before the seventh century and are written in the propagation of Bhaiṣajyaguru belief in Tibet. upright script. , the then Dharma King of Tibet, According to Nalinaksha Dutt, these scriptures was in hopes of further consolidating his regime are supposed to be part of sixth- or seventh- by the power of Bhaiṣajyaguru’s grace, such century texts. Besides, not only do scholars not belief, therefore, fell under the potent aegis of read any account of Bhaiṣajyaguru in India the monarch, and on the basis of Śāntarakṣita’s recorded in the travelogues of westward dharma- teachings, Tibet’s tradition of Bhaiṣajyaguru seeking eminent monks but also not spot a single belief has been passed down to this day. After Bhaiṣajyaguru statue in early archeological digs Dipankara Shrijnana (982–1054) had conducted in India, even Bhaiṣajyaguru is hardly entered Tibet, Bhaiṣajyaguru belief by the elev- mentioned in Buddhist canons and images at the enth century surged to a new height stepping later period of Indian Mahayana. All these signs into its second propagation in Tibet. The four show that Bhaiṣajyaguru belief in India is still not principal Buddhist all stood guard over the attached enough weight. Some scholars, as a belief as well; it has reached all corners in result, point out India’s northwest frontiers or nongovernmental circles like wildfire ever since. somewhere within the borders of Central Asia as In addition to the propagation of the possible cradle of Bhaiṣajyaguru belief. Bhaiṣajyaguru belief by the sects’ masters, the Opinions are widely divided about the origin of other factor is closely associated with the medical Bhaiṣajyaguru belief: Kimura Taiken, based on science in Tibet. The salient eighth-century Dutt’s study on the thought of buddhas’ original Tibetan doctor Yu-thog Nying-ma Yon-tan Gon- vows, indicates that Bhaiṣajyaguru is a variant of po wrote out the medical bible—Medical Canon A Que Buddha, the King of Glee Kingdom in the in Four Sections, which records that at the Immea- East. Alexander Soper, however, considers the surable Palace of Yao Cheng Shan Jian City, existence of such belief to be influenced by the the supreme master Bhaiṣajya guruvaidūrya- belief in the healing deity across the regions of Tathāgata in provisionally manifests and the Mediterranean; Bhaiṣajyaguru belief into Yisheng Immortal and Mingzhi Immortal. is actually originated from the evolved belief in It is on the basis of the dialogue between them as the of Medicine King. In spite of the talking point to begin with, with one person- partially sharing with Soper’s ideas about the ori- age impersonating two characters, to blend the gin of Bhaiṣajyaguru belief, Raoul Birnbaum dharma practice and pharmacology together. As speaks of the concept of the Bhaiṣajya Buddha’s a result of it, the Medical Canon in Four Sections helping the weak and aiding the needy already in is reflected on Tangka, painted with the image of existence during the early periods of presectarian Bhaiṣajyaguru. One must also first pay homage to Buddhism and sectarian Buddhism. Śākyamuni Bhaiṣajyaguru before reading up on the canon. Buddha is many times referred to as the Great East of the , Lhasa, is Jiabori Healing King in the Pāli Canon, to cure sentient Mountain where the monastery and Tibetan med- beings’ illnesses with Dharma medicine. It ical school that worship the Bhaiṣajya Buddha are is, therefore, clear that the formation of located, known as “the Mountain of Medicine Bhaiṣajyaguru belief did not have to be affected King” in Chinese. Legend has it that in as early by alien cultures. as the fourteenth century, “Men Ba Zha Cang,” 216 Bhaisajyaguru ˙ built for the sake of the eminent monk Tang Dong open up medical science. Certain knowledge on Jie Bu, is the precursor of nowadays’“Yixue medical science is, in fact, illuminated and there- Lizhong Yuan.” In 1697, the Tibetan King Sang fore developed by religion. The attribute in Jie Jia Cuo held the Yixue Lizhong Yuan’s school- Bhaiṣajyaguru belief lies in “healing the mind,” opening ceremony, sprinkling water on the heads so as to discipline and control the body-cum- of the first batch of student monks, on Medical mind, curing all types of external diseases. Canon in Four Sections as well. For the good of sentient beings to be saved through medical sci- ence, youthful monks were handpicked out of Japan: Everlasting Imperial Patronage, each monastery and sent to dwell at Lhasa’s mon- Prayers Answered asteries to learn medicine for a period of nine years. The Yixue Lizhong Yuan, during the time In the seventh century, after the spread of of monthly sacrificial rites, recites canons such as Bhaiṣajyaguru belief onto the Japanese soil, it the Medicine Buddha Sutra and Yu Tuo Xin Jing was under the aegis of the royal family that Bud- and performs repentance rituals meant for bud- dhist temples were built and Buddha statues were dhas and dharma-protecting deities. Buddhist ser- erected, which made such belief extremely popular vices and dharma assemblies even take place on with burned incenses one after another. For exam- a yearly basis, to get intimately coinhered with ple, Yakushi Temple, Nara, was completed in 698 practice. at the request of Emperor Temmu to pray for the Tibet always worships seven or eight Medicine recovery of Empress Jitō from a serious illness; Buddhas inclusive of Śākyamuni Buddha, the New Yakushi Temple was established in 747 for Buddhists in Tibetan tradition believe in favorable the sake of Emperor Shōmu’s eye disease to be conditions given to the region in addition to the healed that Empress Kōmyō wished her prayer to bestowed benefit of wealth if practicing and be answered again by Bhaiṣajyaguru; Hōryūji insisting on the Bhaiṣajyaguru dharma gate. Temple’s gold-plated Bhaiṣajyaguru statue made Also, the Twelve Great Yakṣa Generals and the of copper was cast by 13-year-old Prince Shōtoku Four Celestial Kings will safeguard the renunciant in 607 to call down a blessing on his father’shealth. practitioners against all fears, infections, and In 1998, Yakushi Temple was inscribed as karma-oriented diseases. To practice this dharma a UNESCO World Heritage Site under the name gate, however, one should fully possess of the “Historic Monuments of Ancient Nara” list- Bhaiṣajyaguru’s Twelve Great Vows taken at ing; in 1993, Hōryūji was inscribed as a UNESCO causal stage, regardless of holding to the Bud- World Heritage Site under the name “Buddhist dha’s name, reciting a , contemplating, Monuments in the Hōryūji Area.” and binding agreement, which can enable him or Why does the Imperial House of Japan have her to engage in the Bhaiṣajyaguru dharma sea, to special affection for Bhaiṣajyaguru belief? Lan Ji- consummate the World of the Pure Paradise in the fu, a specialist in Japanese Buddhism, in the pref- East. Today, Bhaiṣajyaguru belief in Tibet ace of A Study of Wang Sheng Zhou, remarks, “As remains unshakable and becomes even firmer as opposed to the afterlife benefit in Amitābhaḥ’s time goes by; aside from the eighth day every Western Pure Land, Bhaiṣajyaguru’s Eastern month as the memorial day for Bhaiṣajyaguru, Pure Land of Lapis Lazuli places more emphasis there also hold many a time dharma assemblies on the benefit in this life. I feel that most of us in the name of Bhaiṣajyaguru, well received by sentient beings all hope for peace and bliss in the the grassroots population. Judging from which, it present life, resorting less to a floating and faint is only natural that the Medicine Buddha is future life.” The royalty especially takes posses- regarded as Tibetan medicine’s founding father. sion of high position and great wealth, further At the dawn of human wisdom, science had highlights the present world’s ease and comfort, been merely a step away from religion; exorcism and therefore takes in Bhaiṣajyaguru that of religion actually marked the beginning that did can rid calamities and prolong life. Bhaisajyaguru 217 ˙

In addition, this cult is rather relevant to the collates and propagates the Bhaiṣajyaguru dharma import of Chinese medicine by Jian Zhen, a gate. Chinese monk, who helped to propagate Bud- Yakushi Temple, Nara, on the 14th of Novem- dhism in Japan (743–754). Because of Jian ber in 1989, held the inaugural great dharma Zhen’s mastery of medicine, Tōshōdaiji Temple, assembly of “Xi Guo Bhaiṣajyaguru’s Miracu- B personally set up by him, also makes offerings to lously Efficacious Site,” combining 49 temples Bhaiṣajyaguru, contributing to the promotion of which enshrined the Bhaiṣajya Buddha in Osaka, Bhaiṣajyaguru belief as well. Kyoto, and Nara, etc., in an effort to encourage the The impingement of folkloric affairs of spiri- followers to make a pilgrimage to Bhaiṣajyaguru tual efficacy in regard to Bhaiṣajyaguru on sites. Bhaiṣajyaguru belief further added fuel to the flames. Traditionally, there was said to be a Bhaiṣajyaguru statue salvaged somewhere near Korea: The World’s Largest the Sea of Japan by a fisherman named Yu Shi in Bhaisajyaguru Statues ˙ 894, who constructed Yi Wang Shan Temple to enshrine it as a result. He later on renounced the Bhaiṣajyaguru belief, started in the middle of the secular life with an ordination name “Bu Ran,” seventh century, was brought into Korea from asking for Bhaiṣajyaguru’s providence in an utter- China along with Buddhism; its influence most display of devout reverence; with the advent and prevalence played no less a role on the of the Bhaiṣajya Buddha seen in the dream bring- Korean soil. The eighth century of Silla period ing about the cure for his mother’s blindness. The (669–935 C.E.) is the golden age during which statue is, accordingly, known as “Bhaiṣajyaguru the making of Bhaiṣajyaguru statue attained the for the eyes.” Miraculous incidents that adherents’ apex. illnesses heal up at Yi Wang Shan Temple, in The spread of Bhaiṣajyaguru belief is which this statue is enshrined, have often been extremely apropos of royal patronage as well. It heard of thereafter. is said that Queen Seondeok of Silla had been ill Practice according to the Bhaiṣajyaguru and fully recovered from it after the monks recited dharma gate is to center on healing over diseases; the Medicine Buddha Sutra, with this history col- it also becomes the mores going about among the lected in the fifth chapter of Memorabilia of the folks. For instance, lecture meetings with the Three Kingdoms. As a result, all the past royal Medicine Buddha Sutra being expounded annu- courts were firmly convinced of miracles like ally on the eighth day of January, April, and ridding calamities and prolonging life, as well as December are only meant for curing illnesses restraining and subduing evils, as recorded in the and prolonging life. As for making atonement Sutra, which actually paved the way for for in terms of past hindrance of harmful Bhaiṣajyaguru belief to promulgate in Korea. behavior, there is repentance of Bhaiṣajyaguru Bhaiṣajyaguru is worshipped nearly at all tem- with the Bhaiṣajya Buddha as the main object of ples across Korea, main halls may not be the worship; when reaching the final moment of life, location, but it is certainly enshrined at side there are certainly cases where the Bhaiṣajyaguru halls, forming the so-called Bhaiṣajyaguru Hall. dharma gate is observed in hopes of living longer. Palgongsan area, Daegu, Korea, is especially Bhaiṣajyaguru belief in Japan is the one that the key city of Bhaiṣajyaguru belief where goes up from the purple down to the masses, even Bhaiṣajyaguru statues can be spotted everywhere. is the transsectarian one. Lan Ji-fu, in his “The Cao Xi ’s Tong Hua Temple, bearing over Propagation of Bhaiṣajyaguru Belief in Japan” 1,500 years of history, is the millennium ancient article, mentions that those propagating temple established during the Silla period, within Bhaiṣajyaguru belief include the manifest, hidden which there is the largest standing Bhaiṣajyaguru teachings of the Tian Tai Sect, and it is, in partic- statue in the world, 33 m in height and 16.5 m in ular, the esoteric transmission that systematically width; Sanmen Chu, located in Wo Long 218 Bhaisajyaguru ˙

Mountain’s Bai Quan Temple, is exactly the stone Bhaiṣajyaguru placards to be produced, so as for tablet inscribed to Bhaiṣajyaguru, attended to by Bhaiṣajyaguru belief to slowly gain popularity at two symbolizing the sun and moon, grassroots level. respectively: and . Bhaiṣajyaguru placards, small and big ones Within the temple is the largest lying each, are given to the general public gratis at Bhaiṣajyaguru statue in the world, 13 m in length some temples in ; they are also wearable and 4 m in height, and what is the most extraor- Buddha statue necklaces. The big ones have dinary of all is that inside the lying statue comes a sound like small bells ringing; the small ones with a Bhaiṣajyaguru Hall in hiding, accompanied do not, known as “Pra Chaiwat” conveying vic- by a figure of a page of Bhaiṣajyaguru holding tory, conquest. Apart from possessing the original a jeweled vase in the hand standing next to this benefits of healing and blessing, these necklaces statue. extend other additional functions and further suc- ceed in promoting Bhaiṣajyaguru to be widely worshipped by people from all walks of life in Thailand, : Bhaisajyaguru Thailand. ˙ Belief Gathers Momentum Judged from the aforesaid accounts, it may be concluded that eastern Bhaiṣajyaguru belief Bhaiṣajyaguru belief in Thailand and Myanmar, among each ethnic group is all based upon the per contra, falls short. Although the belief is pre- feedback of benefits in this lifetime; the develop- served in Pāli Buddhism, Bhaiṣajyaguru statues in ing paths of its history were actually being Myanmar are few and far between, whereas the speeded up to expend its points, lines, and famous eighteenth-century built Pindaya Caves by the ruling class’ patronages. All in all, the roles actually enshrines a Bhaiṣajyaguru statue. For that Bhaiṣajyaguru belief plays in every culture, Burmese, Bhaiṣajyaguru is characterized as the no matter it is from abstract measurements, daily God of Healing. Traditionally, so long as one rituals, and practical healings, embody the merits can show piety toward Bhaiṣajyaguru, one shall of saving the world, making a great contribution be reborn as a human being not falling into the to the resuscitation of mankind. three evil destinies regardless of evil deeds done Similar to Sakyamuni’s fundamental teach- in the past. ings and to Vimilakirti’s concept, an illness In Thailand, Bhaiṣajyaguru is called Phra when properly dealt with can serve as a major Kring, which means “Jingling Buddha.” A bead event that propels one toward higher spiritual is put inside a buddha statue in the making; it attainment. In the case of healings by the jingles when being tossed, implying an elixir hid- Medicine Buddha, the sincere act of faith by the den within a Medicine Buddha drug jar. ill person results in healings granted. During The rage of Bhaiṣajyaguru belief in Thailand the healing process, insight arises that causes comes about merely in recent memory, where the those to reform the patterns of their deeds, temple Sutus was the first one to produce words, and thoughts so that they accord with Bhaiṣajyaguru placards in . Legend has the quest for . it that in 1907, the master of Thailand’s 12th Iconographically, Bhaiṣajyaguru is usually Saṃgha leader, Wat Sutus Temple’s abbot, had depicted with a healing fruit in his right hand been seriously ill, changing for the worse, and he and his left in the gesture of resting on his lap. came to know of a Bhaiṣajyaguru statue from the He often appears as part of a triad with east niched in the palace whereupon he borrowed Shakyamuni and Amitabha, in which he is on the statue from the Thai king, to the effect that his the left and Amitabha on the right. In a sutra master miraculously recovered afterward. The dedicated to him, only extant in Tibetan and Chi- abbot started to take refuge in Bhaiṣajyaguru nese, the Twelve Vows are mentioned that ever since; thereupon, he undertook the Bhaiṣajyaguru took them in a previous life and Bhaisajyaguru 219 ˙ in the fulfillment of which he was aided by a great hunchbacked, leprous, insane or suffering from var- number of helpers, including buddhas, bodhi- ious other illnesses—shall, upon hearing my name, acquire well-formed bodies, be endowed with intel- sattvas, and yaksas (deities that devour ghosts). ligence, with all senses intact. They shall be free of The Twelve Vows of the Medicine Buddha illness and suffering. B upon attaining Enlightenment, according to the Seventh Great Vow Medicine Buddha Sutra, are: I vow that in a future life, when I have attained Supreme Enlightenment, sentient beings—who are “First Great Vow afflicted with various illnesses, with no one to help I vow that in a future life, when I have attained them, nowhere to turn, no physicians, no medicine, Supreme Perfect Enlightenment, brilliant rays no family, no home, and who are destitute and shall shine forth from my body, illuminating infi- miserable—shall, as soon as my name passes nite, countless boundless realms. This body shall be through their ears, be relieved of all their illnesses. adorned with the Thirty-Two Marks of Greatness With mind and body peaceful and contented, they and Eighty Auspicious Characteristics. Further- shall enjoy home, family and property in abun- more, I shall empower all sentient beings to become dance, and eventually realize Unsurpassed Supreme just like me. Enlightenment. Second Great Vow Eighth Great Vow I vow that in a future life, when I have attained I vow that in a future life, when I have attained Supreme Enlightenment, my body, inside and out, Supreme Enlightenment, those women—who are shall radiate far and wide the clarity and flawless extremely disgusted with the ‘hundred afflictions purity of lapis lazuli. This body shall be adorned that befall women’ and wish to abandon their with superlative and dwell peacefully in the female form—shall, upon hearing my name, all be midst of a web of light more magnificent than the reborn as men. They shall be endowed with noble sun or moon. The light shall awaken the minds of all features of men and eventually realize Unsurpassed beings dwelling in darkness, empowering them to Supreme Enlightenment. engage in their pursuits according to their wishes. Ninth Great Vow Third Great Vow I vow that in a future life, when I have attained I vow that in a future life, when I have attained Supreme Enlightenment, I shall help all sentient Supreme Enlightenment, I shall, with infinite beings escape from the demons’ net and free them- wisdom and skillful means, provide all sentient selves from the bonds of heretical paths. Should beings with an inexhaustible quantity of goods to they be caught in the thicket of wrong views, meet their material needs. They shall never want for I shall lead them to correct views, gradually anything. inducing them to cultivate the practices of bodhi- Fourth Great Vow sattvas and apace realize Supreme Perfect I vow that in a future life, when I have attained Enlightenment. Supreme Enlightenment, I shall set all who follow Tenth Great Vow heretical ways upon the path to Enlightenment. I vow that in a future life, when I have attained Likewise, I shall set those who follow the Supreme Enlightenment, those sentient beings— Sravaka-buddha and Pratyeka-buddha ways onto who are shackled, beaten, imprisoned, condemned the Mahayana path. to or otherwise subjected to countless miser- Fifth Great Vow ies and humiliations by royal decree, and who are I vow that in a future life, when I have attained suffering in body and mind from this oppression— Supreme Enlightenment, I shall help all the count- need only hear my name to be freed from all these less sentient beings who cultivate the path of moral- afflictions, by dint of the awesome power of my ity in accordance with my Dharma to observe the merits and virtues. rules of conduct (Precepts) to perfection, in confor- Eleventh Great vow mity with the Three Root Precepts. Even those I vow that in a future life, when I have attained guilty of disparaging or violating the Precepts Supreme Enlightenment, if sentient beings—who are shall regain their purity upon hearing my name, tormented by hunger and thirst to the point of creating and avoid descending upon the Evil Paths. evil karma in their attempts to survive—should suc- Sixth Great Vow ceed in hearing my name, reciting it single-mindedly, I vow that in a future life, when I have attained and holding fast to it, I shall first satisfy them with the Supreme Enlightenment, sentient beings with most exquisite food and drink. It is, ultimately, imperfect bodies—whose senses are deficient, through the flavor of the Dharma that I shall establish who are ugly, stupid, blind, deaf, mute, crippled, them in the realm of peace and . 220 Bhaja

Twelfth Great Vow ▶ Gender (Buddhism) I vow that in a future life, when I have attained ▶ Heaven (Buddhism) — Supreme Enlightenment, if sentient beings who ▶ ā ā are utterly destitute, lacking clothes to protect Mah y na them from mosquitoes and flies, heat and cold, ▶ Monastery and who are suffering day and night—should hear ▶ Pilgrimage (Buddhism) my name, recite it single-mindedly, and hold firm to ▶ fi (Buddhism) it, their wishes shall be ful lled. They shall imme- ▶ ū diately receive all manner of exquisite clothing, St pa precious adornments, flower garlands and incense ▶ Tibet powder, and shall enjoy music and entertainment to ▶ Time (Buddhism) their heart’s content.” ▶ The vows to heal all beings and alleviate var- ious sufferings serve as special motivating factors in the spiritual development of Bhaiṣajyaguru. References Upon fruition of this spiritual work, he then truly becomes able to discharge these vows as a matter 1. Williamson L, Young S (eds) (2009) Body and spirit: Tibetan medical paintings. American Museum of of course. Natural History in association with University of Exponents of both Tibetan tantric practice and Washington Press, New York Chinese/Japanese forms of Pure Land practices 2. KT (2004) Medicine Buddha teachings. will recognize close affinities between what they Snow Lion, New York 3. Fenton P (2007) Tibetan healing: the modern legacy of have learned and what is advocated in the Medi- Medicine Buddha. Pilgrims, Wheaton cine Buddha Sutra. Those familiar with works on 4. Birnbaum R (2003) The healing Buddha. , Kuan Yin (Avalokiteśvara), one of the Trinity in Boston Western Paradise, will find that the powers 5. Soper AC (1959) Literary evidence for early Buddhist art in China. Artibus Asiae, Ascona ascribed to the Medicine Buddha and the reasons 6. Schopen GR (1978) The Bhaisajyaguru Sutra and the for those powers are very similar in character to Buddhism of Gilgit. Australian National University, those attributed to that Bodhisattva. People—who Canberra wrongly suppose that the eastern realm of 7. Shali SL (1993) Kashmir: history and archaeology through the ages. Indus, Vaidūryanirbhāsa, “Pure Lapis Lazuli,” represents 8. van Alphen J (ed) (1996) Oriental medicine: an illus- a turning away from the methods and values trated guide to the Asian arts of healing. Shambhala, cherished by other schools such as Ch’an Boston (Zen)—will discover that this is far from being 9. Suzuki Y (2012) Medicine master Buddha: the iconic worship of Yakushi in Heian Japan. Shambhala, the case, since it can be confidently asserted that Leiden similar methods and values pertaining to the Med- 10. Cameron A (ed) (2009) Teachings from the Medicine icine Buddha are, in truth, accepted by the vast Buddha retreat: land of Medicine Buddha, – majority of Mahayanists, no matter to which October November 2001. Yeshe Wisdom Archive, Boston school they belong. 11. Cameron A, Ribush N (eds) (2000) Teachings from the retreat, land of the Medicine Buddha, February–April, 1999. Lama Yeshe Wisdom Archive, Weston ’ Cross-References 12. Avedon J (1998) The Buddha s art of healing: Tibetan paintings rediscovered. Rizzoli, New York 13. Xuanzang yi, Zhou Shujia ying yi (1962) Yao shi jing. ▶ Amitābha Fo jiao wen hua fu wu chu, Taibei ▶ Bhikkhunī ▶ Bodhisattva ▶ Buddha (Concept) ▶ Buddha Sakyamuni Bhaja ▶ Buddhist History ▶ Causality (Buddhism) ▶ Bhājā Bhājā 221

habitation of the monks. The site is close to other Bhājā sites like Kondane, Bedsa, and Kārlī, all located between and Pune. These monasteries or Claudine Bautze-Picron vihāras although all conceived on the same struc- Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique ture, i.e., monastic cells are distributed around B (CNRS), UMR 7528 ‘Mondes Iranien et Indien’, a central empty space, present ground plans of Paris, France different shapes: some are square, some rectangu- lar; some have cells on one side, some on two or three sides. Most are at ground level, but can also Synonyms be distributed on two superimposed levels. Here, like in other sites, the cells are made to accommo- Bhaja; Bhaje date one person, a bench being carved on one of the walls to be used for the monk’s bed. The vihāras are distributed around the Definition caityagṛha or “house of the caitya” (monument 12) which has a wide open façade, perhaps Buddhist excavated site in Maharashtra. originally closed through a wooden lattice and having its upper part in the very characteristic Being one of earliest excavated sites in Maharash- horseshoe shape. Wooden false beams, an orna- tra (lat. 18440 N, long. 73290 E), perhaps dating ment borrowed from contemporary wooden archi- back to the second century or to the early first tecture, are fixed on the vault and a row of slightly century B.C. – but with a cistern still being made slanting octagonal pillars runs parallel to the wall, in the second century A.D. ([2], pp. 153–154, [3], marking thus the limit of a passageway. The pillars pp. 223–228 [4], p. 151), Bhājā appears to have are plain, have neither basis nor capital. The caitya been some kind of laboratory for the architects or stūpa stands in the depth of the apsidal sanctuary who conceived the ground plans to the places of which measures nearly 21 m in length (Fig. 1).

Bhājā, Fig. 1 Façade of the sanctuary (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze) 222 Bhājā

Bhājā, Fig. 2 Inside view of the sanctuary (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

The caityas (from citā,a“funeral pile”; also plinth without railing being depicted, and named stūpa or a relic shrine containing ashes of supporting the main part of the monument which a holy person) carved in the excavated sites of is topped by the square railing of the harmikā ([2], Maharashtra illustrate a great diversity in the orga- pp. 83–84) (Fig. 2). nization of their basic element, i.e., a plinth or The façade presents an ornamentation encoun- medhi which rests on the ground and supports tered in all sites of the region in the early period, the main hemispheric part or aṇḍa (“egg”). i.e., elements such as railings, rows of small A balustrade or vedikā is usually carved in low stepped pyramids, horseshoe-shaped windows relief around the medhi or the aṇḍa; it is simply adorned with toraṇas or porticos carved in low made of poles with cross-beams and a continuous relief, flat niches where couples are showing semicircular upper beam named uṣṇīṣa which themselves, or molded projections are carved all holds all poles together. A second railing with around the wide opening. The couples carved in a square ground plan is sculpted above the caitya, the flat niches on either side of the central opening it is part of the harmikā, a small “pavilion”–in can be most probably interpreted as images of fact a construction made of this balustrade which the divine world paying homage to the Buddha protects a chattrayaṣṭi (“pole of umbrellas”), i.e., symbolized by the caitya standing in the a pole supporting one or many umbrellas which is monument or, but secondarily and only possibly, added to the original stone structure and which, of the lay community which financially supported being of , has often disappeared in the course the community of monks ([5], pp. 117–120) of time. (Figs. 3 and 4). Great care has been brought to the depiction of A group of 14 freestanding monolithic caityas the caitya at Bhājā: it stands with its highly form a unique rendering in the caves of Maharash- polished surface like a jewel in the dark depth of tra, having been sculpted out of the rock in a cave the monument and simply consists of the high which has partly lost its original vaulting Bhājā 223

B

Bhājā, Fig. 3 Right side (for the viewer) of the upper façade of the sanctuary (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

(monument 20) ([5], pp. 123–124). Their diame- ter measures between 1.6 and 2.5 m width and they reproduce the outline of the caitya worshipped in the sanctuary, i.e., a high plinth supports the main body of the stūpa and the square harmikā tops the structure. In some examples, where the vault of the cave has been preserved, an umbrella is carved on it hovering above the caitya. Inscriptions incised on them reveal that they were carved in honor of monks (Fig. 5). The very same ornamentation with vedikā and horseshoe-shaped windows adorns also the façade above the monasteries, for instance, monument 13, thus creating an architectural landscape within which the places of habitation of the monks as well as the unique place of worship are integrated (Fig. 6). Although generally understood to be such a monastic dwelling, monument 22 presents a ground plan and an ornamentation which are unique ([5], pp. 124–126). The excavated square room is preceded by a veranda which is richly carved. Two large panels cover the right wall on Bhājā, Fig. 4 Detail of a niche with a couple below either side of the entrance to a monk’s cell; a horseshoe-shaped niche (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze) whereas there is no doubt that the panel at our 224 Bhājā

Bhājā, Fig. 5 Group of freestanding caityas (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

Bhājā, Fig. 6 View of the façade of monasteries, right of the sanctuary, below is monastery 12 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze) Bhājā 225

B

Bhājā, Fig. 7 Sūrya and Māra facing each other, right wall of the veranda of monument 19 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

left depicts the Sun God Sūrya driving his chariot depicted as trying to enter the space over demonic characters who probably symbolize whereas Sūrya, god of light, would be seen as darkness, various identifications have been emerging out of the very same space in order to suggested for the figure mounting an elephant spread his light in the world of men [1]. Both that is carved on the right panel, facing thus the images would thus be symbolic of the conflict Sun God. A number of small enigmatic scenes are between light and darkness, between the world distributed all around this character, mostly show- of the Buddha or his Dharma and the universe ing scenes of dance and pleasure, or monstrous within which it spreads. The back wall of the characters. And even if the presence of the ele- same veranda contains some of the earliest depic- phant as a mount explains how this image has tions of doorkeepers on either side of the door to repeatedly been identified as being , the the inner chamber (Fig. 7). king of the gods, one should ask what would The cave as such has a spacious square room justify the presence of the god in this setting and with monastic cells excavated on the rear and right one should remind how the god is depicted in this walls; deep horseshoe-shaped niches alternate early phase of Buddhist art, looking, for instance, with the entrances to the cells on these two walls at his depiction on the northern portico of stūpa 1 and also are carved in the left wall where two in Sanchi. Another major character of Buddhist protectors are carved in shallow niches which mythology, i.e., Māra has for mount the elephant, echo the entrances to the monks’ cells of the and his presence here would be amply justified: right and rear walls (Fig. 8). image of the darkness, of the universe of senses, The setting up of a rich architectural ornamen- ruling on the human desires, he would be here tation inside and in the veranda reproducing the 226 Bhājā

Bhājā, Fig. 8 Left wall inside monument 19, showing two armed men protecting a central niche (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

elements noted on the façade of the caityagṛha, i.e., the horseshoe-shaped window and arch and the railing, probably reflects the wooden architec- ture but also contributes to relating these monastic and otherwise sparely adorned monuments to built architecture as it would have stood in a lay, not particularly sacred, context. The embellish- ment of the monastic monument constitutes the link between these two worlds, the Buddhist com- munity inhabiting these excavated sites and the lay community on which it relied for its daily life. This would also justify the presence of a large female image carved at the left side of the caityagṛha façade – which reminds of similar figures distributed on the vedikā, now kept in the Indian Museum, (Figs. 9 and 10). Although no further excavation work was car- ried on in later times, images of the Buddha were painted in the caityagṛha in the course of the fifth or sixth centuries ([4], p. 151), a feature also observed at Pitalkhora, another early site, Bhājā, Fig. 9 Female image carved at the left side of the façade of the sanctuary (Photo # Joachim K. whereas in other sites of the region, such as Bautze) Kārlī, carved images of the Buddha were 227

Bhājā, Fig. 10 Map of the site (After Fergusson J, Burgess J (1880) The Cave Temples of India. W.H. Allen et al., London, pl. IX) B

intruded in the already existent ancient monu- 5. Nagaraju S (1981) Buddhist architecture of western ments at that period. India (c. 250 B.C. – c. A.D. 300). Agam Kala Prakashan, Delhi

Cross-References Bhaje ▶ Bedsa ▶ Śā Buddha kyamuni ▶ Bhājā ▶ Caitya ▶ Kārlī ▶ Stūpa

Bhavacakka References ▶ Saṃsāra (Buddhism) 1. Bautze-Picron C (1998) Lumière et obscurité: L’Éveil de Śākyamuni et la victoire sur Māra. Annali dell’Istituto Universitario Orientale, Napoli 58(1/2): 1–49 2. Dehejia V (1972) Early Buddhist rock temples, a chro- nological study. Thames and Hudson, London Bhavacakra 3. Fergusson J, Burgess J (1880) The cave temples of India. W.H. Allen, London 4. Mitra D (1971) Buddhist monuments. Sahitya Samsad, ▶ Rebirth (Buddhism) Calcutta ▶ Saṃsāra (Buddhism) 228 Bhāvanā

While each of these expressions has to some Bhāvanā degree a specific sense, bhāvanā could be seen as an overarching category that comprises all forms Anālayo of cultivation of the mind recognized in early Center for , University of Buddhism. Such bhāvanā is not concerned with Hamburg, Balve, Germany gaining knowledge of the external world for its own sake, but rather has the task of overcoming defilements and cultivating wholesome mental Synonyms states within. The example par excellence for meditative cul- Mental cultivation tivation in is the development of the seven factors of awakening. These seven factors of awakening, bojjhaṅga, are the mental Definition qualities required for awakening. They are: mind- fulness, investigation of phenomena, energy, joy, Bhāvanā stands for mental cultivation in the sense tranquility, concentration, and . of any practice or conduct that aims at cultivating The eminent role of the factors of awakening the mind, not being restricted in meaning to within the area of mental cultivation can be a cultivation undertaken only mentally. The pur- deduced from the fact that to make “an effort at pose of such mental cultivation is to promote the mental cultivation,” bhāvanā-padhāna,isdefined growth of the twin qualities of tranquility, to require cultivation of the seven factors of awak- , and insight, vipassanā. ening. Such cultivation should be undertaken “in dependence on seclusion, dispassion and cessa- tion, culminating in letting go” ([1], Vol. III, Cultivation p. 226). The importance given in this way to the seven Bhāvanā, and the corresponding verb bhāveti,is factors of awakening as the mental cultivation par one out of several terms used in early Buddhist excellence reflects their potential. In fact, the way texts to describe activities related to the develop- to counter what in early Buddhism is recognized ment of the mind. A few additional examples for as chief obstacles to liberation – the influxes or terminology that falls into the same sphere of taints, āsava – is precisely the cultivation of the meaning would be: seven factors of awakening in the above- described manner ([2], Vol. I, p. 11). • Anupassati, “to contemplate” Another set of similar importance for bhāvanā • Anussarati, “to recollect” is the , which comprises • Jhāyati, “to meditate” rightly directed view, intentions, speech, action, • Paccavekkhati, “to review” livelihood, effort, , and concentration. • Paṭisan˜cikkhati, “to reflect meditatively” According to what tradition reckons as the first • Pharitvā viharati, “to dwell having medita- discourse spoken by the Buddha, during his own tively pervaded” progress toward liberation he had realized that this • Samādhiyati, “to concentrate” noble eightfold path needed to be cultivated, • Samāpajjati, “to attain meditatively” bhāvetabbaṃ, and on having become a Buddha • Sammasati, “to comprehend meditatively” he knew that he had indeed cultivated it, bhāvitaṃ • Upasampajja viharati, “to dwell having ([3], Vol. V, p. 422). attained” The use of the verb bhāveti in relation to the • Vipassati, “to see with insight” noble eightfold path is significant insofar as it Bhāvanā 229 clearly shows that the scope of mental cultivation Wisdom gained from mental cultivation, goes beyond actual sitting in meditation. While bhāvanā-mayā-pan˜n˜ā ([1], Vol. III, p. 219), such formal sitting is a crucial aspect of mental builds on the type of wisdom that can be devel- culture, nevertheless, everyday activities like oped by reflection and study. A chief means for speaking or earning one’s livelihood are an inte- the gaining of wisdom through mental cultivation B gral part of bhāvanā. Actual meditation practice is contemplation of the impermanent nature of the will bear its potential fruit only when the proper five aggregates that according to the early perspective provided by the guiding principle of Buddhist analysis are the chief constituents of an right view – the first of the eight factors of the individual – bodily form, feeling, perception, voli- noble eightfold path – pervades all areas of tional formations, and consciousness. The proper activity. way to carry out such contemplation, explicitly The noble eightfold path then provides the identified as a form of bhāvanā, can be compared foundation for the mental cultivation of other to a hen hatching her eggs ([3], Vol. III, p. 153). sets of qualities or factors ([2], Vol. III, p. 289), As long as the hen keeps properly sitting on the such as: eggs, her chicken will hatch safely. Similarly, one who properly undertakes bhāvanā will safely • The four establishments of mindfulness reach liberation. • The four right efforts The relevance of bhāvanā extends to both tran- • The four roads to power quility, samatha, and insight, vipassanā, in that • The five faculties and powers each of these twin qualities should be cultivated ([3], Vol. V, p. 52). As a form of mental cultiva- Together with the seven factors of awakening tion, tranquility has the particular purpose of and the eight factors of the noble eightfold path, developing the mind and thereby overcoming these constitute the mental factors and qualities desire, whereas insight serves to develop wisdom that early theory singles out and thereby overcome ignorance ([4], Vol. I, as being of central relevance for progress to awak- p. 61). ening, collected later on under the heading of the A preliminary practice for being able to gain 37 bodhi-pakkhiyā dhammā. tranquility is sense-restraint, which already falls The first of these, the four establishments of within the scope of bhāvanā ([3], Vol. V, p. 74). mindfulness, satipaṭṭhāna, require contemplation Sense-restraint requires maintaining stability and of the body, feelings, mental states, and phe- balance of the mind in regard to anything that is nomena, dhamma. The four right efforts, experienced, not allowing what is seen, heard, sammappadhāna, mentioned next, enjoin the pre- smelled, etc., to disturb the inner equipoise and vention and overcoming of unwholesome mental to lead to the arising of unwholesome reactions by states and the arousing and maintaining of whole- way of desire or aversion. some mental states. The four roads to power, Based on some degree of sense-restraint, con- iddhipāda, describe the development of concentra- centration can be cultivated. This will eventually tion through purposely directed effort in combina- lead to a mental condition which, thanks to deep- tion with one of the four qualities of zeal, chanda, ening concentration, has become temporarily free energy, viriya, (making up one’s) mind, ,and from defilements, upakkilesa, and thereby can be investigation, vīmaṃsā.Thefive faculties, , reckoned as luminous, pabhassara. Realizing this and the five powers, bala, are confidence or faith, potential of the mind is a requirement for the saddhā,energy,viriya, mindfulness, , concen- higher stages of mental cultivation, citta-bhāvanā tration, samādhi, and wisdom, pan˜n˜ā. ([4], Vol. I, p. 10). Wisdom is certainly a quality that should be Cultivation of the mind can be undertaken by cultivated, pan˜n˜ā bhāvetabbā ([2], Vol. I, p. 293). way of various recollections, such as recollecting 230 Bhāvaviveka the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Saṅgha (of those following maxim: “what is wholesome should be who have reached any of the four levels of awak- cultivated,” kusalaṃ bhāvetabbaṃ ([4], Vol. II, ening), or else recollecting one’s own morality, p. 182). one’s own generosity, and (the meritorious deeds that lead to rebirth as) a celestial being, a ([4], Vol. I, p. 30). Recollection of death or of the Cross-References peace (of Nirvāṇa) would also fall under the topic of bhāvanā, as well as mindfulness of breathing ▶ Ethics (Buddhism) and mindfulness of the body. ▶ Insight Mindfulness of the body as a form of mental ▶ Meditation cultivation is repeatedly highlighted for its bene- ▶ Samatha fits ([4], Vol. I, p. 43). Mindfulness of breathing, besides its potential to lead to deeper concentra- tion, can also become a vehicle for the cultivation References of the four establishments of mindfulness. Such form of bhāvanā could then issue in the cultiva- 1. Carpenter JE, Rhys Davids TW (eds) (1890–1911) The ī ā tion of the seven factors of awakening and culmi- D gha Nik ya, 3 vols. Text Society, London 2. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The nate in the gaining of knowledge and liberation , 3 vols. , London ([3], Vol. V, p. 329). 3. Feer L (ed) (1888–1898) The , 5 vols. Another form of bhāvanā takes place by way Pali Text Society, Oxford – ṅ of the four divine abodes, brahmavihāra, which 4. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885 1900) The A guttara Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London are loving kindness, sympathetic joy, compassion, 5. Gethin R (1992) The Buddhist path to awakening: and equanimity ([4], Vol. IV, p. 299). The ten a study of the Bodhi-Pakkhiyā Dhammā. Leiden, Brill kasiṇas, “totalities,” are also included among things that should be cultivated ([1], Vol. III, p. 290). The experience of such a totality, in the sense of the mind becoming totally absorbed in its Bhāvaviveka object, can take place through the perception of earth, water, fire, wind, blue, yellow, red, white, Madhumita Chattopadhyay space, and consciousness. Department of Philosophy, Jadavpur University, A form of concentration that, like the other Kolkata, West Bengal, India instances surveyed so far, is explicitly linked in the early discourses with the notion of bhāvanā,or its verbal correspondent bhāveti, is the “signless Synonyms concentration,” animitta samādhi ([3], Vol. III, p. 93). This can be attained by not giving attention ; Bhāvya to any sign at all. In sum, bhāvanā can be understood as the bringing into being of those mental factors and Definition qualities that are favorable for maturing the mind toward concentration and awakening. Hence, A south Indian Mādhyamika philosopher who bhāvanā is reckoned one of the three kinds of tried to establish the fundamental tenets of meritorious actions ([4], Vol. IV, p. 241) and Mādhyamika school of thought with independent delight in bhāvanā constitutes one out of four arguments. He is the founder of the svatantra “noble usages,” ariyavaṃsa ([4], Vol. II, p. 28). Mādhyamika school which is distinguished from According to a summary presentation of the the Prāsangika school of Mādhyamika led by teachings given by the Buddha, the compass of philosophers like āryadeva, Buddhapālita, bhāvanā could then be summed up with the Candrakīrti. Bhāvaviveka 231

Bhāvaviveka: who he is another prakaraṇa, namely, Pratītyasamutpada [5]. Life: Of the thinkers who established the His Philosophy: His importance in the history Mādhyamika doctrine of s´ūnyatā propounded by of Buddhism is that he is the founder of Nāgārjuna, with independent arguments, the the svatantra Mādhyamika school which is B name of Bhāvaviveka comes first. The life of distinguished from the Prāsangika school of Bhāvaviveka is covered with mystery. According Mādhyamika led by philosophers like , to [1], he was born in a noble Kṣatriya Buddhapālita, Candrakīrti, and others. This family in . He received pravrajyā from school later lead to the amalgamation of there and became a scholar of the Tripiṭakas. He Sautrāntika and Yogācāra thoughts and is exem- came to and learnt the Mahāyāna plified in the works of later Buddhist philosophers texts under ācārya Sangharakṣita. The earliest like śāntarakṣita and Kamalaśīla. The speciality of account of his life can be found in The Great Bhāvaviveka lies in the fact that even though Record of the Western Region by aMādhyamika, he is in favor of not simply refut- Xuanzang, the Chinese scholar monk who visited ing the positions of the opponents but also of India in the early decades of the seventh century. upholding a thesis and adducing independent syl- From his records it is known that hearing about logisms. Because of his insistence on independent the reputation of the great Yogācāra philosopher syllogisms (svatantra) to establish a thesis, he is Dharmapāla, Bhāvaviveka wanted to have known as svatantra Mādhyamika and his method a debate with him and with that purpose he trav- has strongly been criticized by Candrakīrti as eled north to the basin. But when going against the correct spirit of the Mādhyamika Dharmapāla refused to get involved into such thinking. The characteristic Mādhyamika stand a debate, he was disheartened and returned to the is the review or criticism of all positions and South and died after 9 years. theories regarding any particular concept without There has been a controversy among thinkers committing oneself to any particular stand. regarding the exact period of Bhāvaviveka. Some Bhāvaviveka did not resort to this stand. He pre- Japanese scholars place him in the fifth century, ferred to establish his own thesis while criticizing but on the basis of information obtained from the opponents. Chinese and other sources it is now more or less In his works, Bhāvaviveka attempts to place agreed by scholars like Frauwallner [2] and the Mādhyamika thought in the context of the Kajiyama [3] that he belongs to the sixth century, cultivation of , the desire to become between 500 and 570 A.D. awakened in order to work for the removal of His works:Bhāvaviveka has composed human sufferings. Bhāvaviveka felt that one way several texts. – (1) Prajn˜āpradīpa,ato cultivate the bodhicitta is to be able to reason commentary on Mūlamadhyamakakārikā of clearly and systematically. Accordingly, he felt Nāgārjuna; (2) Karatalaratna, which is mainly the need to establish the Mādhyamika views concerned with refuting the Yogācāra thoughts; with strong logical arguments. For the presenta- (3) Madhyamakahṛdaya a work composed of tion of independent arguments, he relied heavily verses and concerned with extensive discussion on the logic and epistemology of Dignāga [6]. and criticism of the major philosophical systems From different references, it is found that prevalent at that time; (4) Tarkajvāla,an according to him, the realization of the doctrine auto-commentary on the Madhyamakahṛdaya; of s´ūnyatā was not absolutely necessary for (5) Madhyamakārthasaṃgraha, a work Nirvāṇa and he believed that the s´avakas and containing the discussion and refutation of the the pratyekabuddhas can also attain the stage views of the Hīnayāna and heretical systems of Nirvāṇa. This belief also was against the about the Ultimate Truth [4]. In addition to standard view of Nāgārjuna that there is no these, Bhāvaviveka composed an independent other alternative than the realization of the doc- work Madhyamakāvatāra-Pradīpa and trine of s´ūnyatā for the final release. And the 232 Bhāvaviveka followers of other paths, if willing to attain the Bhāvaviveka also admits the basic classification final stage of release, have to be initiated into the of truths into absolute and empirical, but he makes s´ūnyatā discipline [5]. a further classification of the absolute truth into Bhāvaviveka clarifies his Mādhyamika stand- paryyāya paramārtha (discriminative ultimate point by holding that s´ūnyatā does not mean the truth) and aparyyāya paramārtha (unspeakable assertion of the nonexistence of things but the ultimate truth); the paryyāya paramārtha again denial of the dogmatic assertion of existence. is classified into -paryyāya-vastu paramārtha Śūnyatā does not reduce things to mere nonexis- and janma-rodha-paramārtha [4]. These divi- tence, nor does it regard them to be merely sub- sions indicate that Ultimate Reality cannot be jective ideas. Śūnyatā rather is to show that the cognized by the knowledge of any other thing real nature of object is devoid of any essence and that the paramārtha exists in the knowledge (niḥsvabhāva). To prove that objects are devoid of paramārtha which is conformable to discrimi- of any real essence, Bhāvaviveka resorts to nation (kalpanānulomika-paramārthajn˜āna). In syllogistic arguments. His basic formulation is the realm of Ultimate Reality, Bhāvaviveka that, all objects are either conditioned (saṃskṛta) admits a clear distinction between the reality or unconditioned (asaṃskṛta). The conditioned which can be talked about and the reality which things are unreal (s´ūnya) from the ultimate stand- cannot be talked about. He insists that clear and point (tattvataḥ) since they are produced by complete reasoning has to be employed in the causes and conditions (pratyayodbhavāt) like realm of Ultimate Reality which can be talked things produced by the magician’s wand about. Such discriminative paramārtha , (māyāvat). The unconditioned objects, on the which can be talked about, lies between the Abso- other hand, like ākās´a, nirvāṇa, etc., are nonexis- lute Truth and the empirical truth. For the appre- tent from the ultimate point of view, since they are hension of such paramārtha satya what is not caused by anything (anutpādaḥ) like the sky- required as the precondition is the necessity of s´ lotus (khapuṣpavat). Since the magical objects or amatha or calming of mind. the imaginary objects like sky-lotus, etc., cannot He also classified saṃvṛti or empirical truth be said to have any essence, the truth of s´ūnyatā is into two varieties – erroneous empirical truth established. Bhāvaviveka not only formulated the (mithyā saṃvṛti) and real empirical truth (tathya syllogism but defended it against all possible saṃvṛti). Mithyā saṃvṛti is classified into two as objections. He did not deny the empirical reality sakalpa mithyā saṃvṛti and akalpa mithyā (saṃvṛti sat) of objects, but only tried to assert saṃvṛti. As example of the former he speaks of their essencelessness from the ultimate point of water in the mirage (mārīci) while for the latter view [5]. he speaks of water. Here, the causal function As a svatantra-Mādhyamika,Bhāvaviveka (kriyākārasāmarthya) is the criterion for making admits degrees of reality and believes that the distinction between the two empirical truths. depending on spiritual maturity and degrees of The tathya saṃvṛti is so called because it is char- meditation (samādhi) there is difference of degree acterized by correspondence with real object in the levels of insight into reality. Regarding (bhūtārtha-pravivekānuguṇyatā). It is also to be analysis of the nature of truth (satya), regarded as pure empirical knowledge (vis´uddhi- Bhāvaviveka’s view is unique and is different laukika-jn˜āna)[7]. In short, for Bhāvaviveka, from the traditional Mādhyamika view. Tradi- empirical reality is limited and has relative effi- tional Mādhymika thinkers like Candrakīrti and cacy up to a certain point. others generally distinguish between two types of This way of classifying reality also indicates truth – paramārtha or absolute truth and saṃvṛti another unique point of distinction of or empirical truth. The latter again is subdivided Bhāvaviveka’s thoughts from that of the other into -saṃvṛti or real empirical truth and Mādhyamika thinkers. While the latter group aloka-saṃvṛti or unreal empirical truth. admits a clear cut dualist attitude toward reality, Bhikkhunī 233 namely, regarding things as either illusory or ulti- mately real, Bhāvaviveka admits of degrees of Bhikkhunī reality and levels of insight into it. The tathya saṃvṛti satya and the paryyāya paramārtha K. Sankarnarayan satya may be looked upon as staircase to ascend K.J. Somaiya Centre for Buddhist Studies, B to the top of the Ultimate Reality. Admission of Mumbai, India such progressive steps (krama) between saṃvṛti and paramārtha constitute the key concept of this philosopher. Synonyms

Bhiksuki, a female mendicant; Bhiksuni,an ṣ ṇī Cross-References almswoman, a Buddhist ; Bhik u (Bud- dhism); (Buddhism) ▶ Mādhyamika ▶ Nāgārjuna Definition

A woman being ordained according to the Bud- References dhist Monastic Code of Discipline and Rules is called a Buddhist nun or bhikkhuni. ā ā ā ’ 1. Chattopadhyay DP (ed) (1997) T r n tha s history of Pitaka:Thefirst division of the Tipitaka Buddhism in India. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 2. Frauwallner E (2010) The philosophy of Buddhism is the textual framework upon which the monastic (trans: Gelong Lodri Sangpo). Motilal Banarsidass, community () is built, and includes the code Delhi, Indian reprint of rules that defines the way of life of ā 3. Kajiyama Y (2005) Bh vaviveka, , and (monks) and bhikkhunis (nuns). It also Dharmapāla. In: Studies in . Rinsen Book, Kyoto details the many rules, procedures, and forms of 4. Nakamura H (1999) Indian Buddhism. Motilal etiquette that are necessary to support harmonious Banarsidass, Delhi, Indian reprint relations, both among the monastics themselves, 5. Murty TRV (1980) The central philosophy of Bud- and between the monastic and their lay supporters, dhism. George Allen & Unwin, London 6. Keown D, Prebish CS (eds) (2010) Encyclopaedia of upon whom they depend. Mahisasakas followed the Buddhism. Routledge, New York Vinaya, one of the three surviving 7. Iida S (1973) The nature of Saṃvṛti and the relationship of Vinaya along with Theravada Vinaya and ā ā ā Param rtha to it in Sv tantrika-M dhyamika. In: Sprung Vinaya (vide [6]and[10]). M (ed) The problem of two truths in Buddhism and Vedānta. D. Reidel, Dordrecht-Holland The Buddha gave to the spiritual path he taught was Dhamma-vinaya – the Doctrine (Dhamma) and Discipline (Vinaya) – suggesting an inte- grated body of wisdom and ethical training. The ā Vinaya is thus an indispensable facet and founda- Bh viveka tion of all the Buddha’s teachings, inseparable from the Dhamma. ▶ Bhāvaviveka It is also to be noted that the rules or code of discipline was not put as the order by the Buddha as an injunction but compiled them as and when it was necessary to be implemented for the well- Bhāvya being, welfare, and the protection of the bhikkhus and bhikkhu Sangha, bhikkhunis and bhikkuhni ▶ Bhāvaviveka Sangha. 234 Bhikkhunī

Therigatha: In the Buddhist (Pali) Canon, the ([17], 6.v.172–173 –“rattiya purime yame, consists of 73 sets of verses attributed pubbjatimanussarum/rattiya majjhime yame, to 102 bhikkhuni ([8]. pp. 162–210). The dibbacakkhum visodhayum/rattiya pacchime early paradigms – who renounce the world yame, tamokhandham padalayim//”). In the first and attain “nibbana”–were not immediately watch of the night they recollected that they had appropriate for the bulk of society newly included been born before; in the middle watch of the night within Buddhism’s post-Asokan universal they purified the deva-eye; in the last watch of the embrace, who would not renounce the world in night they tore asunder the mass of darkness (of the present life but would instead continue to ignorance). produce “kamma” and consequently, future exis- Story of : While tence. The early paradigms seemed relevant only discussing either the laywomen followers or to those near the end of the path, who were already bhikkunis, the foremost on the list come putting an end to “kamma,” and rebirth. How did Mahapajapati Gotami ([4], 26.8). The Gotami- they apply to common people who remain in the apadana is the story of Buddha’s maternal aunt world of attachments, unwilling to leave it? and foster mother. “Gotami’s story” is part of The answer demonstrates a remarkable logic; if a collection of moral biographies called Apadana the biographies of the Buddha and his monks found in Khuddha Nikaya. Mahapajapati Gotami (bhikkhus) and bhikkhunis in this life provide went to Mahavana forest near Vesali along with models of and for the end of the path, then biog- 500 ladies, with shaven head, on foot from raphies of their previous lives, the stories of what Kapilavatthu to get herself be accepted by they did when they too were commoners, should the Lord Buddha ([17], 6.6., p. 158; [18], provide models of and for a person at the begin- 10.1.402). ning of the path. This insight of the second and “Gotami’s story” explains, exemplifies, and first centuries B.C. stimulated the composition of mentions numerous other Buddhist themes – the the Apadana stories of the Theras and Theris, central doctrine of everything is dukkha, imper- which focus upon the previous lives of those manence and essencelessness of all things ([17], bhikkhus and bhikkhunis in light of their present 6.6.v.157–158), and the , medita- achievements ([6], p. 114). The two canonical tive states of consciousness, and other important collections of religious poems are composed by perspectives. This story alone documents the sote- the monks (Theras) and nuns (Theris) themselves. riological efficacy of deeds performed by herself The tone to which the hymns of ancient Buddhism in a former birth as a slave woman, rich man’s are attuned is triumphant joy. It is pointed out that daughter, etc. (“mata putto pita bhata, ayyaka ca these verses of the theris are the spontaneous pure ahum/yathabhuccamajananti, samsariham outcome of expressing their thankfulness and anibbisam//” [17], 6.6.159) intense joy as the glorious truth flashed upon Though initially the Buddha was not ready to them that their mind was freed (cittam vimucci ordain the entry of women to the Buddhist order, me [7], p. 162; [15], V.10). but being interceded and pleaded by Ananda, The episode of Gotami is one of the best exam- Mahapajapati was ordained but to undertake ples of this genre. This story is unique among the eight (attha) garudhamma. Then the Buddha moral biographies ([14], p. 115). uttered the following that Gotami was ordained Bhikkhuni: The very term “bhikkhuni” in by him and he is her preceptor ([18], 10.1.403). Buddhism reminds one of Mahapajapati Gotami, Atthagarudhamma ([18], 10.1.403): the foster mother of the Lord Buddha. For the first Garudhammas are: (1) a female monk should order of bhikkhuni (Bhikkhuni Sangha), it was pay respect to a monk and should learn and prac- Mahapajapati who was responsible. It is to be tice dhamma through life, (2) a female monk noted that many of these bhikkunis have gained should reside in where there is a monk, learn, “the threefold knowledge” during the three and practice dhamma through life, (3) a female watches of the night as the Buddha had done monk should listen to dhamma from a monk twice Bhikkhunī 235 a month and should learn and practice dhamma In the beginning, the order of bhikkhuni Sangha through life, (4) a female monk should take vow had the same organizational pattern of the from two Sangha, male and female Sangha and bhikkhu Sangha and both orders further devel- should learn and practice dhamma through life, oped in the same general direction. However, the (5) when a female monk happens or intends to bhikkhuni Sangha was not completely indepen- B break the serious precepts, she should say sorry to dent and relied on the bhikkhu Sangha in several two Sangha and then behave or discipline herself ways. This dependency laid down in the eight and should learn and practice dhamma through rules (atthagarudhamma) to be followed by the life, (6) a female monk has to find two teachers in bhikkhunis in their relation with the bhikkhus two Sangha and learn from them for 2 years as ([18], 10.403-bhikkhuniya bhikkhusanghato a female novice monk before becoming a female paccasisitabba). monk and should learn and practice dhamma The Formation of Bhikkhuni Sangha: through life, (7) a female monk should not Cullavagga [18] includes the story of the estab- blame a monk at all, speak only word of wisdom, lishment of the bhikkhuni Sangha. The formation and should learn and practice dhamma through of bhikkhuni Sangha was not accomplished in 1 life, (8) since having become a female monk, day ([8], pp. 352–357) the Siksamana probation- she should be teachable to a teacher and should ary period was the result of a gradual develop- learn and practice dhamma through life. Ananda, ment. Nevertheless, this probationary period tell her that if she can, follow these eight rapidly became a necessary condition to become garudhammas she can become a “bhikkhuni.” a bhikkhuni (cf. [18], 10.1.403 – dve vassani The rules prescribed on the duties of chasu dhammesu sikkhitasikkhaya sikkhamanaya bhikkhunis took place when Mahapajapati, the ubhatosanghe upasampada pariyesitabba). Gotami went to the place where the Blessed one Vinaya for Bhikkhuni:([18], 10.1.407; [8], was staying among the at Kapilavastu. pp. 320–369): This contains 311 rules. Of these, When Mahapajapati was accepted, it was with 181 are shared with the Bhikkhu : Eight Chief Rules (atthagaru dhamma)([18], four Parajikas, seven Sanghadisesas, 18 10.1.403). Nissaggiya Pacittiyas (NP), 70 Pacittiyas, all 75 Of late the debate is going on by many scholars Sekhiyas, and all seven Adhikaranasamatha rules. whether the “attha garudhamma” was prescribed In addition, the Bhikkhuni Paṭimokkha contains by the Buddha while ordaining Mahapajapati at 13 Pacittiya rules that are identical to rules for all (vide [3]). bhikkhus that are contained in the ; While discussing the episode of Mahapajapati, one Parajika rule similar to a Bhikkhus it is important to have the details of rules – code of Sanghadisesa rule; one Parajika rule similar to Discipline for bhikkhunis as prescribed in Vinaya a Bhikkhus’ Pacittiya rule; two Sanghadisesa for the bhikkhunis to be followed and to be rules similar to Bhikkhus’ rules; two adopted. NP rules similar to Bhikkhus’ NP rules; three Tradition of Bhikkhuni: When the “great Pacittiyas similar to a Bhikkhus’ Sanghadisesa; going” (mahaparinibbana) of the Buddha paved seven Pacittiyas similar to Bhikkhus’ Pacittiyas; way rather opened the door to arahatship, and eight Pacittiyas similar to rules for bhikkhus guaranteeing the finality for the bhikkhus, that of that are contained in the Khandhakas. Also, the Gotami’s “great going” guarantees the same for eight Patidesaniya rules for the bhikkhunis are bhikkhunis. Mahapajapati attained not merely elaborations of a single Bhikkhus’ Pacittiya rule “nibbana” but “parinibbana” ([4], v.160). (vide [2]). It is to be noted that when Mahapajapati was to Ordination of the Bhiksuni:([6], p. 75) become a bhikkhuni, the order of bhikkhu was A sramaneri as a siksamana the candidate of the already well organized. This explains the reason ordination already had an upadhyayini now she for Mahapajapati Gotami to go to a bhikkhu must officially ask the bhiksuni to become her Sangha to ask for the permission to go forth. upadhyayini making the request three times and 236 Bhikkhunī how she could become a full member of the detailed points of how a bhikkhuni to conduct bhiksunisamgha ([6], pp. 79–96). herself. Sanghadisesa ([6], Samghavasesa, Difference in Pali Vinaya Rule and pp. 329–386): rules entailing an initial and subse- Dharmaguptaka Vinaya: There is difference quent meeting of the Sangha, requiring suspen- which could be noted. The bhikkhuni sion from the order, a class of offenses which can garudhamma-like precepts are not there in the be decided only by a formal Sangha-kamma ([18], Mahasanghika Vinaya. There is variety among II.38; III.112). Aniyata (indefinite): rules ([18], garudhamma-like pacittiya. (Pacittiyas are rules I.112; II.287). Nissaggiya pacittiya: rules entailing confession.) There are 92 Pacittiya entailing forfeiture and confession; what is to be and they are minor violations which do not given up/to be abandoned/to be rejected; ([18], entail expulsion or any probationary periods; I.196,254; III.195; [6]). Nihsargika Pacittika Nissaggiyá (3.1 Pathama sikkhápadam) precepts, pp. 442–485). Patidesaniya: rules entailing in the other texts. One of the two main divisions of acknowledgment, to confess ([18], II.102). the Sutta of the Vinayapitaka contains Sekhiya: rules of training ([18], IV.185). Vinaya rules connected with the Patimokkha, the Adhikaranasamatha: rules for settling disputes violation of which can be expiated in some way ([13], II.88; cf. [2]). The Dharma GuptakaVinaya. ([6], Vol. I, pp. 117–150). The Mahasanghika after explaining Nihsargika Pacittika enumerates Vinaya does not contain the bhikkhuni the precepts of the bhiksuni as Pratidesaniya, garudhamma-like precepts, like verses of Bhadda the precepts of the fifth category is called Kundalakesa Theri, once a freelance debater ([4], Pratidesaniya Dharma (confession of a violation) II.217–26) and personally ordained by the Bud- where the offense is made known to the people dha. According to Dharmaguptaka Vinaya ([6], and is not concealed ([6], pp. 147–148), Saiksa Vol. I, pp. 67–74) the probationary period the precept of sixth category, prescribes the rules (siksamana) for bhikkhunis is 2 years. Here of good behavior ([6], pp. 148–149) like rules Dharmaguptaka explains (bhiksuni vibhanga) concerning etiquette, mainly regarding clothing how a novice (sramaneri)officially becomes and food, valid for both bhiksu and bhiksuni. a probationer siksamana). There are almost 100 saiksa precepts for both They do not all contain the same relevant bhiksu and bhiksuni, Adhikaranasamatha the pacittiya precepts and counting the precepts in rules of this last category are called adhikara- the texts, not a single one equals eight! “There is nasamatha dharma, a rule for settling disputes. no inter-textual agreement about what the eight Parivara: A recapitulation of the previous sec- bhikkhuni garudhammás are. Additionally, the tions, with summaries of the rules classified and various Vinaya texts add in the eight reclassified in various ways for instructional pur- garudhammas story in different places. The poses. This is the last book of Vinaya. The acces- Dharmaguptaka Vinaya adds the story at the sory (or the appendix) a sort of resume and index very end of its Khandhaka. This would tend to of the preceding books ([8], Pt. I, pp. 36–37). show that the story was Besides such code of discipline prescribed for added onto this Vinaya late, towards the very bhikkhunis different ceremonies are described end of its composition and they are not the ([6], IV, pp. 213–226) words of the Buddha.” Hence here it is clear that assigning this “garudhaamá” to be taken up by 1. The posadha ceremony observed bimonthly bhikkhuni ordinance could be a later interpolation regulates the life of both bhiksus and (vide [3]). bhiksunis. The term posadha (Uposadha,Pali Suttavibhanga gives the details of the training – ) is related to the older Vedic term of bhikkhus and bhikkhunis along the origin story, upavasatha that is the day of fasting that pre- which are summarized in Patimokkha. The cedes the days of the new and of the full moon Patimokkha rules are grouped as – Parajika ([6], when the Vedic sacrifices were offered. The Vol. II, pp. 243–271): which deals with the tradition to observe days of fasting has been Bhikkhunī 237

further diffused in the Indian Society, also in From the time of ordination of Mahapajapati, the Buddhist lay community. In this commu- the bhikkhuni Samgha grew quickly. It is to be nity, the posadha days are no longer linked to noted that generally the daughters of the rich the of sacrifices. Only the idea of family are the ones who were attracted to become “fasting” or of “abstinence” survived. In the disciples of the Buddha. It shows that mere B bhiksunisamgha there is a tradition of material comfort does not give them the satisfac- a posadha ceremony. The recitation of the pre- tion and peace in life. For many the happenings in cepts collected in pratimoksha is emphasized their life change their attitude and embrace the specially the , panca sila and bhikkhuni-hood. dasa sikapada are to be observed one by one Bhikkhuni-vasaka/Bhikkhunupassayasutta: ([6], pp. 213–214). (Lodging of the Bhikkhuni) ([3], Vol. III. 2. The Pravarana ceremony: This actually has Pt.1.3.10.376). When Ananda reports to the Bud- been described in detail, as dedicated to this dha about the settlements of the bhikkhunis who ceremony in an entry. Though this ceremony is have cultivated the four (mindful- observed by the bhiksus, at the end of the ness) have attained the greater excellence of com- summer treat a group of bhiksus decide not to prehension. Thus, there are plenty of places talk to each other in order to avoid disputes. suitable for meditation like roots of the tree and However the Buddha did not approve of it empty places (rukkhamulani etani sunnagarani). instead, introduced the invitation ceremony: There are examples of bhikkhuni/theris who one by one, every bhiksus has to invite the had been the chosen disciples of the Buddha and others to point out his wrongs, if any, whether had achieved their goal of “nibbana.” seen or heard, or suspected. The inviting Bhaddha Kundalakesi Theri ([17], 5.9, bhiksu also declares that he is willing to repent pp. 111–120; [4], VIII.v.102–103) the daughter of his offense ([6], pp. 217–218). However, of a rich man at Rajagaha, fell in love with this is not been carried out in the presence of a thief and got married to him. The thief conspir- unqualified persons ([6], p. 220). Finally, there ing to steal away her property and all jewels, took are a few rules concerning the bhiksunis in the her to mountain cliff under the pretext of offering entry on the invitation ceremony, it is said that to the mountain spirit. There she came to know of bhiksunis cannot cause bhiksus to be barred from his plan and could help herself to escape from him participation. The eight garudhamma further only by pushing him from the top of the mountain. states that bhiksunis have to carry out the cere- Then being reluctant to go back to her parents, mony in the bhiksusamgha. This implies that when she met some paribbájakas on her way, she after the ceremony in the bhiksunisamgha,the herself becoming a paribbájaka traveled widely bhiksunis have to address themselves to the and openly challenged by her questions. Once bhiksusamgha. Finally, the bhiksunivibhanga Sáriputta when met the challenge posed by reveals that not all the bhiksunis of the Bhaddhá Kundalakesi successfully, he asked her bhiksunisamgh have to go to the bhiksusamgha, to answer the following “What is the one” (ekam but only a representative ([6], p. 221). náma kim?[17], 5.9, p. 113) which she could not 3. The ceremony: Kathina is explained answer. Then she became a bhikkhuni and attained as “raw cotton” This ceremonial cloth is an arahant within a few days. The bhikkhus who a piece of cloth that is large enough to make could not accept this asked the Buddha whether is a robe (possibly a set of robes) originally, the it possible to become an arahat by listening to the ceremonial robe was spread out near the mon- Dhamma only a little. To which the Buddha astery to inform the lay people that the period answered –“Better than the recitation of a hun- for donation of robes and of robe material had dred verses that are senseless and unconnected come. This period is called kathina period with the realization of nibbána, is the recitation which is generally one month after the summer of a single verse of the teaching (Dhamma) if treat ([6], p. 221). on hearing one is calmed” ([17], 5.9, p. 113 238 Bhikkhunī

“sahassamapi ce gatha, anatthapadasamhita/ekam and perishing of beings, she learnt to meditate on gathapadam seyyo, yam suttva supasammat i//”). the impermanent nature of all beings and strove A man may conquer a million men in battle, but one hard to realize “nibbana”–Better than a 100 years who conquers himself is, indeed the greatest of in the life of a person who does not perceive the conquerors ([5], v.103. “yo ca sahassam sahassena deathless (nibbána) is a day in the life of one who sangame manuse jine/ekan ca jeyyamattanam, sa perceives deathless (nibbana)([17], 10.1, p. 197; ve sangamaj uttamo//”). [5], 114; yo ca vassasatam jive, apassam amatam theri – Uppalavanna was consid- padam/ekaham jivitam seyyo, passato amatam ered to be among the two chief female disciples of pada’nti//). the Buddha. She was the daughter of a wealthy Besides the rules and code prescribed for the merchant and was known for her great beauty. Her bhikkhuni, number of examples of theris prove name means “one with the hue of the blue lotus” the eligibility of attaining “nibbana” based on ([17], 11.1. pp. 206–222; [4], XXVI.v.401). instances where the women had shown their There are instances where the women had moral strength to win over , the tempter, shown their moral strength as like Soma, and realized inner peace. a bhikkhuni and contemporary of the Buddha, The precepts constitute a guideline for detach- when Mára to desist her from meditation –“That ment and a code for the preservation of unity and vantage ground (i.e., Arhatship), hard to win, order in the community. Further, they create which is to be attained by the seers, cannot be a good relation with the lay benefactors of the attained by a woman with two finger intelligence” community, a community that exhibits detach- ([17], 3.8.v.60, p. 72). When Soma has been ment, unity, order, and respect. taunted like this by Mara, for which Soma replied: “What harm could the woman’s state do to us, when the mind is well-concentrated, when knowl- Cross-References edge exists for someone rightly having insight ▶ ā ī into the doctrine?” ([17], 3,8.v.61–62, p. 73; Ambap l ▶ ā [15], V.2) “Everywhere enjoyment of pleasure is Apad na ▶ defeated; the mass of darkness (ignorance) is torn Festivals (Buddhism) ▶ ā ī asunder; thus know, evil one, you are defeated, Kis Gotam ▶ death.” Soma clearly felt that her femininity was Ordination ▶ ā ī no obstacle to her enlightenment. She acted with Paj pati Gotam ▶ ā self-confidence and poise. P timokkha ▶ ā ā Mara therefore knows that Soma can see Sarv stiv da ▶ ā through him, and slinks off. This passage in Therav da ▶ ī ā ā some ways parallels that of Mara’s tempting of Thera- and Ther g th Gotama just prior to his enlightenment. In Soma’s example, specious doubts arise concerning References a woman’s ability to attain spiritual states, but she conquers them by seeing the irrelevance of 1. Bhikkhu T (2007) (tr) Bhikkhuni’s code of discipline. gender; what matters is appropriate spiritual prac- Buddhist Publication Society, Kandy, tice and insight ([17], 3.8, p. 73). 2. Bhikkhu T (1996) The Buddhist monastic code (the Patimokkha training rules translated and explained), In this context, the episode of vol I; (2002) The Khandaka rules translated and ([17], 10.1; [4], VIII.v.114) shows how the Bud- explained (A detailed explanation of the Khandaka dha cured of her grief at the death of her child. She training rules), vol II. Valley Centre, Metta Forest realized that death comes to all beings and being Monastry 3. Bhikkhuni T (1985) On the apparent non-historicity of convinced, she became a bhikkhuni. Once while the eight Garudhammás story as it stands in the Pali- lighting the lamp, she saw the flames flaring up text Culavagga and comparitive Vinaya scholarship. and dying out and suddenly realized the arising University of California Press, Berkely Bimbisāra 239

4. (1998) VRI 5. Dhammapada (Text & tr), Kalupahana DJ (2008) Bud- Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar dhist cultural centre. Dehiwala, Sri Lanka – 6. Heirmann A (tr) (2002) Dharmaguptka Vinaya, 4 pts, (1891 1956) Rules for the nuns. Motilal Benarsidass, Delhi 7. Horner IB (1989) Women under primitive Buddhism. ▶ Ambedkar B Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 8. Horner IB (1997) The book of the discipline, Suttavibhanga, vol II; vol X. Pt.1 (2000); Pt.6, vol xxv (1997); Pt.4, vol xiv, (2000) Mahavagga, Pt.3, vol xiii (1997), Pt.V-Culavagga. Sacred Books BhotaDeśa of the Buddhists, PTS ˙ 9. Kabil Singh C (1991) (tr) The Bhikkhuni Patimokkha ▶ of the six schools (comparative look at the Nun’s Tibet Patimokkha rules in six Buddhist schools). Thammasat University, Bangkok 10. Karma Lekshe Tsomo (1996) Sisters in solitude. A translation of the Mulasarvastivadin and Bhusukū Dharmaguptaka Bhikkhuni Pratimokha. SUNY Press, Albany 11. Khanti palo B (1986) With robes and bowl. Buddhist ▶ Śāntideva Publication Society, Kandy, Sri Lanka 12. Kindred Sayings, Pt.I (1999) & Pt.II. (tr) Mrs. Rhys Davids (2002) Pt.III (1995) & IV (1996) & V (1997) (tr). F.L. Woodward, PTS 13. King U (ed) (1987) Women in the world’s religions, Bigamy past and present; Bancroft A (ed) Women in Bud- dhism. Paragon House, New York ▶ 14. Lopez DS Jr (ed) (2007) Buddhism in practice, Polygamy (Buddhism) Gotami’s story by Jonathan S. Walters. Princeton Uni- versity Press, New Jersey 15. (1994) VRI 16. Rhys Davids & Stede William Report (2007) Pali – ā English dictionary. Motilal Benarsidass, Delhi Bimbis ra 17. Therigatha Atthakatha (1998) VRI 18. (1998) Culavagga. VRI K. T. S. Sarao Department of Buddhist Studies, University of Delhi, Delhi, India

Bhiksuki, a Female Mendicant Synonyms ▶ Bhikkhunī Seniya bimbisāra

Bhiksunī (Buddhism) ˙ ˙ Definition ▶ Bhikkhunī The King of and a contemporary of the Buddha.

King of Magadha and a contemporary of the Bhiksuni, an Almswoman, a Buddhist Sākyamuni Buddha, Seniya Bimbisāra, was one Nun of the first important kings who patronized Bud- dhism. He ascended the throne at the age of 15 and ▶ Bhikkhunī reigned from Rājagaha for a period of 52 years. He 240 Bimbisāra was 5 years younger to the Buddha and died 8 years of discipline (pātimokha) on the eighth and the last before him. Both had been childhood friends ([4], days of each half month was also introduced as Vol. ii, p. 25ff; [5], Vol. iii, p. 50ff). Pāli texts a result of a suggestion made by Bimbisāra ([9], mention Bimbisāra’s father’s name as Bhāti ([5], Vol. i, p. 101f). Similarly, the permission to begin Vol. iii, p. 52), but in the Tibetan sources, his father the observance of the retreat during the rainy sea- and mother are called Mahāpaduma and Bimbī, son (vassāvāsa) from the second full moon was respectively ([12], p. 16). Apart from Ajātasattu, given with regard to a wish of Bimbisāra ([9], who succeeded him, Bimbisārahadmanysons, Vol. i, p. 138). Another rule that certain medicines two named Vimala Koṇḍañña and Abhaya were should not be stored for more than 7 days was also born of courtesans named Ambapāli and made at the suggestion of Bimbisāra ([9], Vol. i, Padumāvatī ([6], Vol. ii, p. 117). p. 208). When he heard that the Buddha intended to When the Buddha paid a visit to Rājagaha after perform a miracle, although he had ordered his attaining Enlightenment, Bimbisāra paid him disciples to refrain from doing so, Bimbisāra a visit, and the Buddha preached to Bimbisāra had doubts about the propriety of this and on the value of generosity and morality, heavenly questioned the Buddha who set his doubts at rest reward, the pitfalls associated with the depravity ([3], Vol. iii, p. 263f; [8], Vol. iii, p. 204). The texts of sense pleasures, and Four Noble Truths. It do not refer either to any special suttas preached by was on this occasion that Bimbisāra attained the the Buddha to Bimbisāra or of any questions asked first fruit of emancipation (sotāpanna) and he by him of the Buddha. Probably, this happened announced that all the five ambitions of his life because he did not want to give the Buddha extra had been fulfilled: he should become a king, the trouble or perhaps because the affairs of the king- Buddha should visit his kingdom, he should dom did not permit him enough time for regular attend to the Buddha, the Buddha should teach visits to the Buddha ([8], Vol. iii, p. 205; [9], Vol. i, him the Dhamma, and he should be able to under- p. 179). stand the Dhamma ([9], Vol. i, p. 36). On the Bimbisāra was instrumental in motivating following day, Bimbisāra invited the Buddha many members of his household to take interest along with 1,000 monks to a meal and donated in Buddhism. The story of his queen Khemā is the Veḷuvana to the Saṃgha ([9], Vol. i, p. 35ff). worth mentioning. She was so infatuated with her From this time onward till his death, Bimbisāra own beauty that she refused to see the Buddha. continued to be a steadfast devotee of the Buddha But Bimbisāra somehow persuaded her to pay ([1], p. 405ff; [3], Vol. i, p. 66; [2], p. 209; [8], a visit to the Buddha. Here when she came face Vol. i, p. 85; [12], p. 27). to face with the Buddha, he showed her the tran- Keen interest taken by Bimbisāra in Buddhism sitoriness of beauty and the vanity of lust. There can be visualized from the fact that he has been itself she became an arahant and with the permis- connected with a large number of incidents in the sion of Bimbisāra entered the Saṃgha. Later, she . Bimbisāra not only showed became one of the most famous nuns in the history respect and affection for the Buddha in person but of Buddhism and was ranked by the Buddha as was also known to have been very considerate to foremost among the women for her great insight Buddhist monks. During his lifetime, Bimbisāra (mahāpan˜n˜ānam aggā)([7], Vol. i, p. 25). had received some hairs and nail pairings of the Bimbisāra suffered very badly at the hands of Buddha. He built a stūpa inside the royal palace his son Ajātasattu. Bimbisāra loved him so much enshrining these. Bimbisāra often consulted the that he abdicated in his favor, whereas Ajātasattu Buddha as he was keen to rule according to the rewarded him by imprisoning him and then causing Dhamma. The Buddha also valued Bimbisāra’s his death ([9], Vol. ii, p. 190f; [11], Vol. i, p. 135ff). opinion, and his suggestion made the Vinaya rule According to the , he was reborn that no one who is in the royal service, has com- in the deva realm of the Four Great Rulers mitted theft, or broken jail, should be ordained as (cātummahārājikā) in the retinue of Lord amonk([9], Vol. i, p. 74f). The recital of the rules Vessavana, having only one wish, to become a Bodhagayā 241 once-returner (sakadagāmin) and then to attain the supreme deliverance of Nibbāna ([10], Vol. ii, Bio-spiritual Practices in Buddhism p. 206). ▶ Nature Worship (Buddhism) B Cross-References

▶ Ajātasattu Birojanabul ▶ Buddha (Concept) ▶ Dhamma ▶ ▶ Dīgha Nikāya ▶ Pātimokkha ▶ Rājagaha (Pāli) Birushanabutsu

▶ Vairocana References

1. Andersen D, Smith H (eds) (1984) The Sutta-Nipāta. Pali Text Society, London, reprint 2. Ba Kyaw U (trans) (1980) Elucidation of the intrinsic Bo Tree meaning, so named the commentary on the Peta- stories (ed & Annotated by P. Masefield). Pali Text ▶ Society, London 3. Fausböll V (ed) (1877–1897) The Jātakas. Trübner, London 4. Geiger W (ed) (1908) The Mahāvaṃsa. Pali Text Society, London ā 5. Law BC (ed & trans) (1958) The chronicle of the Bodhagay Island of Ceylon or the Dīpavaṃsa. Ceylon Hist J 7:1–266 Arvind Kumar Singh 6. Malalasekera GP (ed) (1961) Encyclopaedia of Bud- Department of Buddhist Studies, Faculty of Arts, dhism, vol 1. Government of Ceylon, Colombo 7. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara University of Delhi, Delhi, India Nikāya. Pali Text Society, London School of Buddhist Studies and Civilization, 8. Norman HC (ed) (1906) The commentary on the Gautam Buddha University, Greater Noida, Uttar Dhammapada, 4 vols. Pali Text Society, London Pradesh, India 9. Oldenberg H (eds) (1979–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London 10. Rhys Davids TW, Carpenter JE (eds) (1890–1911) The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 Vols. Pali Text Synonyms Society, London 11. Rhys Davids TW, Carpenter JE, Stede W (eds) ā ā ā (1886–1932) The Sumaṅgala-Vilāsinī: Bauddha Gy h; Bodhgay ; Bodhi Gay ; ’s commentary on the Dīgha Nikāya, Bodhīmaṇḍa; Boodh Gayā; Buddha Gayā; Budh 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London Gyā; Dharmāranya; Jayapura; Mahābodhī; 12. Rockhill WW (1884) The life of the Buddha and the Sambodhī; Uruvelā; Vajrāsana early history of his order. Trübner, London

Definition

Biography (Buddhism) Bodhagayā is the place where Siddhattha Gautama, the founder of historical Buddhism, ▶ Hagiography (Buddhism) attained enlightenment. 242 Bodhagayā

Introduction temptation of Māra, Siddhattha was also lured and tempted by different evil spirits while he medi- Bodhagayā, the place of Siddhattha Gautama’s tated on the eve of attaining enlightenment at attainment of enlightenment (Bodhi), is consid- Uruvelā under the Pipal tree ([9], Vol. i, ered as the most hallowed place on earth by Bud- pp. 103ff, 124f). According to the Jātakas, dhists. It is located near the ancient village of Siddhattha gave up his austerities after taking Uruvelā (modern Urel) on the banks of the river food from Sujātā, a girl from Senānīgāma (identi- Lilājana or /Phaggu (anciently called fied with near Gayā), a village located not Nirañjanā) in the Gayā district of the province of very far from the Bodhi tree [15]. According to the [2]. King Aśoka, himself a devout Buddhist, Majjhima Nikāya, the Buddha described the vil- visited the place in 259 B.C.E. and was possibly lage and its surroundings as “a beautiful stretch of the first person to build a temple there. In the ground, a lovely woodland grove, a clear flowing Mahāparinibbāna Sutta of the Dīgha Nikāya, river with a beautiful ford, a village nearby for the Buddha mentions Bodhagayā as one of the support...a suitable place for making an effort” four places which he advised his followers to ([16], Vol. i, p. 167). visit [13]. According to B. M. Barua, the name Dharmāranya is a jungle tract in Gayakshetra, and it represents a sanctified boundary inside Different Names of Bodhagayā which is the enshrinement of the image of Buddha or Dharmeśvara and the presence of the famous Bodhagayā has been spelt variously as Bo tree that suffice to indicate that the Bodhagayā, Boodha Gayā, Buddha Gyā, Bauddha Dharmāranya of the Gaya Mahātmya of the Vāyu Gyāh, Bodhi Gayā, and Buddha Gayā. Early Bud- Purāṇa is no other sacred site than the precincts of dhist texts mention this place as Uruvilvā or the Bodhagayā temple representing the jungle of Uruvelā. The references of Uruvelā (Bodhagayā) Uruvilvā of Buddhist literature [3]. According to are found at nine places in the Pāli Vinaya and the Mahāvaṃsa, later when a Mahāthūpa was Sutta Piṭakas [15]. While some references in Pāli built here in which 30,000 monks under Cittagutta literature explain this name to be derived from the came from Sri Lanka to participate in the founda- large amount of sand (vela) available in the tion laying ceremony, it also became known as area, other sources refer to its connection with BodhīmaṇḍaVihāra. Other synonyms such as a vilvā tree (Aegle marmelos) growing nearby. Sambodhi and Mahābodhi owe their origin to According to KTS Sarao, the reference of word the fact that Siddhattha Gautama had attained “Uruvelā” is mentioned at 28 places in the context Bodhi here. The name of Vajrāsana (Diamond of an urban settlement (Gāmanagara) in the Bud- Throne) is also used as an alias for the Mahābodhi dhist literature [15]. But later on the place of temple. In an inscription (1170 C.E.) of enlightenment received its name of Bodhīmaṇḍa Gahaḍvāla King Jayacandra, Bodhagayā is men- from the Pipal tree (also called Bodhi tree) under tioned as Jayapura. The name Bodhgayā did not which the Buddha had attained Bodhi [5]. come into use until the eighteenth century. The According to , the village of oldest and also the least commonly used of these Uruvelā, located at a distance of three Gāvutas names was Sambodhi which is mentioned in the (about 1.5 leagues) from the Bodhi tree and 15 Eighth Rock Edict of Aśoka. The Kaliṅgabodhi Yojanas (about 105 miles) from Bārāṇasī [15], Jātaka refers to this place as Bodhīmaṇḍa [8]. The was a great sandbank (Mahāvelā, Mahanto most widely used and also the most enduring Vālikarāsi). This village was apparently inhabited name of Bodhgayā was Mahābodhi. When the by Tebhāttika-Jaṭilas, the fire worshipers called sacred shrine at Bodhagayā came to be known as Uruvela-Kassapa, Nadī-Kassapa, and Gayā- Mahābodhi is not certain. In Aśokan inscription, Kassapa, who later became disciples of the Bud- the place is referred as Sambodhi, whereas the dha ([12], Vol. i, p. 25). Apart from the supreme Chinese traveler Faxiang did not mention the Bodhagayā 243 name. But Xuanzang calls it Mahābodhi of King Huviṣka, along with some punch-marked [6]. Thereafter this name is mentioned in a number coins, found among the relics deposited in front of of inscriptions found at Bodhagayā, the last being the throne. The Indo-Scythian and Gupta inscrip- of the fourteenth century [10]. According to Cun- tions also record the construction of the great ningham, this name was still in vogue in the temple in the reign of Huviṣka. According to an B nineteenth century [2]. inscription discovered at Bodhagayā, a big Saṃgharāma was constructed by King Sirimeghavanna of Sri Lanka in 388 C.E., a con- Gayā temporary of Samudragupta [10]. Some additions to the Mahābodhi temple were also made by the The Buddha is said to have stayed at Gayā on Burmese around 450 C.E. several occasions. At a nearby place called Almost for three centuries after the visit of Gayāsīsa, which derives its name from the myth- Xuanzang, no major repairs or improvements ological demon Gayāsura, the Buddha delivered appear to have been carried out at Bodhagayā.It the Adittapariyāya Sutta ([9], Vol. i, p. 33f; Vol. ii, was only in 1010 C.E. that some minor repairs are p. 165). Lord Viṣṇu killed Gayāsura by using the reported to have been undertaken by King pressure of his foot over him. The Buddhist tradi- Mahipāla of Pāla Dynasty. The first major resto- tion regards the footstep in the Viṣṇupad temple at ration and renovation was carried out by the Gayā as a footstep of the Buddha. , the Burmese in 1070 C.E. The last Indian Buddhist Buddha’s cousin, was said to have retired to king who carried out the repairs at Bodhagayā was Gayāsīsa along with his followers after some dif- Aśokachalla of Sapadalakṣa, Punjab [14]. ferences with the Buddha, and subsequently it was Dharmasvāmin found this place practically here that Sāriputta and Moggallāna, the Buddha’s deserted because of the fear of Turuṣka soldiers chief disciples, had to go to reclaim them ([11], in 1234 C.E. He further narrates that the front of Vol. ii, p. 199; [12], Vol. iv, p. 180; [16], Vol. i, the Mahābodhi image was blocked with bricks pp. 142, 425, 490f). According to the Jātakas, and plastered and a substitute image placed near Ajātasattu had built a monastery for Devadatta at it [14]. A Burmese inscription of 1833 records Gayāsīsa ([8], Vol. i, pp. 185, 508; Vol. ii, p. 38f). major repairs at the temple between 1295 and 1298. The Burmese again undertook repair works at least thrice during the fourteenth and History of Bodhagayā fifteenth centuries, and thereafter Bodhagayā was forgotten. In 1590, a Brāmaṇical- The history of Bodhagayā is documented in many Hindu Mahaṅt, Gosain Giri, established his inscriptions and pilgrimage accounts. Foremost maṭha here [2]. among these are the accounts of the Chinese pil- grims Faxiang in the fifth century and Xuanzang in the seventh century. Bodhagayā was at the heart Rediscovery of Bodhagayā of a Buddhist civilization for centuries, until the region was conquered by Turkish armies in the Bodhagayā survived the attacks of the Turks, thirteenth century. which is evident from the biography of The first temple to be built at Bodhagayā was Dharmasvāmin who visited India in 1234–1236 by Aśoka. A portrayal of the Aśokan temple and C.E. He says that “the place was deserted and only other buildings built at Bodhagayā around 256 B. four monks were found staying in the vihāra.” C.E. has been found in a bas-relief discovered at One of them said, “It is not good! All have fled Bhārhut Stūpa [10]. The present temple appears to from fear of the Turuṣka soldiery” [10]. However, have been built in the second century C.E. over Buchanan Hamilton found the Mahābodhī temple the remains of Aśoka’s temple. The age of the in utter ruins in 1811 [2]. In 1861, Cunningham temple is testified by the presence of a gold coin found the Mahaṅt and his followers indulging in 244 Bodhagayā all sorts of un-Buddhistic ceremonies in the main participate in the opening ceremony of the great shrine. The Burmese king Mindan Min, in 1875, Stūpa at Anurādhapura in 104 B.C.E., while obtained permission for undertaking repair of according to the Rasavāhinī, Culla Tissa and Mahābodhī Mahāvihāra from Government of a group of lay people came to Bodhagayā from India as well as the Mahaṅt [2]. Later, due to Sri Lanka at the same time. slow pace of the repair work, Government of Bodhī Tree: The Pipal tree (Asvattha, Ficus India deputed J. D. Beglar, Cunningham, and religiosa), at the foot of which the Buddha Rajendralal Mitra to supervise the repair work in attained Bodhi, formed the nucleus of the 1880 [2]. In 1883, Cunningham along with J. D. Mahābodhi temple. It is said to have sprung up Beglar and Rajendralal Mitra painstakingly at the same time when the Buddha was born, that excavated the site and extensive renovation work is, his co-natal (Sahjāta). According to the was carried out to restore Bodhgayā to its former commentaries, different Buddhas attained enlight- glory [1]. enment seated under different trees of their choice and each of them became the “Bodhi tree” of the particular Buddha during his dispen- Objects of Worship at Bodhagayā sation. The present Bodhi tree is not the original tree of Buddha’s time; however, it is a descendant The Mahābodhī Temple: It is one of the oldest of that tree which sprang out of the roots of its brick structures to have survived in Eastern India. immediate predecessor which had fallen down The chief monastery of Bodhagayā was called the in 1876. BodhīmaṇḍaVihāra, which later became known Vajrāsana: Vajrāsana (Bodhi Pallanka or Dia- as the Mahābodhi temple. Four different inscrip- mond Throne), made of red sand stone, is the seat tions in Brāhmī on the railing of the Mahābodhi of the Buddha’s enlightenment and was built in temple mention various gifts made toward its the third century B.C.E. by Aśoka [2]. Aśvaghoṣa repair and construction work: “the gift of the in his Buddhacarita calls it the Navel of the Earth. noble lady Kurāṅgi,”“the gift of Nāgadevi, the mentions that all the past Buddhas attained wife of King Brahmamitra,”“the gift of Kurāṅgi, enlightenment here and that the future Buddhas the mother of living sons and the wife of King too would attain enlightenment on the same spot. Indrāgnimitra, son of Kosikī, and “the gift of Animes´alocana Caitya: The second week of Srimā of King Indrāgnimitra’s royal palace Buddha’s enlightenment was spent sitting directly shrine” [7]. to the front and right of the Bodhi tree, meditating Monastic tradition appears to have been strong deeply upon it. A prayer hall (Caitya) was built on in Bodhagayā. Faxian saw three monasteries in the spot [2]. a flourishing condition [10]. Xuanzang describes Ratnacaṃkrama: It contains stone lotuses the magnificent Mahābodhī Saṃghārāma, raised on a platform marking Buddha’s steps founded in the early fourth century by a king of taken during the third week as he paced 18 steps Ceylon, and makes special remark of the strict back and forth near the Bodhi tree. It is said that observance of the Vinaya by the monks residing lotuses sprang up under his feet. there [6]. Ratnaghara Caitya: It is a small prayer hall An inscription of about the first century B.C.E. that marks the spot where Buddha spent the fourth carved on the railing is the first evidence from week in meditation, receiving the vision of his Bodhagayā itself of pilgrims coming here from future mission (). A ray of six colors outside India: “The gift of Bodhirakṣita from was said to have emanated from his body during Tāmrapaṇṇi (Sri Lanka)” [2]. The monks of that period, and the Buddhists have designed their Bodhgayā and Sri Lanka were in close contact flag based on these colors [2]. for several centuries. According to the Ajapāla Nigrodha: It is a spot marked by Mahāvaṃsa, monk Cittagutta led a delegation a pillar where a tree once stood marking the from the Bodhīmaṇḍa Monastery to Sri Lanka to place where the Buddha spent the fifth week in Bodhagayā 245 meditation after attainment of Bodhi and delivered “...foremost amongst the many thousands in the a discourse on the equality of mankind [2]. Saṃgha of the island of Simhala, a disciple of Rajāyātana Tree: It is the tree under which the Dīpaṅkara, residing at Vajrāsana, a spent his seventh week. It is here that he scholar... skilled in two languages, one who found his first two disciples, Tapassu and seeks the benefit of the Saṃgha, the excellent B Bhallika, who offered him his first meal following one”. It is likely that Ānandaśrī was teaching at his 7 weeks of meditation. This tree is located Bodhgayā at the end of the thirteenth century, close to the temple, on its southeast side [2]. which proves that the Mahāvihāra continued to Pond: It is the spot where the Bud- flourish around that time. The records show that dha spent his sixth week of meditation and Bodhagayā continued to function as a center endured a violent storm and is said to have been of Buddhist scholarship and pilgrimage at protected from it by the lake’s serpent king [2]. least till the beginning of the fifteenth century. Dharmasvāmin mentions that he saw 300 Sri Lankan monks staying at Mahābodhi Bodhagayā: A Monastic Mahāvihāra Mahāvihāra. Twenty-eight years later, King donated some land in trust to At about the same time as Nālandā and Maṅgalasvāmin, the abbot of the Sri Lankan mon- Vikramaśīlā, the Mahābodhī Mahāvihāra grew astery at Bodhagayā. into an important center of education. Buddhaghoṣa[4] wrote the Aṭṭhasālinī as well as the now lost Ñānodaya here before going to Present Situation Sri Lanka. In 1011, Dīpaṅkara Srijana (also known as Atīsa), one of the last great Indian The Bodhgaya temple was in the hands of its Buddhist masters, was ordained at Bodhagayā followers till early thirteenth century and lost con- and studied the Vinaya under Śīlarakṣita and left trol after its destruction by the Turuṣka invaders. for Sumātrā. On his return to India after 12 years, Later on, a Śaivite Hindu Mahant, Ghamandi Giri, he went back to Bodhgayā again where he arrived at Bodhagayā in 1590 and claimed that he defeated the Tirthikā heretics thrice and thereby was the legitimate heir of the Mahāvihāra [2]. The maintained the superiority of Buddhism over first attempt to restore the Mahābodhi Mahāvihāra other religions in Magadha. In 1040, Atīsa set to the Buddhists from the clutches of the Hindu off from Bodhgayā on his epoch-making journey Mahant was made in an appeal to the British- to Tibet, where he helped to reestablish Bud- Indian Government by Sir Edwin Arnold though dhism. One of his works, the Caryāgati, begins his famous book The Light of Asia (1885) in with a salutation to the Vajrāsana indicating that 1890–1892. It was in response to this appeal that Atīsa had a special fondness for the place [4]. Anāgārika Dharmapāla formed the Mahābodhi Other famous names associated with it include Society of India in 1891 to raise this issue on the Chinese monks Chin-hung and Hsuan-chao, the national and international fronts [2]. the South Indian monk Dharmapāla, author of the A compromise proposal put forward by Dr. Mādhyamakacatuḥsatikā, and the Kashmiri (1924), who later became the Tantric Ratnavajra. Tsami Lotsawa Sangye first president of the Republic of India, was Trak is described in an ancient text as “the only thwarted several times but finally became law in Tibetan ever to hold the chair at Vajrāsana,” 1949 under the provision of the Bodhagayā tem- suggesting that he was an Ācārya at the ple Act 1949 (under the Bihar Act 17 of 1949) for Mahāvihāra. The last Theravādin monk whose better management of the temple. The newly con- name is mentioned in connection with the stituted Bodhagayā Temple Management Com- Mahābodhi Monastery is the Sri Lankan mittee comprised of nine members with the Ānandaśrī, who subsequently lived and taught in District Magistrate of Gayā as its ex officio chair- Tibet. He is eulogized in one Tibetan book as person and four members each from the Hindu 246 Bodhgayā and the Buddhist communities. This initiative, 11. Morris R, Hardy E (ed) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara which provided for equal representation of both Nikāya, vol IV. Pali Text Society, London 12. Oldenberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The , the communities in the management committee, vols 5. Williams and Norgate/Pali Text Society, transferred the control of the temple land along London with other property as well as restored the right to 13. Rhys Davids TW, Rhys Davids CAF (eds) (1899, worship to both the communities [2]. 1910 & 1957) Dīgha Nikāya (The Dialogues of the Buddha), vols 3. Pali Text Society, London According to UNESCO, the present temple is 14. Roerich G, Altekar AS (1959) Biography of one of the earliest and most imposing structures Dharmasvamin. K. P. Jayaswal Research Institute, built entirely in brick from the late Guptā period. It was declared as UNESCO’s World Heritage Site 15. Sarao KTS (2010) Urban Centres and Urbaization: as fl ā ṭ “ re ected in the P li Vinaya and SuttaPi akas. in 2002 based upon the criteria that it has out- Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi standing universal importance as it is one of the 16. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The most revered and sanctified places in the world.” Majjhima Nikāya. Pali Text Society, London

Cross-References Bodhgayā ▶ Aśoka ▶ Bodhi Tree ▶ Bodhagayā ▶ Buddhaghosa ▶ Devadatta ▶ Dhammacakkappavattana-sutta ▶ Dharmasvāmīśiri Bodhi ▶ Faxian (337–422 C.E.) ▶ Jātaka K. T. S. Sarao ▶ Saṃgha Department of Buddhist Studies, University of ▶ Śīla-śikṣā Delhi, Delhi, India ▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang)

Synonyms References Enlightenment 1. Ahir DC (1986) Buddhist shrines in India. B. R. Publishing Corporation, Delhi 2. Ahir DC (1994) Buddha Gaya through the ages. Sri Satguru, Delhi Definition 3. Barua BM (1931 & 1934) Gaya and Buddha Gaya. Indian Research Institute, Calcutta A unique awakening experience of a fully liber- 4. Bapat PV (1956) 2500 years of Buddhism. Publication ated person as exemplified by . Division, Delhi 5. Barua DK (1981) Buddha Gaya. 6. Beal S (2008) Si-Yu-Ki Buddhist records of the west- ern world. Low Price, Delhi, Reprint Introduction 7. Dhammika S, A history of Bodhgayā. http://www. buddhanet.net/e-learning/history/bodh-Gayā.htm. Accessed 12 Apr 2011 The word bodhi, often translated into English as 8. Fausböll V (ed) (1877–1897) The Jātakas, vols 7. enlightenment, is an abstract noun derived from Trubner, London the root budh which literally means “(supreme) – ṃ ā 9. Feer ML (ed) (1884 1898) The Sa yutta Nik ya, knowledge, waking up, enlightenment, the vol 5. Pali Text Society, London ” 10. Mitra D (1971) Buddhist monuments. Sahitya Sansad, knowledge possessed by a Buddha ([11], Calcutta p. 491). This term is used to refer to the unique Bodhi 247 awakening experience of Gautama Buddha and is wisdom), Anāgāmi (one who is a never returner), occasionally described as complete and perfect and Arahant (one who has attained the ultimate awareness of the true nature of the saṃsāra. It and highest stage of the Path, i.e., one who has has been suggested that bodhi was not the out- attained the summum bonum of religious aspira- come of an illumination, but of a path of realiza- tion). According to , through Bodhi B tion and understanding. It is believed that after the “one awakens from the slumber or stupor attainment of bodhi, one is freed from the cycle of (inflicted upon the mind) by the defilements saṃsāra: birth, old age, death, and rebirth. (kilesa) and comprehends the Four Noble Though the term bodhi is used as a synonym for Truths ()” ([10], p. 72). The Pāli texts various Buddhist terms and concepts such as mention seven bojjhaṅgā (factors of enlighten- prajn˜ā (insight), nibbāna (the blowing out), ment) and 37 bodhipakkhiyā-dhammā (prerequi- vimutti (liberation), and vidyā (knowledge), orig- sites of enlightenment) as components of the inally, it may basically have meant the knowledge state of enlightenment and contributory that nibbāna was attained through the practice of factors to the achievement of bodhi. The seven dhyāna ([9], pp. 29–30). bojjhaṅgā are sati-sambojjhaṅga (mindfulness), dhamma-vicaya-sambojjhaṅga (investigation of the law), viriya-sambojjhaṅga (energy), Theravāda Buddhism pīti-sambojjhaṅga (rapture), - sambojjhaṅga (tranquility), samādhi- In early Buddhism, the term bodhi is synonymous sambojjhaṅga (concentration), upekkhā to Nirvāṇa, implying the extinction of rāga (greed), (equanimity). “They lead to enlightenment... dosa (hate), and (delusion). However, in therefore they are called factors of enlightenment” Mahāyāna nirvāṇa and (Pāli: arahant) are ([2], p. 1574). The 37 bodhipakkhiyā-dhammā, lowered in status where an arhat attains only which consist of the entire buddhavacana (teach- nirvāṇa and is still subject to moha.Inother ing of the Buddha) are: The four foundations of words, from the perspective of Mahāyāna, in one mindfulness (satipaṭṭhāna), the four right exer- who attains nirvāṇa only the extinction of rāga and tions (sammāpadhāna), the four roads to power dosa takes place, moha still being present. In (iddhipāda), the five faculties (indriya), the five Mahāyāna, the bodhisattva not only achieves powers (bala), the seven factors of enlightenment nirvāṇa but also freedom from moha. (bojjhaṅga), and the Eightfold Path (aṭṭhaṅgika- In Theravāda, bodhi is achieved by the devel- magga). opment of the perfections (pāramī), when the Four Noble Truths have been fully understood; the ten fetters (saṃyojanā) that bind a human Levels of Bodhi being to the wheel of saṃsāra are dissolved; pro- found wisdom into the paṭiccasamuppāda (Sk: There are three levels of bodhi in Theravāda: pratītyasamutpāda, Dependent Arising) is real- ized, and all volitional conditioning reaches ces- 1. Sāvakabodhi: The enlightenment of a noble sation (), resulting in nibbāna. At this disciple (sāvaka), i.e., of an arahant. Attained moment, apart from the extinction of rāga, dosa, through the study of the teaching of a sammā- and moha, complete annihilation of avijjā (igno- sambuddha. Such a being is skilled at helping rance), taṇhā (craving), and attā (ego) takes place. others to reach enlightenment as he may draw In Theravāda Buddhism, bodhi refers to the on personal experience. realization of the four stages of enlightenment 2. Paccekabodhi: The enlightenment attained and becoming an arahant: Sotāpanna (one who through self-realization, without the aid of spir- has entered the stream), Sakadāgāmi (one who itual guides and teachers. An independently will not be reborn on earth more than once; one enlightened one (paccekabubdha) only arises who has attained the second grade of saving in an age where the dhamma has been lost. 248 Bodhi

3. Sammāsambodhi: The enlightenment of a per- all beings and elements, conditioned and uncon- fectly enlightened one (sammāsambuddha) ditioned (saṃskṛta, asaṃskṛta). It is absolute, who fully comprehends the dhamma by his because it does not need repeated mental acts. It own efforts and wisdom and teaches it skillfully is identical with Reality Suchness (tathatā), and to others, freeing them from saṃsāra. embraces all that exists. It is all-pervading, like space. It is therefore the supreme and precious It is a general agreement that this threefold Wisdom that a bodhisattva seems” ([5], p. 19). division is of later origin. Its earliest inkling can The final enlightenment remains the ultimate be found in a comparatively later portion of the ideal for all Buddhists to be attained by ridding where the three terms sāvaka- oneself of the defilements and comprehending pāramī, paccekabodhi, and buddhabhūmi have the Four Noble Truths. The Mahāyāna tradition been mentioned (see [10], p. 73). However, particularly emphasizes the compassion of the nowhere in the Pāli Tipiṭaka or the old commen- bodhisattva (one whose essence is bodhi), who taries is it specified as to whether a follower of the postpones his own entry into Nirvāṇa so that he Buddha may choose between any of the three may assist all the sentient beings in the attainment types of bodhi and seek either to become an of salvation. arahant-disciple, a pacceka buddha, or a buddha ([10], p. 74). Cross-References Mahāyāna Buddhism ▶ Arahant ▶ Bodhisattva It has been emphasized in some of the Mahāyāna ▶ Mahāyāna sūtras that perfect bodhi invariably exists in all the ▶ Nirvāṇa living beings and just needs to uncovered. For ▶ Noble Truths instance, the Sūtra of Perfect Enlightenment, ▶ Paṭiccasamuppāda points out that bodhi “is like smelting gold ore. ▶ Saṃsāra The gold does not come into being because of ▶ Theravāda smelting; once it is perfected, it will never again become ore. Even though it passes through end- less time, the nature of the gold is never corrupted. References It is wrong to say that it is not originally perfect. The Perfect Enlightenment of the Tathāgata is 1. Batchelor S (1998) Buddhism without beliefs: ” a contemporary guide to awakening. Bloomsbury, London also like this ([7], p. 130). Similarly, the 2. Bodhi B (2000) The connected discourses of the Bud- Tathāgatagarbha sūtras talk of the Buddha princi- dha: a new translation of the Saṃyutta Nikāya. ple being innately present. The tathāgatagarbha Wisdom Publications, Boston (Buddha-embryo) is the equivalent of the perma- 3. Cohen RS (2006) Beyond enlightenment: Buddhism, religion, modernity. Routledge, London nently present bodhi with the potential to impart 4. Cousins LS (1996) The origin of insight meditation. infinitude of unifying vision through its power to In: Skorupski T (ed) The Buddhist forum IV, seminar transform and liberate. The Buddha in the , 1994–1996. School of Oriental and African declares: “(As to me), my Studies, London, pp 35–58 5. Dayal H (1932) The Bodhisattva doctrine in Buddhist uncreated and unending profound Enlightenment Sanskrit literature. Routledge & Kegan Paul, London accords with the Tathāgata store which is absolute 6. Lu K’uan Yü (trans) (1978) The Śūraṅgama Sūtra. Bodhi, and ensures my perfect insight into the Brighthill Buddhist Centre, Sri Lanka Dharma realm where the one is infinite and the 7. Muller AC (ed) (1999) The Sūtra of perfect enlighten- fi ” – ā ā ment. State University of New York Press, Albany in nite is one ([6], pp. 135 136). In Mah y na, 8. Narada M (1998) The Buddha and his teachings, “Bodhi is pure, universal and immediate Knowl- reprint. The Corporate Body of the Buddha Educa- edge, which extends over all time, all universes, tional Foundation, Taipei Bodhi Tree 249

9. Norman KR (1997) A philological approach to Bud- Definitions dhism. School of Oriental and African Studies, Uni- versity of London, London ā 10. Nyanatiloka (1980) Buddhist dictionary: manual of Bodhi tree (tree of awakening) at Bodhagay is the Buddhist terms and doctrines, 4th revised edn. Bud- tree under which Siddhattha Gautama is believed dhist Publication Society, Kandy to have attained Bodhi [10]. B 11. Rhys Davids TW, Stede W (eds) (1921–1925) The Pāli Text Society’sPāli-English dictionary. Pali Text Soci- ety, Chipstead 12. Schmithausen L (1981) On some aspects of descrip- Introduction tions or theories of ‘liberating insight’ and ‘enlighten- ment’ in early Buddhism. In: Studien zum Jainismus The Bodhi tree (Pāli: Bodhirukkha; Skt. and Buddhismus (Gedenkschrift für Ludwig Alsdorf), ṛ ṣ hrsg. Von Klaus Bruhn und Alrecht Wezler, Wiesba- Bodhiv k a; Ficus religiosa) had been religiously den, pp 199–250 significant in India even before the time of the 13. Snelling J (1987) The Buddhist handbook: a complete Buddha’s enlightenment. Its earliest significance guide to Buddhist teaching and practice. Century in the Indian subcontinent could be traced in the Paperbacks, London 14. Warder AK (2000) Indian Buddhism. Motilal Indus Valley Civilization where Pipal motifs have Banarsidass, Delhi been depicted in abundance. The tree is associated 15. White KR (ed) (2005) The role of Bodhicitta in Bud- with a central Hindu God named Viṣṇu who is dhist enlightenment including a translation into invariably depicted in the Hindu mythology as English of the Bodhicitta-Śāstra, Benkenmitsu- nikyoron, and Sammaya-kaijo. The Edwin Mellen nestled among the delicate leaves of the Bodhi, Press, New York peering out through the universe with his infinite 16. Williams P (2000) Buddhist thought: a complete spiritual vision [2]. Its significance dates back to introduction to the Indian tradition. Routledge, the period of the Mahābhārata where Kṛṣṇa London described it as an embodiment of universal con- sciousness. It is also believed that Kṛṣṇa died under a Pipal tree [2]. According to the Buddhist tradition, Siddhattha Gautama finally abandoned Bodhi Gayā years of rigorous fasting and asceticism by taking food from Sujātā of Senānigāma [2] and sat under ▶ Bodhagayā Bodhi tree and vowed not to move until he attained enlightenment. After an extremely long and intense meditation, coupled with numerous encounters with Māra (illusion), Siddhattha Bodhi Tree became the Buddha and perfected himself in supreme wisdom. Therefore, it is also called the tree of knowledge ( Sambodhi)[3]. Arvind Kumar Singh The leaves of the tree do not wither away Department of Buddhist Studies, Faculty of Arts, during winter or summer as they shine and University of Delhi, Delhi, India glister without change. It is believed that on the School of Buddhist Studies and Civilization, day of every Nibbāna, the leaves fall but they Gautam Buddha University, Greater Noida, Uttar revive in a moment [3]. The Bodhi tree has Pradesh, India a great symbolic significance. The great king and a devout Buddhist Aśoka visited Bodhagayā to pay homage to the Bodhi tree and organized, Synonyms in its honor, a festival every year during the month of Kattika ([7], xvii, p. 17). Reference Ānandabodhi; Bo tree; Bodhidruma; may also be made to one of the gateways of Bodhirukkha; Bodhivṛkṣa; Mahābodhi taru; Sān˜cī stūpa which depicts Aśoka’s visit to the Pipal; Samyaka sambodhi; Sri mahābodhi Bodhi tree [5]. 250 Bodhi Tree

Different Names of Bodhi tree is a more recent addition. In early Buddhist art, the figure of the Buddha was not The term Sambodhi or Mahābodhi primarily portrayed, and the image of the tree, along with denotes the Bodhi tree and more specifically, the other symbols, was used to represent him [10]. place of the Buddha’s enlightenment. Both terms A prominent scene of the worship of Bodhi Tree, are the same as Bodhi tree of Bhārhut labels, symbolizing the Buddha, is depicted on the carv- Bodhirukkha and Bodhivṛkṣa of Buddhist literature, ings of Amrāvati [1]. It is said that the Buddha was and Mahābodhi taru or Mahābodhi-Druma of the reluctant to accept images of himself, as he did not Gayā Mahātmya [2]. The tree in reality is Pipal like to be venerated. To symbolize the Buddha, (Asvattha, Ficus religiosa), the Indian Fig. The term one used mainly the eight spoked wheel and Bodhi Bodhirukkha is explained by Buddhaghoṣaasthe tree, the Buddha’s footprints, an empty throne, one under which the Buddha attained Bodhi. Bodhi a begging bowl, and a lion. The Bodhi tree tree at the Mahābodhi Temple is also known as the (wisdom tree) is a sacred symbol in Buddhism Sri Mahā Bodhi. Bodhi Tree is said to have sprung for a number of reasons which variously repre- up at the same time when the Buddha was born, i.e., sents the place of the Buddha’s enlightenment, his co-natal (sahajāta). The Buddhist legends how- mythical world tree, growth toward liberation, etc. ever make it manifest that Bodhi tree was not Asvattha in all cases, the different Buddhas having different Bodhi trees. Consequently, the proposition In Buddhist Chronology stands that the tree itself has derived its distinctive epithet from its association with the Buddha’s When the world is destroyed at the end of a Kappa, attainment of Bodhi [2]. the Bodhimaṇḍa is the last spot to disappear; when The Trees of Previous Buddhas: According to the world comes into existence again, it is the first the Mahāvaṃsa, the branch of the trees that are to reappear. A lotus springs there during the Kappa associated with all the Buddhas was planted in – a process symbolizing the divine prediction that a Ceylon (Sri Lanka) at the place where the sacred Buddha would be born; the lotus subsequently puts Bodhi tree stands today in Anurādhapura. The forth flowers in accordance with the number of branch of Kakusandha’s tree was brought by Buddhas. In the case of the Buddha, this Bodhi a nun called Rucānandā, Konagamana’sby tree sprang up the day he was born [9]. After his Kantakānandā, and Kassapa’s by Sudhammā [8]. enlightenment, he spent a whole week in front of it, The names of the trees which are associated with standing with unblinking eyes and gazing at it with each of the Buddhas are Asvattha to Gotama, gratitude. A shrine was later erected at the place Kakusandha, and Koṇḍañña; Sirīsa to Dīpaṅkara; where he so stood; this shrine is known as Animes´ Nāga to Maṅgala, Sumana, Revata, and Sobhita; alocana Cetiyā and became popular as a shrine Ajjuna to Anomadassī; Mahāsona to Paduma even during the lifetime of the Buddha. and Nārada; Salala to Padumuttara; Nimba to Ānandabodhi ([6], iv, p. 228ff) tree is one of the ; Bamboo to Sujātā; Kakudha to interesting objects at the Sāvatthi’s Jetavan monas- Piyadassī; Campaka to Atthadassī; Bimbajāla tery as it was planted during the lifetime of the to Dhammadassī; Kanikāra to Siddhattha; Asana Buddha himself. The story related to the plantation to Tissa; Āmanda to Phussa; Pātalī to Vipassī; of Ānandabodhi tree is available in the Pujavaliya,a Puṇḍarīka to Sikhī; Sāla to Vessabhū; Sinhalese classic: “...The Buddha spent only three to Konāgamma; and Banyan to Kassapa [9]. months at here during the Vassāvasa but his fol- lowers desired his permanent residence at Sāvatthi. To satisfy the people, Ānanda obtained the permis- The Symbolism of Bodhi Tree sion from the Buddha to plant a sapling of the Buddhagayā Bodhi tree” [1]. There is no mention of tree in the earliest accounts According to the Mahāvaṃsa, another tree of Buddhist scriptures which suggests that the cult named Sri Mahā Bodhi was planted in 288 B.C. Bodhi Tree 251 in Sri Lanka. In this year, a branch of the Bodhi remorse, he revived the sacred place by bathing tree was brought by Sanghamittā to Anurādhapura the roots of the Bodhi tree with scented water and and placed by Devānāmpiyatissa in the milk. Aśoka paid homage to the tree so earnestly Mahāmeghavana. From Bodhagayā, the branch that his queen, Tissarakkhā,wasfilled with jealousy was taken to Anurādhapura via Paṭaliputta, and got it destroyed secretly. It was revived again B Tāmalittī, and Jambukola, halting on the way at as before by Aśoka. On the second occasion, he Tivakka. Those who assisted the king at the cere- built a 3-m-high wall to provide a more secure mony of the planting of the tree were the nobles of protection ([4], xx, p. 4f). After the fall of the Kājaragāma, Candanagāma, and Tivakka. Subse- Mauryan Empire in the second century B.C.E., it quently, from the seeds of a fruit, which grew on is reported that the Suṅga King Puṣyamitra, a strong the tree, sprang eight saplings, which were planted opponent of Buddhism, destroyed the Bodhi tree. respectively at Jambukola, Tivakka, Thūpārāmā, However, later, as many as 82 saplings of the tree Issaramanārāma, court of the Pathamacetiya, were brought back from Sri Lanka and replanted at Cetiyagiri, Kājaragāma, and Candanagāma ([7], the same spot. Xuanzang reports that the tree was xix, p. 60ff). Thirty-two other saplings, from four almost totally destroyed by a fanatic King Śaśānka other fruits, were planted at several places, each at during the seventh century C.E., but sometimes a distance of one Yojana. According to the Ceylon later, it was replanted with a sapling from the chronicles, branches from the Bodhi trees of all the Bodhi tree in Sri Lanka by King Purnavarmana of Buddhas born during this Kappa were planted in Magadha, who also built a 7.3-m-high wall around Ceylon on the same spot where the sacred Bodhi it. The remains of this wall stood at 6.1 m high when tree stands today in Anurādhapura. Xuanzang visited it [7]. According to the Cūlavaṃsa, some Sri Lankan The tree that grows at Bodh Gaya today was kings constructed a protective structure around planted in 1881 by a British archaeologist after the the Bodhi Tree. This source presents a vivid description of this structure: “Dhātusena built a Bodhighara or roof over the Tree, Kittisirimegha had the Bodhighara covered with tin plates, Mahānāga had the roof of the Bodhighara gilded, built a trench round the courtyard and set up Buddha images in the image house, Aggabodhi I erected a stone terrace round the tree, Aggabodhi II had a well dug for the use of pilgrims, and Aggabodhi VII found the Bodhighara in ruins and had it rebuilt” [3].

Destruction of the Bodhi Tree

The present tree at Bodh Gaya is not the same under which the Buddha was enlightened. From earliest times, kings and commoners have come here to honor it. Securing an extremely sacred space in the belief system of Buddhists, the Bodhi tree nat- urally became an important target of destruction by the anti-Buddhist forces of all hues. According to Xuanzang [7], the Bodhi tree was ironically first ś ordered to be cut down by A oka before his con- Bodhi Tree, Fig. 1 Near view of the Bodhi Tree at version to Buddhism; but later, out of acute Bodhagayā 252 Bodhi-Being

▶ Dhammacakkappavattana-sutta ▶ Faxian (337–422 C.E.) ▶ Mahābodhī ▶ Saṃgha ▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang)

References

1. Ahir DC (1986) Buddhist shrines in India. BR Pub- lishing Corporation, Delhi 2. Barua BM (1931/1934) Gaya and Buddha Gaya. Indian Research Institute, Calcutta 3. Beal S (2008) Buddhist records of the western world. Low Price Publication, Delhi, Reprint 4. Dhammika S (1996) Navel of the earth. . http://trove.nla.gov.au/work/35346652 5. Dishalkar DB (1987) ‘Places of Buddhist Interests’ in 2500 years of Buddhism (Bapat PV ed). Publication Division, Government of India, New Delhi, 1956, Reprint 6. Fausböll V (ed) (1877–1897) The Jātakas, vol I. Trubner, London 7. Geiger W (1908/1912) The Mahāvaṃsa. PTS, London Bodhi Tree, Fig. 2 Vajrāsana (the seat of enlightenment) 8. http://lakdiva.org/mahavamsa/chap015.html under Bodhi Tree at Bodhagayā 9. http://www.palikanon.com/english/pali_names/b/ bodhirukka.htm 10. Keown D (2004) ‘Bodhi Tree’, in a dictionary of Buddhism. http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/ previous one had died a natural death few years 1O108-BodhiTree.html before. Many temples throughout the Buddhist world have Bodhi trees growing in them which are believed to be offsprings of the sacred tree from , and their worship forms an Bodhi-Being important part of popular Buddhist piety [2]. In 1876, the old decaying Bodhi tree fell down dur- ▶ Bodhisattva ing a storm, and a sapling from it was planted on the same spot by Cunningham. The present Bodhi tree is now 125 years old and is the fourth- generation tree planted by Alexander Cunning- ham from a sampling of the parent tree [6]. Bodhicitta Bodhi tree is a symbol of wisdom and compas- sion. It is a myth and reality. It is the hope and Daniel Stender ā promise of Nibb na for the entire mankind Hamburg, Germany (Figs. 1 and 2).

Cross-References Synonyms

▶ Aśoka Resolution to strive for awakening; Thought of ▶ Bodhgayā enlightenment Bodhicitta 253

Definition during the later course of self-completion (1.15–17; [8]). Realization of the soteriological objective to Closely associated with Bodhicitta is the become a Buddha. (Bodhi-)Cittotpāda, the initial generation of the resolve to strive for awakening (translated by B Bodhicitta – the “thought (citta) of enlightenment some as “lift of the heart”), and both concepts (bodhi)”–is the realization of the soteriological are valued similarly in the literature. In the objective to become a Buddha as a fully liberated Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajn˜āpāramitā (Perfection of being [1, 2]. Although the theoretical conditions Wisdom in 8,000 Lines), it is said that the for its development could be traced already in Cittotpāda, the “completely self-transforming, earlier Buddhist texts, the concept is not prevalent deep revolution in the mind from selfishness to here, like in later Tantric as well as non-Tantric altruism in its highest degree” ([9], p. 999), is Mahāyāna, where the Bodhicitta became a core achieved by imagining the immeasurability concept being essential for the ideal of the Bodhi- (aprameyatva) of the number of beings (sattva) sattva [3]. The term cannot be found in Pāli and by the identification of the own self with them sources, but the expression bodhaye cittam as (parātmasamatā, [10]). The altruism of the a forerunner appears in the Mahāvastu-Avadāna Bodhicitta motivates the Bodhisattva’s activity, (Tale of the Great Events). leading to the liberation which is, as taught in The state which “should be viewed as Mahāyāna Buddhism, the intellectual event of possessing conative, cognitive, and emotive forces gaining full insight into the true reality of the corresponding to the elements of will (chanda), nonessentiality (nairātmya) of both the own per- discriminative insight (prajn˜ā), and compassion son and the things. (karuṇā), respectively” ([4], p. 197) stands at the The Cittotpāda has traditionally been involved beginning of the spiritual course (caryā) of later into a ritual of a devotional “supreme worship” Buddhism, in which one strives to attain the highest (anuttara-pūjā) of the Buddha and the celestial state of enlightenment (samyak-saṃbodhi)for Bodhisattvas ([11], p. 54 sq.), like it is expressed becoming a Bodhisattva through the altruistic exer- from an insight point of view in the first part of the cise of different virtues (pāramitā) for the sake of Bodhicaryāvatāra before dealing with the the other beings (parārtha). pāramitās: after the benefits of the Bodhicitta are A condition for the generation of Bodhicitta is being considered, all precious things and also a proper spiritual disposition (gotra) and compas- one’s self is offered inwardly (buddhyā in 2.6) to sion (karuṇā), and texts like the Das´ the high beings which are imagined as being abhūmikasūtra (Ten Stages Scripture) maintain present (pūjanā,2.2–25), the adept takes refuge that the adept enters the first of the stages of to the Buddha, the doctrine, and the Bodhisattvas accomplishment (bhūmi) immediately after the (s´araṇagamana), and confesses bad deeds and Bodhicitta has been brought to arise ([5], thoughts (pāpades´anā, 2.26-end). After “rejoic- p. 370). This underlines the importance of the ing in the good” (puṇyānumodanā, 3.1–3), prayer “thought of enlightenment” for the gradual pro- and supplication (adhyeṣaṇā, yācanā, 3.4–5), gress of perfectioning as a Bodhisattva, for which after dedication of (pariṇāmanā), and the it “is its primary cause and basis” ([6], p. 741). renunciation of the own body and the self for the Teachings like the Bodhicaryāvatāra (Intro- sake of others (parityāga, 3.6–19), the Bodhicitta duction to the Conduct That Leads to Enlighten- is brought up in form of a vow (saṃvara, ment, [7]) distinguish two kinds of Bodhicitta: the 3.20–23) which expresses its intentional content. preliminary resolution to strive for awakening Another key text on the issue is the (praṇidhi-citta), which could suffer backturns Bodhicittotpāda chapter of the Bodhisattvabhūmi and has to be maintained constantly, and the actual (1.2, [12]), which again is the 15th chapter of the progress toward bodhi (prasthāna-citta), which Yogācārabhūmi (Stages of the Practice of Union). cannot be stalled after being brought into charge A locus classicus for defining the Cittotpāda is the 254

Abhisamayālaṃkāra (Ornament for the Realiza- tion 18–20, [13]), and with its 22 divisions, it is Bodhidharma also an issue in the Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāra (Ornament of the Mahāyāna Scriptures 4.15–20). Ram Kumar Rana Department of Buddhist Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Delhi, Delhi, India Cross-References

▶ Bodhisattva Synonyms ▶ Buddha (Concept) ▶ Ethics (Buddhism) Bodhitara; Dharma (Ch. Ta-, Jp. Taishi ▶ Mahāyāna Daruma)

References Definition 1. Tagami T (1990) Bodaishin no Kenkyū [A study of Bodhicitta]. Shoseki, Tokyo 2. Joshi LM (1971) A survey of the conception of Bodhidharma (Chinese Ta-mo) is a Mahāyāna Bodhicitta. J Relig Stud 3(1):70–79 monk from India who taught Buddhism and 3. Dargyay L (1997) The view of Bodhicitta in Tibetan Dhyāna practices and is credited as the founder Buddhism. In: Kawamura LS (ed) The Bodhisattva fi doctrine in Buddhism. Sri Satguru, Delhi of the Chan School and Martial Art in fth to sixth 4. Wangchuk D (2007) The resolve to become a Buddha century China. – a study of the Bodhicitta concept in Indo-. International Institute for Buddhist Stud- ies, Tokyo 5. Nakamura H (1990) The career of the Bodhisattva. In: Biography Kitagawa JM, Cummings MD (eds) Buddhism and Asian history. Macmillan, New York 6. La Vallée Poussin L (1910) Bodhisattva (in Sanskrit Traditionally, Chan (Zen) School relates its origi- literature). In: Hastings J (ed) Encyclopædia of reli- nation in China from Bodhidharma, who is con- gion and ethics. Scribner, New York sidered as founder and the first Patriarch in China Śā ’ 7. Crosby K, Skilton A (1996) ntideva s Bodhicar- and 28th of the Indian Tradition. The Chan yāvatāra – translated with introduction and notes. Oxford University Press, Oxford/New York sources of Tang and Song period mention his 8. Brassard F (2000) The concept of Bodhicitta in arrival in 527 or 520 C.E. in China. He had Śāntideva’s Bodhicaryāvatāra. State University of a fruitless interview with emperor Wu of Liang New York Press, Albany dynasty and after that he crossed Yangzi River and 9. Williams P (2005) Bodhisattva path. In: Jones L (ed) Encyclopedia of religion, 2nd edn. Macmillan/ reached territory of Wei in North China. The early Thompson Gale, New York Buddhist historical records do not support these 10. Sparham G (1992) Indian altruism – a study of the claims and present a completely different depic- terms bodhicitta and cittopāda. J Int Assoc Buddh – tion of Bodhidharma. Stud 15(2):224 242 fi 11. Dayal H (1932) The Bodhisattva doctrine in Buddhist The rst historical reliable account about Sanskrit literature. K. Paul, London Bodhidharma is found in Luoyang Qielan ji of 12. Wangchuk D (2002) The Cittotpāda chapter of the Yang Xuan Zhi written in 547 C.E. records [14]: ū – Bodhisattvabh mi textual introduction, annotated The Sramana Bodhidharma of western regions, translation and critical edition of the Sanskrit and Tibetan text.Unpublished thesis, Universität Ham- a native of Persia, passing through China having burg, Abteilung für Kultur und Geschichte Indiens seen the magnificent grandeur of the Yong Ning und Tibets Temple sang praises of its artistic achievement. fi 13. Sparham G (1987) Background material for the rst of He himself said: (I am) 150 years (old) but the seventy topics in -nātha’s Abhisamayālaṃkāra. J Int Assoc Buddh Stud a temple so beautiful nowhere come across, not 10(2):139–158 even in the Buddha’s realms. He chanted Namah Bodhidharma 255 and holds his palms together for several days. Dàoxuān further mentions about his death, From this incident, one can infer, on that very saying that he died in or before 534 C.E. based day Bodhidharma was at Yǒngníngsì temple on Huike’s biography, but other source says he which was at the height of its glory between 516 died in 528 C.E. In this case, the date is believed to and 526, perhaps in 520 [1]. be 5th October due to this Zen temple even today B Another account about Bodhidharma is by holds a Dharma service on this day. According to Tánlín [4], who, in the brief biography of Dharma, Dao Xuan, he died on the bank of river Luo while recorded in his preface to The Two Entrances and another account mentions Shaolin temple as his Four Deeds, a text traditionally attributed to place of death. The Jingde chuandeng lu states Bodhidharma, writes: “The Dharma Master was that he was buried on Mt. Xiong near Luoyang. a South Indian of the Western Region. He was the Taizong of the Tang Dynasty posthumously third son of a great Indian king of the Pallava bestowed upon him the of Yuan jue chanshi Dynasty. He preferred the life of a monk to follow (the of Perfect Enlightenment) follow- Mahāyāna path. Lamenting the decline of the true ing the petition of Guo Ziyi. A , Kuang- teaching in the outlands, he subsequently crossed guan, was erected in his honor on Mt. Xiong distant mountains and seas, traveling about prop- which was destroyed during anti-Buddhist perse- agating the teaching in Han and Wei” [8]. cution in the Hui Chang Era (841–847). It was Bodhidharma for the first time was mentioned reconstructed in 850 by Imperial decree [3]. Sur- as a South Indian who had disciples, specifically prisingly, Wu Chu, of the temple Bao Tang, in his mentioning Dàoyù and Huike, the latter became writings, i.e., the Jiu Tangshu shengxiu zhuan and his successor and the second patriarch in Chan the Lidai fabao ji, mentions that Bodhidharma tradition. Tánlín himself has traditionally been died of poisoning, while Lengqie shizi ji is silent considered as a disciple of Bodhidharma, but about it [9]. probably, he was a disciple of Huike [8]. Another Three years after Bodhidharma’sdeath, important account on Bodhidharma Xu gaoseng ambassador of Northern Wei is zhuan by Dao Xuan written in 645 C.E. relied on reported to have met Bodhidharma and told Tánlín’s preface as a basic source, but made many by him that he is going home at the Pamir hold- important additions [4] mentioning Bodhidharma ing a shoe. After reaching Shaolin, he was told as the son of a South Indian Brahman [5], along by the monks that Bodhidharma was already with a detailed itinerary of his journey that he dead. When the grave was exhumed a single crossed distant mountains and seas before arriving shoe was found. The monks then exclaimed, in Wei. Dàoxuān specifically adds [1] that he first “Master has gone back home” and prostrated arrived at Nan-yueh during the Song period and thrice [10]. came to the Kingdom of Wei [5], which indicates that he had traveled to China by sea, and crossed Yangtze River to reach North where Bodhidharma Teachings of Bodhidharma not only practiced contemplation, but also planted the first seed of the Chan sect in China [9]. The doctrine transmitted by Dharma is known as Dàoxuān’s suggestion that Bodhidharma The Two Entrances and Four Deeds. Whether this arrived in China during the Song suggests that doctrine is really the teaching of Dharma remains he arrived before the fall of Song around 478 C. a matter of dispute. Dharma’s biography by Dao E. [1]. He perhaps did not remain in southern Xuan, however, deals with the doctrine of China for long if his visit to the Yǒngníng temple Bodhidharma, the Biguan, the Four Laws (Si fa), and the period of Seng-fu’s attendance upon him and the Four Actions (Si xing) and the Jing jue’s is taken into consideration. In all probability, he work that says these Four Actions are words of the arrived in Northern Wei about 475 which would Dharma and that the disciple Tánlín combined the put his landing on the Southern Yueh coast about words under the heading “Speeches of Dharma.” the year 470 [11]. It is supposed that Tánlín may be the Lin Fashi of 256 Bodhidharma the Xu gaoseng zhuan which substantially proves Meditation that this theory originated from Bodhidharma. The first of the Two Entrances, Entrance by In the inscription on the memorial tablet of Huike, Reason, means to receive the Law from a Master written by Fa-lin (572–640 C.E.), it is mentioned and believe that all living things have the same Huike served his master Dharma for 9 years, True (Buddha) nature, to meditate on this idea and supporting the legend of Dharma’s 9 years of have unshakable faith in it, become one with it so “wall-gazing” meditation. It further states that that the distinction between oneself and others as during Dharma’s stay in the Shaolin temple on well as between the ordinary and enlightened Mt. Song, he neither lectured on the scriptures person are eliminated, and not to rely completely nor worshiped the images, but sat throughout the on the written word, but to come naturally to truth day with legs crossed facing the wall. The term and dwell peacefully in it. “wall-gazing” denotes here not merely sitting fac- Entrance by reason consists of four so-called ing the wall but rather a Mahāyāna practice of deeds. The deed of the Retribution of Evil means mind tranquilization. The meaning of wall con- adversities come due to the transgressions com- templation includes the idea of the mind in perfect mitted in our past lives. Hence, one should accept calmness and imperturbable tranquillity as them without any feeling of grievance and without a “wall” devoid of defilement and illusion. More- wavering from the path. over, it suggests the qualities of firmness and The Deed of Dependence upon Causation immovability. Tao-hsuan writes: “Mahāyāna implies that beings are ruled solely by their Wall-gazing contains the highest merit.” Dharma Karma and have no permanent unchanging self. was in all probability nicknamed the “Wall-gazing Since, pain and pleasure are produced by the laws Brahman” because he taught this doctrine [4]. of causation, the mind is not carried away by rewards and honors and is perfectly tranquil and will naturally follow the path. The Lan˙ kāvatāra Sūtra The Deed of seeking nothing means that the wise dwell in tranquillity and harmony and seek Early sources explicitly associate Bodhidharma nothing because they understand the true nature of with the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra. , in his biog- all things that is Śūnya. Therefore, wise do not raphy of Bodhidharma’s successor Huike, has the entertain desire like the ignorant who always act Sūtra as a basic and important element of under the grip of greed and desire. Those who the teachings passed down by Bodhidharma. In seek nothing are on the path. the beginning, Bodhidharma handed over the The Deed of practicing the Dharma connotes Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra to Huike and said: “When that all aspects of Dharma possess pure nature and I examine the land of China, it is clear that there are Śūnya. They are free from defilement and is only this sutra. If you rely on it to practice, you attachment and have a nature which transcends will be able to cross over the world” [1]. subject-object discrimination. So, the Dharma This Sūtra emphasizes the doctrine of inner must be practiced on the basis of the principle enlightenment and who has realized this no longer that neither sentient beings nor lifeless matter sees any duality since he has transcended mental possess any permanent unchanging soul. There- discriminations. This realization is made possible fore, one should strive simultaneously for the by the presence of Tathāgatagarbha in everybody. enlightenment of others as well as him and should The Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra also teaches that words are be free from action for personal gain alone. The not necessary for the communication of ideas. In only difference between The Deed of Following some Buddha lands, teachings are transmitted by the Dharma and Entrance by Reason is the former gazing, moving of facial muscles, raising of eye- tends to stress practice and contains the idea of brows, frowning, smiling, and twinkling of eyes. working for the enlightenment of others which is Here one sees a definite affinity between the not mentioned in the latter. Laṅkāvatāra and later Chan practices [2]. Bodhidharma 257

Another early text, the Léngqiéshīzīji of Jìng “building temples and making Buddhist images jué, also mentions Bodhidharma in relation to this bring no merit,” while in later works it was text which refers to the “sitting meditation,” or changed to express that in Buddhism there is Zuochan [8]: For all those who sat in meditation, only “Great Emptiness with nothing holy therein” Master Bodhi[dharma] also offered expositions of [15], which indicates that this legend was devel- B the main portions of the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra col- oped with the passage of time, so its authenticity is lected in a volume bearing the title Teaching of doubtful. The oldest account, Li Dai Fabao ji [Bodhi-]Dharma [5]. In other early texts, the written in 774 C.E., discovered at Tun-huang, Chan School is sometimes referred as the mentions about this interview but it lacks histori- Laṅkāvatāra School (Léngqié zong)[5]. cal authenticity [10]. Later sources dealing with the biographical account of Bodhidharma unanimously claim that The Disciples of Bodhidharma he belonged to a Ks: atriya family and was the third son of the King of Kānchipuram (Xiang-zhi) in In The Two Entrances and Four Deeds and the South India. The teacher of Bodhidharma, Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks, Daoyu according to these records, was Prajnatara of East- and Huike are the only identified disciples ern India, who motivated him to go to China for of Bodhidharma. The Jingdéchuándēnglu of the propagation of Buddhism there. It took him Dàoyuán, however, adds two more names. All 3 years to reach canton. He had the famous inter- the four in the ascending order of understanding view with Emperor Wu of the Liang Dynasty, in are described [3]: Dàofū (attains Bodhidharma’s 527 or 520 A.C., when the emperor could not skin), the nun Dhārani (attains Bodhidharma’s comprehend the true meaning of Bodhidharma’s flesh), Dàoyù (attains Bodhidharma’s bone), and utterances in response to his queries; he left South Huike (attains Bodhidharma’s marrow). The last China and reached the kingdom of Eastern Wei by one later became the Second Patriarch of the Zen crossing the Yangtze River. Later, he met Huike School, who received Dharma’s robes and beg- and accepted him as his chief disciple because the ging bowl, which signifies the conferment of latter had cut off his left hand and placed it before the patriarchate. He based his thought upon the Bodhidharma in order to show his sincere deter- teaching of Dharma called The Two Entrances mination to learn the sacred dharma. A more reli- and Four Deeds and used particularly the able account, however, states that his arm was cut Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra in teaching the idealistic doc- off by some brigands [2]. trine that all things are rooted in the mind. All dualism, according to Huike was the result of erroneous thinking. The Lineage of Chan

The Zen sect gained recognition as an independent Legend of Liang Wu Ti sect at the time of its Sixth Patriarch, Hui-neng. Dharma never called himself or even thought of The biography of Dharma found in the Xu-gao- himself as the founder of the Zen sect. Tradition- seng-zhuan makes no mention of Bodhidharma ally, meditation remained the practical expression meeting with Liang Wu-di. There is a gap of 23 of Buddhism in all phases of early Hinayāna and years between the collapse of the Liu-Song Mahāyāna and considers meditation as the only Dynasty and the enthronement of Emperor Wu way to gain insight into Buddhist experience; in 502. It is simply not possible that Dharma even the Buddha had attained enlightenment stayed for so long in Southern China where the through this practice. In China too, Dhyāna prac- Liang Dynasty ruled. Moreover, concerning the tices were not unknown but they formed an inte- exchange of question and answers, in the accounts gral part of from the very written in a rather early period, the statement was beginning. The biographical literature also 258 Bodhidharma supports this view, by including 21 Dhyāna beginning of the twentieth century from Tun- masters in the Gaoseng zhuan [6], where huang, several have been ascribed to Bodhidharma is not included, while in the contin- Bodhidharma. But, their critical scrutiny proves uation of the biographies of eminent monks, Dao- that they were forged and written by later Zen xuan [4] mentions 135 Dhyāna experts including masters since their contents are contradictory to a few of the close disciples of Bodhidharma. This one another. So, it is very difficult to believe that information confirms the popularity of Dhyāna they were written by the same author [11]. tradition among the Chinese Buddhists. After the Zen Sect was firmly established, the so-called succession of the 28th Patriarchs was invented, Practices and in this succession Dharma was assigned the position of the 28th patriarch of the Dhyāna tra- By judging from the content of his teachings and dition in India in addition to being made the the ascetic way of life and his disciples, it would founder and the First Patriarch of the Chan sect appear that Bodhidharma had based his philoso- in China. phy mainly on the concept of Buddha-nature The Fu fazsang yin yuan jhing or Chuan or (Tathāgatagarbha) in all sentient beings. There- Sutra on the Nidana of Transmitting the fore, he placed the enlightened and the commoner Dharmapitaka [7], a Sanskrit text translated into on the same level, because intrinsically they are Chinese by Ji-Jia ye, give a list of 23 Indian not different. However, no mention is made of the patriarchs, beginning with Mahakasyapa and end- theory of “Sudden Enlightenment,” the hallmark ing with Simha Bhiksu. The tradition was of the teaching of the later patriarchs and their discontinued after his death, because he could disciples. Moreover, the apparently eccentric not find a suitable successor. Qi song, author of ways of teachings adopted by the patriarchs after two of the records, on the contrary, asserted that he Hui-neng, cannot be said to have originated with was really the 28th patriarch in India and refuted Bodhidharma. On the contrary, his emphasis on the authority of this work, though his claim is austerity, self-contentment, self-mortification, the hardly convincing. In fact, Chan growth in popu- curb of desire, the belief in the efficacy of karma, larity during the seventh and eighth centuries stressing on concentration of mind by gazing at attracted criticism that it had no authorized record the wall, and other ascetic trends appear to place of its direct transmission from the founder of him near to Early Buddhist practices than the Buddhism in response to this attack [12] and to Mahāyāna Dhyāna practices which emerged enhance the prestige of their school, Chan histo- after the seventh century C.E. This gives the rians made Bodhidharma the 28th patriarch. impression that, historically, Bodhidharma was a very sober, simple-living, and comparatively lesser known figure than most of his contempo- Writings raries. The so-called list of the six patriarchs known from the beginning of the eighth century Early biographical records by Tánlín and Dao C.E. and later recorded in the Dhyāna literature Xuan do not mention of any work written by written by Qi-song in the eleventh century C.E. Bodhidharma himself. His only teachings of The was missing from the Buddhist historical records. Two Entrances and Four Deeds have come down , the Third Patriarch of the list, was not through the work of his disciple Tánlín. In addi- known to any author of Buddhist biographies. tion to this, the only text he recommended to his Dao Xuan mentions very briefly in his “Biogra- disciples was the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra and did not phies” the names of Dao xin and Hongren as show any interest in any other text. This is the teacher and disciple, but he is silent about their only Mahāyāna text which had some connection being the Fourth and the Fifth Patriarchs of the with the Dhyāna School in its early stages. Chan lineage as was repeatedly claimed by the However, among the works discovered in the later Chan writers [3]. Bodhisatta 259

Martial Arts References

The evolution of Asian martial arts is thought to 1. Broughton JL (1999) The Bodhidharma anthology: have originated around 500 C.E., with the arrival the earliest records of Zen. University of California Press, Berkeley of Bodhidharma in China. Legend has it that he 2. Ch’en, Kenneth KS (1964) Buddhism in China: B taught Indian fighting exercises to the Chinese a historical survey. Princeton University Press, monks to improve their physical condition. All Princeton kung fu is thought to have evolved from this 3. Dao Yuan, Jingde chuandeng lu, T51, No. 2076 4. Daoxuan, Xugaoseng zhuan, T50, no. 2060 beginning, and from kung fu came karate. The 5. Dumoulin H (2005) Zen Buddhism: a history, 1: India three works of martial arts, the Yi-Jin-Jing, the and China. World Wisdom, Bloomington Xi-Sui-Jing, and the Shi Ba Luo Han Shou said 6. Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, T50, No. 2059 to have come down from Bodhidharma, are no 7. Ji Jiaye, Fufazang yin yuan chuan, T50, No. 2058 8. Jing Jue, Lengqie Shizi ji, T85, No. 2837 longer tenable. Even today Bodhidharma is con- 9. Lanciotti L (1949) New historic contribution to the sidered as the symbol of will power, determina- person of Bodhidharma. Artibus Asiae 12(1/ tion, and self-discipline that are very essential in 2):141–144. Artibus Asiae Publishers the martial arts. Though the hard evidence of his 10. Lidai Fabao ji, T51, no. 2075 11. Malasekara GP (1972) Encyclopaedia of Buddhiam, martial arts contributions is entirely lacking, he is vol III, Fascicle 2: Bode-Budalavitthi. Government of still widely and beneficially accepted as the father Ceylon, Sri Lanka of the East Asian Martial Arts [13]. 12. Suzuki DT (1949) Essays in Zen Buddhism. Grove, New York 13. Wilson WE (2010) Biography: Bodhidharma in from Legends of Popularity essays on the Martial Arts. http://www. mineralogicalrecord.com/wilson/karate.asp. Accessed 16 May 2011 Bodhidharma’s legends are widely diffused 14. , Luoyang Qielan ji, T51, No. 2092 among the peoples of the East Asia. He is fre- 15. Yun J (1996) Zutangji, vol 2. Yuehhu Publishing quently portrayed in drawings and in paintings, House, Hunan and his head with its characteristic piercing stare is often represented in ceramics, a symbol for the makers of wallpaper, as is evident from the signs Bodhidruma in front of wallpaper shops. Representations of Dharma are prized as tumbler toys in Japan, ▶ Bodhi Tree China, and Korea. In Japan, where he is popularly known as Taishi Daruma, these tumbler toys are very popular with children and are nicknamed “Little Jumping-up Priests.” In the beginning Bodhīmanda and the end of the year the “Dharma Fair” ˙ ˙ (Dharmaichi) is held at which great numbers of ▶ Bodhagayā these tumblers are sold. There is even a kind of Dharma tumbler called Me-nashi Dharma,in which he has no eyes; these are supposed to be Bodhirukkha painted in when some wish is fulfilled [11].

▶ Bodhi Tree Cross-References

▶ Buddha (Concept) ▶ Dhyāna Bodhisatta ▶ Śūnya ▶ Tathāgatagarbha ▶ Bodhisattva 260 Bodhisattva

Meaning of the Term “Bodhisattva” Bodhisattva The Sanskrit term bodhisattva has been explained C. D. Sebastian in different ways. Bodhi is a Sanskrit verbal noun Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, which in Buddhist context would mean “the state Indian Institute of Technology Bombay, Mumbai, of being Buddha,” or “the quality in of India which one is Buddha, the enlightened one.” Gen- erally “bodhi” would imply “knowledge” or “wisdom.” In other words, bodhi means “enlight- Synonyms enment.” However, the interpretations of the term “sattva” vary. The first meaning of the term Bodhi-being; Bodhisatta; Enlightened being “sattva” is “essence,” or “true essence.” Again, sattva (masculine) may mean “any living being.” Sattva might be a mistakenly Sanskritized form of Definition the Pāli word satta, which corresponds to the Sanskrit word sakta. Bodhisatta in Pāli texts Bodhisattva is an ideal in Mahāyāna Buddhism. seem to mean “a bodhi-being.” Satta does not Bodhisattva is an aspirant of signify a simple ordinary creature, but “a strong (buddhatva) who works for the enlightenment of man” or “valiant hero.” A Bodhisattva is the one all sentient beings in contrast to that of one’s own who will certainly become a Buddha (the enlight- emancipation of the Arhat (an ideal in non- ened one) (see ▶ Buddha (Concept)), as the state Mahāyāna traditions). of being enlightened is essential to the concept. In that sense, the term Bodhisattva would also mean that the one whose being (sattva) is knowledge, Introduction wisdom, or even enlightenment (bodhi)[2].

Bodhisattva (Pāli Bodhisatta) literally means an “enlightened being.” Bodhisattva is an ideal in Origin Mahāyāna (see ▶ Mahāyāna)Buddhism.Bodhi- sattva is an aspirant of Buddhahood (buddhatva) The idea of “Bodhisattva” is accepted not only by who works for the enlightenment of all sentient Mahāyāna, but by “all Buddhist traditions” [3]. beings in contrast to that of one’s own emancipa- Bodhisattva is the one who has taken a vow to tion of the Arhat (an ideal in non-Mahāyāna tradi- help all beings to end the sufferings and to follow tions). There is also a view presented in some the path to Buddhahood as long as all are saved Mahāyāna texts that Bodhisattva is a person who [4]. The Mahāyāna is also termed as Bodhisattva is entitled to enter into final nirvāṇa, but postpones path, because the Bodhisattva path is central to the personal liberation in favor of a compassionate Mahāyāna self-understanding. As Indian scholars effort to help all sentient beings to attain perfect like D. Barua argued, in fact, much of the Bud- enlightenment. Motivated by infinite compassion dhist narrative literature composed in the early (mahākaruṇā)(see▶ Karuṇā) and guided by post-Aśokan (see ▶ Aśoka) period (like , highest wisdom (prajn˜ā), a Bodhisattva undertakes Buddhavaṁs´a,andCaryāpiṭaka) contains ele- a praṇidhāna (making a formal vow) to attain ments of proto-Mahāyāna or proto-Bodhisattva perfect enlightenment for the sake of all sentient path [5]. The illustration of the Buddha’s former beings. According to Śāntideva, a Bodhisattva is lives, which is the nothing but the Bodhisattva one who has generated bodhicitta (“awakening career of Śākyamuni Buddha in his previous mind” or “desire for enlightenment”)toworkfor lives, contributed to the mounting significance of the benefit of others till all attain Buddhahood [1]. the Bodhisattva path equally in non-Mahāyāna Bodhisattva 261 and Mahāyāna circles, possibly, almost concur- modern interpretations of this ideal seem to por- rently [6]. tray an egalitarian view of gender. However, the development of Bodhisattva ideal A Bodhisattva is the one who denounces the per se is a matter of dispute. The opinion of Har spiritual egoism and is always active for the well- Dayal, who in the second quarter of the twentieth being of all the sentient beings. The Mahāyāna B century, made a noteworthy contribution on the authors popularized the Bodhisattva ideal, and doctrine of Bodhisattva in the Sanskrit texts of they presented some critiques of the arhat ideal Buddhism, is considerable. According to him, the of non-Mahāyāna traditions. By stressing the early Buddhism imparted an ideal of Arhat.An altruism of the Bodhisattva they, in their polemics, Arhat was a liberated being, and he would not be presented the arhat as an inferior ideal. In the reborn. He attained final emancipation. He was Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasūtra (the Lotus Sūtra), the secluded but zealous who went forth as Bodhisattva path is called as ekayāna (“the only a preacher and taught the doctrine of Buddha to vehicle” or “the one vehicle”) signifying all other the people. Such was the great ideal of the Arhat,as paths (like s´ravakayāna, prateyka-buddhayāna) it was understood during the three centuries after are not important paths to Buddhist goal [12]. the death of the Buddha. But the Buddhist monks, In non-Mahāyāna texts, the accounts of Bodhi- it seems, began to neglect certain important aspects sattva’s career are “descriptive” (extolling the their life to work for the liberation of others, but great acts of great ones in the past), whereas in sought for their personal liberation. They became the Mahāyāna literature they become “prescrip- indifferent to the great command of Buddha in tive” (exhorting all to take upon themselves the fulfilling the obligation of teaching and helping vow of Bodhisattva and attain Buddhahood) [13]. all sentient beings. In all probability, the Bodhi- The Bodhisttva doctrine was modified in its essen- sattva doctrine was promulgated by some earnest tial features in the course of several centuries, and diligent Buddhist leaders as a protest against from the second century B.C. to the seventh this lack of true spiritual vehemence and altruism century A.D. In the early Mahāyāna texts, among monastic followers of Buddha. There must the Bodhiasttvas are inferior and subordinate to have been a propensity toward spiritual selfishness the Buddhas; but they acquire greater importance among the monks. Besides the ideal of Arhat,the in the course of time, and they are, at last, regarded singular ideal of a pratyeka-budda also evolved as equal to the Buddhas in many respects. The during the early centuries. Most probably, the cults of Bodhisattvas along with Buddhas began Bodhisattva ideal was taught in order to counter right from the early centuries. And there are two this tendency to a cloistered, quiet, and inactive aspects of the cult of Bodhisattvas: a devotional monastic life [7, 8]. one for the majority of believers, and a practical The Bodhisattva path was open to all: men and one for those who aim to follow the Bodhisattva women, the reclusive, and the . One of the career. The Prajn˜āpāramitā literature is mostly early texts named Vimalakīrtinirdes´asūtra, concerned with the latter, for it is evidently taught Vimalakīrti, a layman, explains to the Bodhisattva in these texts that the path toward eventual Bud- Mañjuśrī (see ▶ Mañjuśrī) how a Bodhisattva dhahood is accessible to all. could live in a world without being attached to it. But some texts like the Ugraparipṛccha Bodhicitta and the Commencement of asserted that monastic life was more favorable Bodhisattva Career to the path of the Bodhisattva [9]. The The exact commencing of the Bodhisattva career is Śiksāsamuccaya of Śāntideva also advocated an authentic awareness and determination to attain monastic lifestyle, rather than lay, for the Bodhi- Buddhahood by changing the orientation from self- sattvas. Thus, it is seen in the Mahāyāna texts, in concern to the concerns for other beings, which is most cases, the Bodhisattva ideal was envisaged called bodhicitta (see ▶ Bodhicitta). The expres- for men and the monastics [10, 11], though sion bodhicitta has been translated as “thought of 262 Bodhisattva enlightenment,” the “desire for enlightenment,” or (kalyāṇamitra) is on the way to attain complete “enlightenment-consciousness.” In Sanskrit texts bodhi (enlightenment). In the Madhyamakāvatāra of Mahāyāna tradition, the term has the meaning there is a mention of a pre-Bodhisattva stage of a determination or commitment to attain Bud- called Adhimukti-caryābhūmi. In this stage dhahood. In some other texts, it is presented as an a being is fit to enter the first of the ten ethical altruistic motive of the Bodhisattva. In chap- bhūmis as he develops bodhicitta. In the ter one of Śāntideva’s Bodhicaryāvatāra, there is Bodhisattvabhūmi, there is a more overt reference a mention of twofold significance of bodhicitta: to this pre-Bodhisattva stage, and it is called as (1) the mind having made a resolve for bodhi Prakṛti-caryā, which has two stages, namely, (bodhi-praṇidhi-citta) and (2) the actual proceed- Gotra-vihāra (in it, a being is abiding in the ing toward bodhi (bodhi-prasthāna-citta). In this realm of the good qualities of the noble lineage) sense, bodhicitta is first an aspiration for enlighten- and Adhimukti-caryā-vihāra (in it, a being is ment, and then making of the efforts to its aspiring to develop bodhicitta). In the Das´ attainment. Bodhicitta, if one takes the fundamental abhūmikasūtra, however, there is no direct men- view of all the Sanskrit Buddhist texts, means the tion of such a stage, but there is reference to the vow or aspiration of a being to become a Buddha qualities needed in the pre-Bodhisattva stage [15]. and to acquire all the qualities and powers of a Buddha [14]. (a) Pāramitā (Perfections): The Bodhisattva career begins with bodhicitta and the vow of Bodhisattva Path the Bodhisattva. A Bodhisattva must practice When a being attains bodhicitta in aiming for full the perfections called as the pāramitās. Buddhahood, as the perfection of wisdom Pāramitā is central to Mahāyāna Buddhism, (prajn˜ā) and compassion (karuṇā), the supreme and it has been translated as “transcendental state most suitable for benefitting others, the virtue,”“perfect virtue,” and “highest perfec- Bodhisattva begins his career. The very being of tion.” The term pāramitā, occurring in the a Bodhisattva is to work for the welfare of others. later writings of Buddhism, means “the The Bodhisattva’s vow to attain Buddhahood highest-ness” or “the excellent-ness.” Based thereby dedicating his efforts to help all other on a passage of the Bodhisattvabhūmi,asitis sentient beings makes him placed on the Bodhi- shown by some scholars, pāramitā comes sattva path. This path was exalted as superior from the Sanskrit adjective parama (the practice, and with this the Mahāyāna got distin- highest) and the suffix tā (a suffix used in guished itself from other Buddhist paths. The Sanskrit to transform nouns and adjectives Bodhisattva path eventually came to comprise into abstract substantives. There is another the cultivation of ṣaḍ-pāramitās (six perfections) view that the term pāramitā is derived from (see ▶ Pāramitā). Śāntideva’s Bodhicaryāvatāra the Sanskrit prefix pāram which denotes “the (eighth century A.D.) is a classic account on the other side” or “beyond” of something. Bodhisattva path, which begins with the descrip- Pāramitā is used in the sense of a tion of bodhicitta. In addition to the ṣaḍ- “Bodhisattva-caryā,” that is, a “conduct by pāramitās, the ten bhūmis also became part of which one has attained to the other side” Bodhisattva path. The account of the ten bodhi- (here the “other side” is termed as “pāram,” sattva-bhūmi is, in a way, a demonstration of the which is Buddha-hood). The term pāramitā, duration and seriousness of Bodhisattva path. as Bodhisattva-caryā, has been used with ref- It is found very often in the Prajn˜āpāramita erence to six pāramitās. literature and other Mahāyāna sources that a being The six pāramitās are the principal fac- who has done meritorious acts (avaropita-kus´ala- tors in a Bodhisattva’s discipline. The origin mūla), attained eligibility by serving several pre- of the sixfold formula of the pāramitās is from ceding Buddhas (pūrva-jina-kṛtādhikāra), and the early Buddhist triple aspects of discipline, had many well-wishing spiritual friends/guides namely, virtuous conduct (s´īla), concentration Bodhisattva 263

(samādhi), and wisdom (prajn˜ā). They are practices them. All the -vihāras were also called as the three s´ikṣās (or the branches emphasized and inculcated with great zeal, of instruction). The six pāramitās are: and karuṇā was chosen as the most important (1) Dāna: giving, generosity, charity, or liber- among them, with the honorific title mahā ality. (2) Śī la: virtuous conduct, morality, getting prefixed to it (mahākaruṇā)[17, 18]. B spiritual discipline, or righteousness. (c) Daśa-bhūmi (Ten Stages in the Bodhi- (3) Kṣānti: forbearance, patience, or endur- sattva’s Spiritual Progress): A Bodhisattva ance. (4) Vīryā: energy/vigor. (5) Dhyāna: at the completion of six perfections (ṣaḍ- rapt musing or meditation. (6) Prajn˜ā: pāramitā) starts the spiritual advancement as wisdom. In due course, four more perfections designated in the ten bhūmis. The bhūmis are were added to the list of the six perfections to not physical planes of existence, but stages of make them ten pāramitās whereby some cor- spiritual progress of a Bodhisattva. In relation was established with the ten Bodhi- Mahāyāna literature, there are a number of sattva-bhūmis. The additional four texts which deal with the bhūmis. The most perfections are: (7) Upāya or upāya-kaus´ important text is the Das´abhūmikasūtra, alya: skillful means. (8) Praṇidhāna: aspira- which treats mainly the bhūmis. The next tion, resolution, or vow. (9) Bala: power, important texts are the Bodhisattvabhūmi strength. (10) Jn˜āna: knowledge. The formula and the Madhyamakāvatāra. The other of six perfections (ṣaḍ-pāramitā) was devel- works which incorporate a subsidiary treat- oped following a procedure of assortment and ment of the bhūmis are the Lankāvatārasūtra experimentation, and it became the standard and the Mahāyānasūtrālaṁkāra. The Śata- list. The Bodhisattva practices these sāhasrikā Prajn˜ā-pāramitā and the Pan˜ca- pāramitās as they form a fundamental part of viṁs´ati-sāhasrikā Prajn˜ā-pāramitā devote Bodhisattva discipline. a chapter exclusively for the treatment of the (b) Brahmavihāra: (see ▶ Brahmavihāra). bhūmis. A Bodhisattva practices the six or ten pāramitās (perfections). In the list of The conception of bhūmis appeared early in the pāramitās, the fifth is Dhyāna or meditation, history of Buddhism. In the Mahāvastu, the ten and the brahma-vihāras comprise the essence bhūmis are listed but they differ totally from those of Dhyāna. A bodhisattva or anyone who given in other Mahāyāna texts mentioned above. practices the six perfections should practice The ten bhūmis are: (1) Pramuditā (Joyous the four called the brahma- Stage), (2) Vimalā (Immaculate Stage), vihāras. They are also called as brāhmya- (3) Prabhākarī (Stage of Illumination), vihāra [16] and translated as “sublime or (4) Arciṣmatī (Radiant Stage), (5) Sudurjayā divine states of mind,”“pious conduct,”“per- (Hard to Win Stage), (6) Abhimukhī (Turning to fect states,”“excellent states,”“God-moods,” Enlightenment Stage), (7) Dūraṁgamā (Far “divine states,” and “the highest condition.” Going Stage), (8) Acalā (Immovable Stage), The four brahma-vihāras are: (1) love or (9) Sādhumatī (Good Thoughts Stage), and friendliness (maitrī), (2) compassion (10) Dharma-meghā (Dharma Cloud Stage) [19]. (karuṇā), (3) sympathetic joy (muditā), and There are some modern scholars who argue (4) equanimity or impartiality (upekṣā or that Bodhisattva is not a doctrine, but it is upekkhā). This set of four virtues is meant to a practice. The Bodhisattvas are distinguished by regulate one’s attitude to others and these practice, and this practice is a “means,” and the virtues speak of the social emotions in Bud- main “means” is the bodhicitta (thought of dhism. These four states are for one’s personal enlightenment). This bodhcitta is the door to spiritual growth as well. The Mahāvastu Mahāyāna path. The person who enters this path exalts the brahma-vihāras to such an extent must generate bodicitta with a double aim: Bud- that it promises nirvāṇa to the person who dhahood for oneself and others. 264 Bodhisattva

Prajñā, Karunā, and Altruism When a Bodhisattva cultivates the attitude of ˙ A Bodhisattva possesses the double endowment regarding others as equal to himself, he gets rid of prajn˜ā and mahākaruṇā or the highest wisdom his egoism and selfishness. He feels the joys and and great compassion. They are known also as sorrows of others as his own. He is also always Jn˜āna-sambhāra and Puṇya-sambhāra, or the ready to exchange his happiness for the miseries of equipments of knowledge and merit. Prajn˜ā is others. He returns good for evil. He helps and loves the highest and with this one attains bodhi or those have injured him. In the texts like the enlightenment. Prajn˜ā is to be regarded as Gaṇḍavyūhasūtra, the Bodhisattva is even consisting of the “intuition” or nirvikalpa-jn˜āna presented as a wonder worker with magical powers (the nondiscriminating wisdom) and nirvikalpa- to help other beings [21]. pṛṣṭhalabdha-jn˜ānā (the wisdom obtained just The altruistic characteristic makes a being after the nondiscriminating wisdom). Bodhi (Bud- a Bodhisattva, and it was “basis of the bodhisattva dha’s wisdom and enlightenment) is equivalent to ideal” [22]. He does not look for his personal prajn˜ā, that is, the wisdom which enables one to liberation alone, but he strives to make everyone have unerring judgments and conducts in this attain the final freedom of Buddhahood. There is world. Mañjuśrī represents prajn˜ā in Mahāyāna a wonderful communitarian or universal outlook literature. In the early Mahāyāna, wisdom is con- in all what a Bodhisattva does. The altruism of the sidered to be somewhat more important than com- Bodhisattva is so sublime and noble that he even passion. Mañjuśrī is invoked in the opening forgets about himself. The Bodhicaryāvatāra verses of several Mahāyāna treatises. The glorifi- highlights the altruistic determination of cation of wisdom reaches its zenith in the writings a Bodhisattva in this way: of the Mādhyamika (see ▶ Mādhyamika) school ā ā May I be the protector of the helpless! of Buddhist philosophy. But the later Mah y na May I be the guide of wayfarers! May I be like emphasizes compassion (karuṇā) more than a boat, a bridge, a causeway for all who wish to wisdom. It is emotional rather than argumentative. cross a stream! May I be a lamp for all who need ś a lamp! May I be a servant for all who want service! Avalokite vara represents the great compassion in ā ṇ fi ā ā ṇā ā ṇā May I be a cint -ma i (wish ful lling gem) for all Mah y na literature. Karu or mah -karu is creatures, a bhadra-ghaṭa (pot of fortune) and an attribute of a Bodhisattva and a perfect Bud- a potent medicinal herb! May I be for them dha. A Bodhisattva shows his karuṇā mainly by a -vṛkṣa (wish fulfilling tree) and a kāma- resolving to suffer and endure the torments and dhenu (cow that yields all that one desires) (Bodhicaryāvatāra 3:17–19). agonies of the horrible purgatories for ages in order to escort all beings into bodhi. Cultivation of karuṇā is an essential aspect of the Bodhisattva The Philosophical Bedrock of Bodhisattva path. One gives thought to the experiences of Ideal diverse sufferings of the sentient beings. When The philosophical bedrock of bodhisattva ideal one contemplates the sufferings of others, it is the concept of Tathāgata-garbha (see amounts to cause of arousing compassion. The ▶ Tathāgatagarbha). Tathāgata-garbha is an Bodhissttvabhūmi declares them lengthily as the important Mahāyāna principle or doctrine which 110 sufferings that are meditative objects of com- explains that all living beings possess the essence passion. One may also know by this arousing of (garbha) of Buddha. According to the doctrine of great compassion the standard for arising of the Tathāgata-garbha, all beings possess a core nature, great love (mahāmaitrī)[20]. which is basically pure and luminous with The Buddhists writers have not only praised qualities of openness, clarity, and sensitivity. karuṇā, but also have attempted to analyze and Tathāgata-garbha or the essence of Buddha explain it philosophically. Karuṇa of the Bodhi- might be in an obscured form in the living beings, sattva could be seen in two ways: It consists in but it exists very much in every sentient being. realizing the equality of oneself and others and Thus all beings are potential Buddhas, or all beings also practicing the substitution of others for oneself. will attain Buddhahood one day. Tathāgata-garbha Bodhisattva 265 is termed in English as “Buddha-matrix,”“essence of as “Pure Land” in . This is of Buddha” and “Buddha-nature.” a kṣetra (domain) which a Bodhisattva prepares or All beings are, thus, identical with Buddha; purifies for the sentient beings through his own and bodhi (enlightenment) is implicit in them, efforts [24]. but it has to be realized by spiritual discipline of B Bodhisattva path. This is an encouraging ideal of Bodhisattva’s Postponement of Nirvāna and ˙ the unity of all beings as Buddha or in the Buddha. Other Models The Bodhisattva helps the beings to realize their There is a debate in modern Buddhist scholarship real Buddha nature or Tathāgata-garbha. about the postponement model of nirvāṇa by the A Bodhisattva has got the highest wisdom Bodhisattvas. A few of the modern scholars find (prajn˜ā) and he is fully enlightened in this the postponement model to be quite at odd. They regard. All are one in Buddha, for all the sentient argue that such a teaching appears to be incoher- beings possess the essence of Buddhahood ent, and holds a claim that someway a Buddha (Sarva sattvās-tathāgata-garbhāḥ). It is the all- must be wanting in compassion when compared embracing ground of Buddhahood. It pervades with a Bodhisattva, as a Bodhisattva postpones everything and moves everything. In it all beings nirvāṇa in his compassion for the sentient beings are united. [25]. However, such expressions do occur in The Bodhisattva ideal has got its basis on the Mahāyāna sūtras and s´āstras about Bodhisattvas theory of Tathāgata-garbha. Logically speaking, avoiding, rather postponing, their eligible final if all the sentient beings do not possess the entry into nirvāṇa with the intention of continuing Tathāgata-garbha, then the path of a Bodhisattva to work for all sentient beings till all reach final who tries to help all beings reach bodhi would be Buddhahood [26, 27]. The goal of a Bodhisattva is ineffective and his work would be a futile attempt. nothing less than the liberation of all sentient It is owing to the presence of Tathāgata-garbha beings, bringing each and every being to that he perceives the unity of all beings. His Buddhahood. expression of mahā-karuṇā is due to his realiza- There are also different models of Bodhisattva tion of Tathāgata-garbha. He realizes the advaya ideal presented in different texts. The (tā) (non-duality) between him and other living Saddharma-puṇḍarīka-sūtra emphasizes the beings. The essence of this consists in the inner devotion, service, and bodily sacrifices of realization of unity of all beings and the utter the Bodhisattva to the Buddhas, whereas the lon- negation of egoism [23]. ger Sukhāvati-vyūha gives importance to the vow of the Bodhisattva to help and save all sentient Bodhisattva and Buddhaksetra beings. The Vimalakīrti-nirdes´a depicts the abil- ˙ The concept of buddhakṣetra is important in the ity of a to follow the Boddhisattva doctrine of Bodhisattva. Buddhakṣetra means path. The Pan˜ca-viṁs´ati-sāhasrikā-prajn˜ā- “Buddha field,”“Buddha land,” or a “Buddha pāramitā-sūtra presents the ideal of Bodhisattva domain” denoting the area or space where by his teaching and making other beings to mature a Buddha has his spiritual control. It is not merely and establish themselves in beneficial practices to a place where the Buddha has come about. The attain Buddhahood. Here the Bodhisattva does not Saddharmapuṇḍarīka contains predictions about benefit anything personally from his service to many future Buddhas and their buddhakṣetras. others. The Aṣṭasāhasrikā-prajn˜ā-pāramitā-sūtra, A buddhakṣetra consists of many worlds with on the other hand, presents a reciprocal benefit: The heavens, purgatories, earths, devas, , Bodhisattva as well as other beings benefitfromhis humans, and animals. During his Bodhisattva act [28]. career, the future Buddha would purify his buddhakṣetra, which is the result of his career as Prominent Bodhisattvas Bodhisattva – a career of highest wisdom and Avalokiteśvara: Avalokiteśvara is, conceivably, great compassion. Such a buddhakṣetra is spoken the most popular of all Mahāyāna Bodhisattvas. 266 Bodhisattva

He is seen as the most compassionate savior of the Cross-References universe. He is compassion-incarnate who is concerned with every bit of sufferings of all ▶ Aśoka beings in their everyday life. He is a divine ▶ Bodhicitta being to whom one can pray for help and conso- ▶ Brahmavihāra lation. The Saddharamapuṇḍarīka presents him ▶ Buddha (Concept) performing heroic deeds of compassion. One of ▶ Ethics (Buddhism) the other main texts on Avalokiśvara is the ▶ Karuṇā Kāraṇḍavyūha which is entirely devoted to ▶ Mādhyamika recounting and praising his miraculous deeds, ▶ Mahāyāna even descending into hell in order to save the ▶ Mañjuśrī suffering beings in the hell. He is praised as hav- ▶ Pāramitā ing 1,000 arms and 11 heads, signifying his help- ▶ Tathāgatagarbha ing all-pervading presence all over the universe. ▶ Vijñānavāda Mañjuśrī: Mañjuśrī is the Bodhisattva of wisdom ▶ Yogācāra and enlightenment. He is associated with the role of interlocutor on the questions regarding ultimate truth. Tārā: The feminine aspect of compassion is References seen in Tārā of Tibetan Buddhism. Like Avalokiśvara, out of great compassion, she helps 1. Śāntideva, Crossby K, Skilton A (tr) (1998) The ā ā beings in their needs. Specifically she is said to Bodhicary vat ra. Oxford University Press, Oxford, Chapters 1 and 3 save beings from eight fears: lions, elephants, 2. Dayal H (1970) The Bodhisattva doctrine in Buddhist fires, snakes, bandits, captivity, shipwreck, and Sanskrit literature. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, demons. Kṣitigarbha: Another important Bodhi- pp 4–29 sattva in Indo-Tibetan Buddhism is Kṣitigarbha. 3. Williams P, Tribe A (2000) Buddhist thought: ṣ ū a complete introduction to the Indian tradition. According to the Das´acakra-k itigarbha S tra, Routledge, London/New York, p 137 Kṣitigarbha saves the sentient beings during the 4. Śāntideva, Crossby K, Skilton A (tr) (1998) The period between the death of Śākyamuni Buddha Bodhicaryāvatāra 10: 55. Oxford University Press, and the future advent of Maitreya Buddha. He Oxford, p 143 5. Barua D (1946) Buddhakhetta in the Apadāna. In: helps the dead and the dying to reach a higher Bhandarkar DR et al (eds) B. C. Law volume, part 2. state. Some authors opine that “Kṣitigarbha was The Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, either a minor figure or had only nominal exis- pp 183–190 tence in Indian Buddhism” [29]. Maitreya: 6. Boucher D (2008) Bodhisattvas of the forest and the formation of the Mahāyāna. University of Hawaii Maitreya is the future Buddha. The idea is that Press, Honolulu, pp 20–39 there were many previous Buddhas, and there will 7. Dayal H (1970) The Bodhisattva doctrine in Buddhist be many future Buddhas. If there will be future Sanskrit literature. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, – Buddhas, then the being who is to come next as pp 30 49 8. Kalupahana D (1976) Buddhist philosophy: the Buddha must be the one who has advanced on a historical analysis. University of Hawaii Press, his Bodhisattva path. That being is Maitreya. Honolulu, pp 125–126 Maitreya is the only Bodhisattva accepted by 9. Nattier J (2003) A few good men: the Bodhisattva path ṛ ā both Mahāyāna and non-Mahāyāna traditions. according to the inquiry of Ugra (Ugraparip cch ). University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu Other prominent Bodhisattvas mentioned in the 10. Mrozik S (2007) Virtuous bodies: the physical dimen- Buddhist Sanskrit literature are , sion of morality in . Oxford University Gagaṇa-ganja, Vajra-pāṇi, Vajra-garbha, Sarva- Press, Oxford, pp 4–5 nirvāṇa-viṣkambhī, Kha-garbha, Vyūha-rāja, 11. Harrison P (1987) Who gets to ride the great vehicle? ā – Self-image and identity among the followers of the Indra-j li, and Ratna-garbha [30 32]. early Mahāyāna. J Int Assoc Buddh Stud 10:67–89 Book of the Longer Sayings 267

12. Berkwitz SC (2010) South Asian Buddhism. 31. Prebish CS, Keown D (2006) Introducing Buddhism. Routledge, London/New York, pp 81–86 Routledge, New York/London, pp 101–105, 187 13. Williams P, Tribe A (2000) Buddhist thought: 32. Zhiru (2007) The making of a savior bodhisattva. a complete introduction to the Indian tradition. University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu, pp 160–162, Routledge, London/New York, p 138 230–232 14. Brassard F (2000) The concept of Bodhicitta in B Śāntideva’s Bodhicaryāvatāra. State University of New York Press, Albany 15. Dutt N (1973) Mahāyāna Buddhism. Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, pp 92–97 Bodhitara 16. Das SC, Śāstri SC (ed) (1898) Karunā-puṇḍarīka 114: 30. Buddhist Text Society, Calcutta ▶ 17. Sebastian CD (2006) The four brahmavihāras of Bud- Bodhidharma dhism: the cardinal virtues. Jnanatirtha Int J Sacred Scr VI:25–35 18. Dayal H (1970) The Bodhisattva doctrine in Buddhist Sanskrit literature. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, Bodhivrksa pp 153–155, 178–181, 225–229 ˙ ˙ 19. Dutt N (1973) Mahāyāna Buddhism. Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, pp 86–140 ▶ Bodhi Tree 20. Tsong-kha-pa, Wayman A (tr) (1991) Ethics of Tibet: Bodhisattva section of Tsong-kha-pa’s Lam rim chen mo. State University of New York Press, Albany, pp 38–57 21. Gomez LO (1977) The bodhisattva as wonder worker. Boodh Gayā In: Lancaster L (ed) Prajñāpāramitā and related sys- tems, Berkeley Buddhist Studies series. University of ▶ ā California, Berkley, pp 221–261 Bodhagay 22. Kalupahana DJ (1976) Buddhist philosophy: a historical analysis. University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu, p 126 23. Sebastian CD (2008) Metaphysics and ethics in Maha- Buddhism: cogitations on the conception of Book of Causal Relationships Tathāgatagarbha. In: Sebastian CD (ed) Recent researches in Buddhist studies. Sri Satguru, Delhi, ▶ Paṭṭhāna pp 244–276 24. Williams P (2009) Mahāyāna Buddhism: the doctrinal foundations, 2nd edn. Routledge, London/New York, pp 214–218 25. Williams P (2009) Mahāyāna Buddhism: the doctrinal Book of Causes foundations, 2nd edn. Routledge, London/New York, pp 58–62 26. Dayal H (1970) The Bodhisattva doctrine in Buddhist ▶ Paṭṭhāna Sanskrit literature. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 14–18 27. Makransky JJ (1997) Buddhahood embodied: sources of controversy in India and Tibet. State University of New York Press, Albany, pp 336–345 Book of the Kindred Sayings 28. Lethcoe NR (1977) The bodhisattva ideal in the Aṣṭa and ˜ ˜ā ā ā ū Panca Prajn p ramit S tras. In: Lancaster L (ed) ▶ Saṃyutta Nikāya Prajñāpāramitā and related systems, Berkeley Buddhist Studies series. University of California, Berkley, pp 263–280 29. Zhiru (2007) The making of a savior bodhisattva. University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu, p 8 Book of the Longer Sayings 30. Williams P (2009) Mahāyāna Buddhism: the doctrinal foundations, 2nd edn. Routledge, London/New York, pp 218–231 ▶ Dīgha Nikāya 268 Botaśrī-Parvata ˙

in contemporary society, this discourse explains, Botaśrī-Parvata tongue-in-cheek, how the idea of a creator god ˙ came into being. This explanation is based on the ▶ Sāñcī ancient Indian cosmological conception of the world system going through repeated cycles of dissolution and evolution. Once a period of disso- lution is over, the discourse reports, the Brahmā Brahmā world reappears, and a particular being, in accor- dance with its merits, will be reborn in this world. Bhikkhu Anālayo This being at some point begins to feel lonely and Center for Buddhist Studies, University of develops a wish for company. In due course of Hamburg, Balve, Germany time, other beings are also reborn in this Brahmā world, again in accordance with their merits. What happens now, however, is that the being Definition that arose first in the Brahmā world thinks that his wish for company was the cause for those In early Buddhist thought, the ancient Indian god other beings to come to the Brahmā world. This Brahmā appears in two complementary ways. In mistaken idea then becomes the basis for the first some passages, a Brahmā’s claim to being an all- being’s claim to having created the others, a claim knowing and eternal god are satirized, while in those other beings accept as fact and truth. Hence, others a Brahmā by the name of Sahampati is according to this discourse, the assumption of shown to act as a faithful Buddhist disciple. a creator god is merely the outcome of a deluded Brahmā’s belief that beings arose in his realm in compliance to his wish for company. Inclusivism In another discourse a Brahmā called Baka, who claims to be eternal, features as the protago- The attitude of early Buddhist texts toward the nist of an encounter with the Buddha. Baka’s denizens of the ancient Indian pantheon forms claim is challenged by the Buddha, a challenge part of a mode of thought that scholars have that culminates in a contest between the two. In termed “inclusivism.” Inclusivism here stands this contest, each of the two tries to manifest their for a tendency to include, albeit in a subordinate respective power in a celestial version of “hide position and at times with some significant mod- and seek,” that is, each attempts to vanish from the ifications, important elements of rival institutions other’s sight. While Baka fails to go beyond the or movements into the framework of one’s own Buddha’s range of vision, the Buddha completely way of presentation. The role of Brahmā in early disappears from the sight of Baka and his heav- Buddhist texts – or more precisely of Brahmās, as enly assembly ([5], Vol. I, p. 330). Having Buddhist texts reflect a plurality of manifestations shattered Brahmā’s belief to be endowed with of the ancient Indian god Brahmā – is a typical supreme power, the Buddha points out that, how- example for the way this tendency functions. ever long Baka’s present life span as a Brahmā may be, his claim to being eternal is simply a matter of being deluded. Brahmā Satirized Another discourse introduces a Brahmā who thinks he is of such superior might that no one is The tendency to poke fun at Brahmā, in the way able to reach his realm. His complacent belief is he was apparently conceived of in ancient Indian shattered by the Buddha and several of his disci- religious thought, can be seen right away in the ples, who not only visit his realm but even man- first discourse in the first Pāli Nikāya ([1], Vol. I, ifest themselves on fire while seated in the air p. 17). As part of an analysis of various views held above this Brahmā ([2], Vol. I, p. 144). Brahmā 269

Even the great Mahābrahmā finds himself chal- experienced by a schismatic disciple ([2], Vol. I, lenged by a Buddhist monk, demanding an p. 153) or of the death of a follower of this schis- answer to the ageless question of what transcends matic ([2], Vol. I, p. 151 and [3], Vol. V, p. 172). the world, formulated in terms of where the four On another occasion he intervenes in order to elements of earth, water, fire, and wind cease reconcile the Buddha with a group of unruly B without remainder ([1], Vol. I, p. 221). The monks ([5], Vol. I, p. 458). monk in search of such transcendence had already His role as an advocate of Buddhism acquires proceeded through a range of different celestial a rather comical dimension in one discourse, realms recognized in ancient Indian cosmology. which describes a lady making daily oblations to His inquiry remained unanswered, since the Brahmā ([2], Vol. I, p. 141). Her devotions have inhabitants of each realm directed him onward to the glorious outcome that Brahmā Sahampati the next realm for a reply to his query. When he himself appears in mid air in her dwelling and finally reaches the presence of the great Brahmā, even addresses her in verse. Yet, the verses the answer he receives is that Mahābrahmā, Sahampati speaks come as an anticlimax to this being the omnipotent creator and lord, knows situation, since he tells her to take the food offered everything. regularly to him and instead give it to her son, who The monk is not satisfied with this grandiose had become a Buddhist monk and was just then declaration and insists on being given a proper outside her house begging his daily . reply to his question. Realizing that he is not able Brahmā Sahampati’s keen interest in and sup- to get around this inquisitive monk, the great port for Buddhism acquires some background in Brahmā takes him aside and confides that he actu- another discourse, according to which in the long ally also does not know a reply to this answer, but distant past he had been a monk during the time of cannot admit this in public in order to avoid upset- the former Buddha Kassapa ([2], Vol. V, p. 233). In ting the other gods. If the monk really wants to find this discourse, Sahampati states that practicing an answer to this question, Mahābrahmā indicates, under the former Buddha Kassapa he had over- he should rather go back and ask the Buddha. come sensuality and reached rebirth in the Brahmā world. The same discourse also reports Sahampati applauding the dictum that the development of the Brahmā Sahampati five mental faculties, indriya,ofconfidence or faith, energy, mindfulness, concentration, and Besides the satirical attitude toward Brahmās who wisdom leads to the deathless, proclaiming that claim to be eternal and omniscient creators evi- he himself knew and saw this to be so. The expres- dent in the above passages, the early Buddhist sions used in the discourse indicate that Sahampati discourses also feature a Brahmā in the role of is speaking from the perspective of one who has a Buddhist disciple. This Brahmā by the name of himself experienced the deathless. This implies Sahampati visits the Buddha on several occasions that, according to this discourse, at the time of the in order to express his approval of central Bud- former Buddha Kassapa, Sahampati had become dhist teachings ([2], Vol. V, pp. 167, 185, 232), to a non-returner, one who has reached the third of the support the Buddha’s decision to honor the four levels of awakening recognized in early Dharma ([2], Vol. I, p. 139 and [3], Vol. II, Buddhism. This conclusion finds confirmation in p. 20), or to extol the life of a seriously practicing aPāli commentary ([4], Vol. II, p. 476). monk ([2], Vol. I, p. 154). Sahampati is also pre- With Brahmā Sahampati being a non-returner, sent at the time of the Buddha’s passing away, his role as someone who throughout the Buddha’s pronouncing a verse suitable to the occasion ministry does what he can in order to further the ([1], Vol. II, p. 157 and [2], Vol. I, p. 158). Other growth and continuity of the Buddha’s dispensa- instances show him taking a close interest in the tion becomes quite intelligible. His role in this welfare of the Buddhist order, such as when he respect is particularly prominent in the Buddha’s informs the Buddha of the evil consequences to be autobiographical account of his own awakening. 270 Brahmavaddhana ˙ ˙

According to this account, when the Buddha 3. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara had just gained awakening, he was hesitant to Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London ā ā 4. Smith H (ed) (1916) Sutta-Nip ta commentary being teach what he had discovered to others. Brahm Paramatthajotikā II. Pali Text Society, London Sahampati, who had become aware of the Bud- 5. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The dha’s disinclination to teach, was alarmed at this Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London prospect and decided to intervene ([5], Vol. I, 6. Anālayo (2004) The role of Brahmā in the Pāli dis- courses. Sri Lanka J Humanit 29(30):157–166 p. 168), notably an episode not found in a Chinese 7. Anālayo (2011) Brahmā’s invitation, the Āgama parallel (Taishō 1.777a). According to the Ariyapariyesanā-sutta in the light of its Madhyama-ā Pāli account, he appeared before the Buddha and gama parallel. J Oxf Cent Buddh Stud 1:12–38 requested him to teach, proclaiming that there 8. Bailey G (1983) The mythology of Brahmā. Oxford University Press, Delhi would be those who understand. This intervention 9. Gombrich RF (2001) A visit to Brahmā the heron. made the Buddha change his mind and therewith J Indian Philos 29:95–108 functions as the starting point of what we now refer 10. Jones DT (2009) Why did Brahmā ask the Buddha to to as Buddhism. The scene of Brahmā standing teach? Buddh Stud Rev 26(1):85–102 with folded hands to one side of the Buddha seated in meditation has in fact become a favorite topic of ancient Indian iconographical representations, viv- Brahmavaddhana idly illustrating the theme that underlies this epi- ˙ ˙ sode: the superiority of the Buddha over Brahmā ▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism) and thereby implicitly of the Buddha’steaching over Brahminical beliefs. With the tale of Sahampati’s intervention, the “ ” ā inclusion of the ancient Indian god Brahm in Brahmavihāra early Buddhist thought reaches its culmination. Besides humorously disposing of the notion that Madhumita Chattopadhyay Brahmā is a supreme creator and an eternal all- Department of Philosophy, Jadavpur University, knowing being, a Brahmā under the name of Kolkata, West Bengal, India Sahampati is presented as a disciple of a former Buddha and then plays a rather crucial role in protecting Buddhism against antagonistic forces, Synonyms even ensuring that the present Buddha decides to teach the Dharma in the first place. The claim that Great qualities of the mind Buddhism supersedes the teachings of contempo- rary Brahminism could hardly have been presented in a more vivid manner. Definition

Brahmavihāra stands for the cultivation of four Cross-References great qualities of mind, namely, compassion, friendliness, disinterested love, and equanimity ▶ God (Buddhism) to remove evil thoughts from the mind of the ▶ Mysticism (Buddhism) individual, and to spread the feeling of universal brotherhood among all beings. References Brahmavihāra: its nature 1. Carpenter JE, Rhys Davids TW (eds) (1890–1911) The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London 2. Feer L (ed) (1888–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols. In Buddhism, emphasis is laid on the cultivation Pali Text Society, Oxford of good qualities of the mind, and not simply on Brahmavihāra 271 the development of the intellectual faculty since the to one’s fellow men. It actually is a positive frame result of an action is dependent very much on the of mind promoting welfare. mental states, with which the action is performed. Muditā is soft-heartedness, kindliness, sympa- These good qualities are karuṇā (compassion), thy. Often in triad mettā (active love), karunā mettā or maitrī (friendliness), muditā (disinterested (preventive love), muditā (disinterested love), B love), and upekkhā (equanimity). Together they are the latter is defined as the feeling of gladness known as Brahmavihāra. This Brahma-vihāra produced by other’s success. Those endowed accompanied by higher meditation tends to lead with it are glad. Its function resides in being one to the stage of Nirvāṇa as the ultimate goal, nonenvious. but if they are not developed to that extent, the Upekkhā or equanimity is characterized as pro- immediate result is the attainment of the Brahma- moting the aspect of neutrality toward beings. Its world, and hence the name Brahma-vihāra. These function is to see equality in beings. It is four qualities are also described as “appamanna” manifested as the quieting of resentment and or the immeasurables since they arise in an immea- approval. Equanimity is an even-minded unruf- surable field of emotion which embraces the whole fled serenity in the face of the ups and downs of wide world; they include within their scope beings life be it of one’s own and that of others, and of all sorts and conditions and therefore know no comes from developing the reflection that beings limit. The aspirant has to develop them without suffer and are happy in accordance with their own setting any limit in quality or quantity. Taking this karma. It is the antidote to both aversion and infinitude as the principal aspect of these mental approval, but should be distinguished from indif- states, in the Abhidhamma literature, they are ference. It also ensures impartiality toward all described as appamanna. beings so that loving-kindness, etc., can be felt In several texts of early Buddhism, there is toward all equally. discussion of these four qualities. For instance, In the text Attasālini [2], it has been pointed out karuṇā has been described in the Suttanipāta as that mettā signifies “one wishes well.” It is so ahita-dukkha-apanaya-kāmatā, that is, the desire called because it goes on concerning a loved one to remove the harmful sorrow of one’s fellow (mettā, mitte) or because of the state of being men. The reason for such desire has been stated a loved one. Karuṇā, on the other hand, makes in the [1]as“Paradukkhe sati the heart of the good lament at the pain of others sādhūnām hadaya-kampanam karoti”–when and so is pity. Or it crushes, destroys the pain of there is suffering in others, it causes good people’s others, thus it is pity. Or it is scattered over the heart to be moved (kampanam) and so it is afflicted, stretched out over them by diffusion. It karunā. An alternative interpretation is that it has the property of not being able to see others combats others’ suffering, attacks and demolishes suffer. Sympathetic joy or muditā means those it, thus it is compassion. So, according to endowed with it rejoice. Visuddhimagga compassion is characterized as The basic aim of these four attributes is to promoting the aspect of allaying suffering. Its remove evil thoughts from the mind of the individ- function resides in not bearing other’s suffering. ual, for instance, love is aimed to remove ill will, Mettā or maitrī is loving-kindness and is con- compassion, cruelty, sympathetic joy from dislike/ sidered to be the complementary of karunā. discontent and equanimity the escape from lust and According to Attasālini, the word “mettā” derived aversion [3]; the way these qualities are advised to from the root mid (meaning “to love”), stands for be cultivated indicates that they always involve love, amity, sympathy, friendliness, active interest concern for others. In fact, the whole of Buddhist in others. It comes about with respect to a friend ethics is based on feeling for others. So it is not for (mitta) or it is behavior toward a friend, thus it is one’s own benefit but through the feeling for others loving-kindness. As distinguished from karuṇā, that one’s inner spirit will be enlightened. It is maitrī consists in hita--upanaya-kāmatā, believed that through this feeling/concern for that is, desire of bringing happiness and welfare others, the uniqueness of man is exhibited, and 272 Buddha (Concept) the goal of humanity is achieved. The cultivation of mind will rise to such a state that the feeling of this goal in its fullest form has been exhibited in the compassion and friendliness may be extended not life and teaching of Lord Buddha [4]. only to one particular individual man but to all In the Mettāsutta of the Suttanipāta, Lord Bud- beings – leg-less, two-legged, four-legged, and dha has advised people to extend the feeling of many-legged ones. these good qualities to all beings of the universe in the same spirit as the mother extends care to her only child. The best form of caring in this world is Cross-References expressed through the relation between the mother and the child – it is a divine relationship. ▶ Bhāvanā Mother’s caring hand protects her child from all ▶ Bodhidharma sorts of danger; in a like manner, human beings ▶ Ethics (Buddhism) have to extend their caring attitude to all the ▶ Karuṇā beings in the world. Lord Buddha was aware ▶ Metta that it is not easy for an ordinary human being to ▶ Muditā develop a caring attitude toward all. So, he had advised steps as to how to develop these feelings of compassion, friendliness, etc., gradu- References ally toward the whole universe. In the text Visuddhimagga [1], it has been pointed out that 1. Nānamoli B (1991) The path of purification one has to cultivate these qualities first toward (Visuddhimagga). Buddhist Publication Society, one’s own self. Next, these feelings are to be Kandy, Sri Lanka 2. Tin M (1920) The expositor (Aṭṭhasālinī). Pali Text developed toward a very dearly loved friend, Society, London then toward a neutral person, and lastly toward 3. Nānamoli B, Bodhi B (tr) (1995) The middle length a hostile person. And while one does so, one discourses of the Buddha. Buddhist Publication Soci- should make one’s mind malleable and wieldy in ety, Kandy, Sri Lanka 4. Nagao GM (2008) The Bodhisattva’s compassion each instance before passing on to the next. In this described in the Mahāyānasutrālaṃkāra. In: Silk JA way, a human being can develop his feelings (ed) Buddhist studies: the legacy of Gadjin M. Nagao: toward all beings in the world. Lord Buddha has wisdom, compassion and the search for understanding. pointed out that one should not develop these Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 5. Aung SZ (tr) (1910) Compendium of philosophy. Pali feelings at the beginning toward an antipathetic Text Society, London person, a very dearly loved friend, a neutral per- 6. Crosby K, Skilton A (1995) The Bodhicaryāvatāra: son, a hostile person and it should not be devel- a guide to the Buddhist path to awakening. Oxford oped specifically toward the opposite sex. The University Press, Oxford reason for such recommendation is that if one develops these feelings toward the antipathetic person or to a neutral person, there might arise fatigue in him, while such feelings toward Buddha (Concept) a hostile person may bring in anger and feeling toward a dear friend may make him depressed if Eiji Suhara anything wrong happens. And feeling toward the School of International Letters and Cultures, opposite sex may bring in lust in one’s mind. And Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ, USA so it is advised to start with one’s own self first and then proceed gradually through the different stages toward all beings. Since the objective of Synonyms these attributes is to make the mind free from all impurities, the attributes have to be developed in Amitāba; Bodhisattva; Buddha Sakyamuni; the manner stated above [5, 6]. Ultimately, the Dharma; Enlightenment (Buddhism); God Buddha (Concept) 273

(Buddhism); Tathāgata; Tathāgatagarbha; Truth (1) Buddha in general, before Siddhārtha (Buddhism); Vairocana Gautama, (2) the most common concept of “the Buddha,” attributed to Siddhārtha Gautama, (3) other Buddhas created after the Buddha’s Definition death, (4) an abstract Buddha as a universal B concept, and (5) a Buddha as a part of the Bud- Awakened one; the “founder” of the Buddhism; dhist cosmological system. universal law

The General Terminology “Before” Introduction the Buddha

Generally speaking, signifié (the mental represen- There was a counter-Brahman religious move- tation) first emerging in one’s mind when referred ment that occurred around 5–6 B.C.E., in the to by the signifiant (the sound associated to the area of Magadha, ancient India. They were called image of) “Buddha” will offer various different s´ramaṇa (wanderers), and they took an important visual images of the “historical” figure known as role in the movement. They were later identified Siddhārtha Gautama. Siddhārtha is currently as “Jain” and “Buddhist.” They were basically believed to have lived in what is now Northern against metaphysically oriented aspects of Brah- India, around 5–6 B.C.E. and later became known man religions, but “borrowed their major precepts as the “founder” of Buddhism. These images that from the brahma ascetics” ([4], p. 67). Both Jains one associates with Buddha may be obtained from and Buddhists were originally wandering practi- different materials, statues in temples and pictures tioners, but developed their unique group identi- in books, and so on. In such sources, Buddha is ties by becoming more institutionalized via the typically depicted as a plump man with curly hair idea of precepts. As time passed, the precepts in East Asia whereas he can also be found as and characteristics of these groups became varied, a man with a slimmer, golden body in Southern and their identities were distinguished while they Asia. In this way, the mental representation of the were influenced by each other. Buddha will vary, depending on the different areas In such an interactive environment, they shared these images come from, and thus, it is impossible some ideas in different contexts. Among those, to find a single absolute meaning or its referent. along with other terms used to indicate the When one considers the “concept” of the Bud- (such as jīva, vīra, jina, titthaṃkara, ājāniya, dha, the situation is very complicated. Summariz- brāhmaṇa, nhātaka, , isi, sādhu, medhāvin, ing the fruits of years of scholarly research, there bahussuta, pāragū, tathāgata, kevalin, nāga, are many different referents to the term “Buddha.” arhat, etc.), the expression of the Buddha was These attributes include personified figures, not already being used to refer not only to those who limited to human characteristics, but also to achieved freedom from a cycle of birth and death mythic attributes as well. Further, there exist (saṃsāra), a soteriological goal of Hindu reli- many theoretical “ideas” of Buddhas that are not gious traditions, but also to mere practitioners personified, but remain abstract concepts, such as who seek the path. universal law. Then, scholars (Bud- In early Jain scriptures, such as Āyāraṅga, dhist philosophers) developed a theoretical sys- Sūyagaḍaṅga, Uttarajjhāyā, Dasaveyāliya, tem, including the idea of celestial and cosmic Isibhāsiyāiṃ, etc., the terminology Buddha Buddhas, as a mediator between universal and is used as an identical concept to the following specific Buddhas. Given the complexity of this terms: “good practitioner (sādhu)” (Dasaveyāliya situation, in the following paragraphs, some pro- 1, 5), “holy man (tāḍrs´)” (Dasaveyāliya 6, 37), totypical concepts referred by the word “Buddha” “controlled ascetic (saṃyata)” (Dasaveyāliya 7, will be introduced in five different categories: 56), “controlled man (suvnīta)” (Uttarajjhāyā 11, 274 Buddha (Concept)

13), “hero (vīra)” (Sūyagaḍaṅga 1. 2. 23), and so 12 links of dependent origination, a karmic force forth. The most counter intuitive argument to (saṃskāra), and thus is inevitably led to further a general recognition of the concept of the Buddha steps of contacting, feeling, attaching, etc., and is that the term was also often used to refer to finally falls into the cycle of saṃsāra. On the Mahavīra, the “founder” of Jain ([16], pp. 3–8). contrary, Buddha was well aware that this phe- From the philological data that the term nomenal world is like a dream constituted by the “Buddha” refers to, Buddhists, only once in the function of the mind. Therefore, Buddha is neither early Jain scripture (whereas Siddhārtha Gautama ignorant, sleeping, nor deluded by this dream. At is often referred to in later Jain scriptures), it can that moment of realizing the self-reflective aware- be inferred that the term was later transformed into ness of the truth, Buddha, if using a metaphor, a specific proper name indicating the founder of became “enlightened” to the “darkness,” which Buddhism. It will be then plausible to imagine, as has the literal meaning of avidyā. This metaphor time passed, that Siddhārtha’s fame slowly of light, which is associated to the concept of established itself in these various communities, Buddha, was often used in various ways by vari- and both Jain and Buddhist practitioners tended ous sources in a process of constructing the Bud- to generalize and attribute the term to Siddhārtha dhist soteriology. as a prototypical referent.

Other Buddhas “After” the Buddha The Buddha as a “Historical” Figure It is difficult to confirm if the disciples’ way of As mentioned above, the term “Buddha” already referring to their master was unified among the held various meanings in ancient India, before it community, but there are some records and became a meaning commonly recognized in the researches indicating that they did not use the current Buddhist context. When, then, was the title of “Buddha” when referring to Siddhārtha terminology attributed to Gautama Siddhārtha, while he still lived. For example, according to a “historical figure” who later became the “foun- Reynolds and Hallisley, at the first two councils, der” of Buddhism? The life of Siddhārtha is the one held shortly after Siddhārtha’s death, and known from autobiographical writings such as another about a century after that, disciples used Mahāvastu, Buddhacarita, and so forth. In these the term either “bhavagan” (lit. blessed one) writings, Siddhārtha became the Buddha or “s´āstṛ” (teacher) to refer to Siddhārtha ([10], (the “awakened one” from Sanskrit budh) under p. 1060). the Bodhi tree after 7 years of ascetic practice. As depicted in the drawing of the Buddha What does “being awakened” mean in this con- entering into mahānirvāṇa, it is not difficult to text, exactly? What kind of sleep was he awak- imagine, when the Buddha left this phenomenal ened from? world, that his disciples grieved and expressed Sanskrit budh also means “intelligence” or their emotion toward their master. During this “understanding” of wisdom – in this sense, it can process, in order to identity and to not forget be understood as an antonym of “ignorance their master, Buddha’s disciples took several (avidyā)” in the Buddhist context. Human beings actions, mainly referring to him (both internally are ignorant of the truth, truth that everything in and externally) with different names, and remem- this phenomenal world is in a constant flux, in bering him with various visual images (both inter- a state of . That is why human nally in a form of mental representation and beings believe that everything in this life is per- externally in the form of art). From the first manent existence, and they attach to it. The Bud- notion, and with the aforementioned various dha was awakened from such ignorance, and thus expressions replaceable to the concept of Buddha, is free from its influence. Because one is ignorant, several epithets such as (blessed one), one becomes a slave to the second factor of the maharṣi (great sage), arhat (worthy one), muni Buddha (Concept) 275

(the sacred), and vīra (hero) were established to reinforcing Buddha’s identity with auditory refer Buddha in their records. See Griffiths ([3], names and visual images, but such an individual pp. 60–65) for more detailed information regard- motivation was later transformed into sociological ing each epithet. and soteriological concerns, which worked to dis- From the second notion, disciples tried to rein- tinguish the Buddha from all other Buddhas and B force Buddha’s visual identity by attributing sev- sages. By attributing unique features only appli- eral physical traits. From the episode where the cable to the Buddha, members of saṃgha fortune teller saw the baby Siddhārtha and told his succeeded in applying the superiority of their father that he had all physical traits attributed only master over Buddhas in other communities. to a sage, such an idea was not invented by either First, even within a Buddhist community, Siddhārtha or his disciples. However, it is plausi- Siddhārtha was classified as a figure called ble to argue that the disciples tried to use the “samyaksaṃ-buddha (completely awakened/ preexisting idea to establish Buddha’s physical enlightened one),” distinguished from s´rāvaka- features, and it was later developed as the notion buddha, referring to those who achieved enlight- of 32 remarks (Mahāpuruṣalakṣaṇa) and, further, enment by practicing the four noble truths, and as the 80 aspects (anuvyan˜jana). pratyeka-buddha, who are enlightened without It may be possible, then, to argue that from a master, but only by solely contemplating the these notions, the two aspects of “recalling of the dependent origination. Originally, the latter two Buddha (buddhānasmrti),” that one of the main Buddhas are regarded as inferior when compared practices in later Buddhist denominations was to the first Buddha, because they do not help developed. Reynolds and Hallisley also pointed others, and thus focus on self-centered interests out a connection between the epithets of Buddha (from the definition of the enlightened being, and the recalling practice, especially for visuali- though it sounds contradictory for those Buddhas zation purposes ([10], p. 1063), but additional to be attached to a self-centered interest after insights will be provided here to this argument. realizing the notion of no-self). First, by reinforcing visual images of Buddha, Then, from a trans-community perspective, the a contemplating practice was established. This disciples took the strategy of attributing to the visualization, though, is not limited to associating Buddha a legitimate lineage to maintain the visual forms to Buddha, but also to creating men- authentic status of their master, by advocating tal representations somehow related to one’s own the idea of past Buddhas. There is no detailed image or concept of Buddha. description of past Buddhas yet, but an expression Secondly, by attributing several different epi- of “Buddhas” can be seen as early as thets, a recitation practice was developed. It is said Dhammapāda. Funahashi pays attention to this that a practice of taking a vow to the three trea- plural form of the concept of Buddha seen in sures, Buddha, saṃgha, and dharma, was already several other places (such as Saṃyutta-Nikāya performed when Siddhārtha still lived, but such an 4.1.6.; 4.2.1.; 6.1.2.; Suttanipāta 386; 583; action would be further established as one of the Theragāthā 175; etc.) and assumes that the idea most important exercises of the recitation practice, of past Buddhas was first developed from a critical part of the Pure Land tradition, while the a contrast between plural Buddhas and the proper objects and names of recitation have been varied. name “the” Buddha ([2], p. 353). These two aspect of the recalling practice, that of Then, in Suttanipāta, the Buddha was called contemplation and recitation, should not be isi-sattama, and thus, it has been argued that the clearly distinguished though, as mental represen- Buddha was regarded as the seventh Buddha tations as objects of recall will be complicatedly among other past Buddhas. However, the term combined in an actual practice. sattama can have the dual meanings of “the In this way, this practice was first performed greatest” and “the seventh,” and in earlier texts, with an individual concern in regard to remem- the term was used mainly in the former context. bering and recalling his or her master by For example, when Siddhārtha was called 276 Buddha (Concept) isi-sattama in the Suttanipāta, he was also called Then, in the later Mahāyāya tradition, the idea “the master having the highest wisdom” (343) in of bodhisattva was established in a process of the sentence right before that. When isi-sattama constructing a soteriological system. In such was used to refer Siddhārtha in the Saṃyutta- a process, disciples also contain mythic and cos- Nikāya too, in the verse right before the sentence, mological notions, creating celestial or cosmic he was also called “the highest person Buddhas in ten directions and three temporalities. (anuttaraṃ)” (8.7.). From these examples, These include Amitābha in the Sukhāvatī (bliss- Funahashi concludes that isi was first used to ful/pure land) in the West, Akṣobhya in the mean the “greatest” and then transformed to (the joyous land), Bhaiṣajyaguru in the mean the “seventh” later, according to East, Vairocana, , , a development of the idea of past buddhas ([2], Maitreya, and others. It may be controversial, to p. 352). Scholars such as Windisch and Nakamura call all these epitomes a Buddha, while consider- claim that the idea of seven sages has had been ing a general definition of bodhisattva as a figure around since Rg Veda, and it also would have who tries to become a Buddha through 52 levels influenced the formation of the concept of the of the bodhisattva path. For example, bodhisattva seven buddhas ([8], p. 308; [14], p. 87). Fazhang, the central figure in the Pure Land tradi- Among the seven buddhas, it seems that the tion, took a vow at the first stage of the path that he last four “present-kalpa” Buddhas (Kakusandha, would not become enlightened until he saved all Konāgamana, Kassapa, and Śākyamuni) were sentient beings. Despite such a setting, reverse- established first, and then the first three “past- temporal logic is working and Fazhang already kalpa” Buddhas (Vipassin, Sikhin, and Vessabhū) became the Amitābha Buddha, and thus, his vow were added later (sometimes Kakusandha is was realized. It sounds contradictory though that regarded as the second category, or as a mediator people pray for the Amitābha Buddha when they between the two categories). In order to make his are not enlightened yet. point, some scholars give descriptions of travel The other terminologies such as tathagāta, diaries such as The Record by Faxian by Faxian vidyārāja, etc., are also used to refer to these (337–424) and The Great Tang Records on the epitomes, both inclusively and exclusively, Western Regions by Xuanzang (596/602–664), depending on the context. More detail about the stating that people built many stūpa of three or concept of bodhisattva in the context of the four of the Buddhas in the present-kalpa and trikāya (three bodies) theory will be discussed in prayed for them. It is also known, from the last section. For more detailed content and archeological data, that king Asóka inscribed the definitions in regard to these terminologies, see name of Konāgamana and prayed for him. From each entry of this volume. the fact that there is no description of the past- kalpa Buddhas in such materials, it seems that they were added later when the sūtra were com- Universal Concept of Buddha piled ([5], p. 683). Another reason why the four present-kalpa Buddhas were regarded as more It is said that the Buddha told Ānanda that dharma important is that those Buddhas appear to save and viyāna would become teachers of his disci- sentient beings when the dharma is declined pline after he died (Dīghanikāya, II, p. 100). Also, ([13], p. 299). Later, the concept of seven Bud- in different places in Nikāya, there are descrip- dhas was expanded to 24 (or 25) Buddhas in Pali tions mentioning the concept of dharma identified literature. Mahāpadāna-suttanta has detailed with the Buddha. For example, “Those who see descriptions of the seven Buddhas, but its com- the dharma will see me” (Saṃyuttanikāya, III, mentary Mahāpadāna-suttanta-aṭṭhakathā fur- p. 120). “Buddhas are those whose body is ther describes the longevity, height, blood dharma” (Dīghanikāya, III, p. 84). Here, in lineage, and the light radiated from the bodies of these statements, the term dharma has several 24 Buddhas ([1], Vol. II, pp. 410–425). different meanings of the Buddha himself, his Buddha (Concept) 277 teaching, his body, and the law. From these ideas, This epithet of tathagāta was then transformed the concept of (the body of the truth) into the ontological idea of tathagātagarbha. By was established. It was part of the de-personifying advocating this idea, early Mahāyāya scholars project of the Buddha, in which the expression of provided the idea of dharmakāya within sentient the body should be understood as a metaphor beings. It gave a potentiality of experiencing the B representing a metaphysical aspect of the Buddha dharmakāya, the same state from the one of and his teaching. It usually has a contrasting the Buddha, from a soteriological perspective. meaning, from the concept of rūpakāya, According to the general scholastic view, the ori- a physical aspect of the Buddha manifested as gin of the idea of tathagātagarbha can be traced to a form of human being called Siddhārtha the Aṅguttara-nikāya, when it describes the pure Gautama, or his relics after the death of his phys- without defilement (I, p. 10). ical body. The terminology rūpakāya was The terminology tathagātagarbha was first substituted for the expression of mentioned in the early Mahāyāya text and the additional concept of saṃbhogakāya was Tathāgatagarbha-sūtra, developed in other writ- later added to establish the trikāya theory in ings like Śrīmālādevī-siṃhanāda-sūtra and Mahāyāya Buddhism. Anūnatvāpurṇatvanirdes´aparivarta, and systema- It was previously mentioned that taking a vow tized in the Ratnagotravibhāga-Mahāy- to the Buddha as one of three treasures was āyottaratantra-s´āstra.Itisthe“realm” of the true already performed when Buddha lived – after dharma from where the entire phenomenal world Buddha’s death and the loss of his physical has arisen. In a sense, the idea can be understood as body, however, taking a vow was replaced by his the “ontological interpretation of the concept of the relics, images, teaching, laws, etc., and such activ- Buddha” ([15], p. 180). This theoretical framework ities created artistic works and sūtra, or other has been criticized by the “,” forms of manifestations of the Buddha. Borrow- started by Komazawa University scholars as ing from Strong’s expression, such practices a later creation, but not the “original” Buddhist toward Buddha’s manifestation were regarded as doctrine. Yet once the ontological interpretation of the act of “the cosmolized rendering the the universal aspect of the Buddha has started, it dharmakāya through rūpakāya” ([11], p. 119). was further modified to fit several different ideas, When Buddha’s relics were buried in stūpa and such as buddhadhātu (buddha-nature), and became became an object of ritual practice, practitioners influential in later Mahāyāya traditions. believed in the effects of the relics containing the This idea of buddhadhātu first appeared in the supernatural power of dharmakāya. Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra as the same concept At this point, however, the dharmakāya was found in the dharmakāya and tathagātagarbha still considered as the external object used to (12, [12], p. 860). It is dharmakāya, the true change the internal state of a practitioner. When nature of the mind, that can be shared by not the idea of tathagāta (thus-coming) and further only past Buddhas, but possibly also by all sen- tathagātagarbha (womb of thus-coming) were tient (or even insentient) beings. In later developed later, however, the idea of dharmakāya Mahāyāya denominations, such as Chan, has transformed into the practitioner’s subjective influenced by these Indian sources, it was claimed potentiality to achieve the same quality of the that everything can realize that it has (is) buddha- nature that Buddha had. The idea of tathagāta nature and becomes the Buddha only if it can was attributed to Buddha to indicate his universal directly see it. feature, dharmakāya, as the term that originally means “thus (tathā) – coming (gāta).” It was not a new mind, but was also experienced by past Three Bodies Buddhas, which is why the Buddha was expressed as the one who reached the same state already According to preexisting research, a separation of discovered by all other Buddhas. rūpakāya and dharmakāya was first made by 278 Buddha (Concept)

Sarvāstivādins. They adapted some descriptions expresses the Buddha’s body gaining karmic from the Nikāya and summarized several features merit as a result of conducting good deeds in the of two bodies, 32 major and 80 minor remarks for long-term practice of a bodhisattva path ([15], the rūpakāya, and also 18 attributes of p. 133). For example, a representative dharmakāya (ten powers, the four kinds of intre- saṃbhogakāya is Amitābha Buddha, who took pidity, the three foundations of mindfulness, and 48 vows when he was bodhisattva Dharmakāra, great compassion) ([15], p. 36). As a distinction and obtained a karmic reward and enjoyed the between these two bodies was clearly made, and bliss of the Pure Land as a result of passing as the former was diverse to several different through the bodhisattva path and realizing all concepts, the theoretical issue as to how to solve vows. Amitāyus, another name of Amitābha, lit- a relationship between them was raised. For erally means “the infinite light.” The expression of example, why could the Buddha as a universal the light often used in the Buddhist soteriology is dharmakāya present itself as the historical Bud- a metaphor used to symbolize a universal aspect dha, which is a physical form and thus is of the Buddha and his teaching that radiates rūpakāya? Considering the episode of the mush- throughout this world. At the same time, it also room (or pork) that caused his death, did his body takes the physical form of the light; thus, it can be have to be affected by its physical condition? understood as a symbol of sambhogakāya, bridg- Could not he overcome bad karma from his past ing metaphysical dharmakāya and physical lives? When the internal sociological conflict hap- nirmāṇakāya. For this reason, the light of pened within the saṃgha, was the Buddha both- Amitāyus is a representative concept of ered by an uncomfortable emotion? Reading sambhogakāya, along with other metaphors such descriptions of his life in various writings, it as “individual” bodhisattvas or Buddhas, deities, seems that the Buddha could not or did not control and wisdoms, etc., that are located between the others’ physical or mental conditions. It is also dharmakāya and nirmāṇakāya. In this sense, a crucial issue for Mahāyāyan to justify how the saṃbhogakāya is expressed as the “primary man- universal teachings of the Buddha could be pre- ifestation of dharmakāya” (Makransky, Encyclo- sent as a form of sūtra. pedia of Buddhism,[7], p. 78) of the celestial In order to solve these issues, early Mahāyāyan world, and is the secondary manifestation in this scholars constructed several discourses. One of the phenomenal world at the same time. most important concepts is sambhogakāya,which From these notions, the theory of representative consists of trikāya (three bodies) theory along with Buddhas corresponding to each kāya,suchas nirmanakāya and dharmakāya.Sambhogakāya Mahāvairocana Buddha to dharmakāya,Amitābha can be understood as a medium between the Buddha to sambhogakāya,andŚākyamuni Bud- dharmakāya, representing an absolute quality of dha to nirmāṇakāya, was established later. Yet, it the Buddha, and nirmāṇakāya, expressing should be reminded that this theoretical framework a relative aspect of the Buddha. Even though it is does not provide a clear distinction of each claimed that the initial idea of saṃbhogakāya can body – their interpretation varies, depending on be seen in earlier texts, such as Prajn˜āpāramitā- different schools and times in history – sometimes sūtra and Avataṃsaka-sūtra, scholars such as they are mutually inclusive. Makransky and Nagao suggest that it was Yogācāra texts, such as the Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāra and Abhisamyālaṃkāra, wherein the term Cross-References saṃbhogakāya can first be seen in the systematic formation of the trikāya theory (See [6]and[8]). ▶ Arahant Literally, saṃbhogakāya means “the body of ▶ Bodhisattva enjoyment” or “the reward body”–the former ▶ Buddha Sakyamuni represents the idea that it shares a joy of the ▶ Dharma dharma with other Buddhas and the latter ▶ God (Buddhism) Buddha Śākyamuni 279

▶ Jainism (Yakṣa) ▶ Philosophy (Buddhism) Buddha Gayā ▶ Relativity (Buddhism) ▶ Sociology (Buddhism) ▶ Bodhagayā ▶ Stūpa B ▶ Tathāgatagarbha ▶ The Tathagata ▶ Transcendental Virtues Buddha Sakyamuni ▶ Truth (Buddhism) ▶ Universal ▶ Buddha (Concept)

References Śā 1. Buddhaghoṣa (1993) Sumaṅgalavilāsinī: Buddha kyamuni Dīghanikāya-aṭṭhakathā. Vipaśyanā Viśodhana Vinyāsa, Igatapurī Charles Willemen 2. Funahashi T (2006) Kako shichibutsu shisō no gensen. International Buddhist College, Songkhla, Indogaku Bukkyōgaku Kenkyū 55(1):350–354 3. Griffiths PJ (1994) On being Buddha: the classical Thailand doctrine of Buddhahood. State University of New York Press, Albany 4. Horner IB (1975) The early Buddhist theory of man Synonyms perfected: a study of the arahan concept and of the implications of the aim to perfection in religious life, traced in early canonical and post-canonical Pali liter- Buddha means “awakened”; Sanskrit budh,to ature. Philo Press, Amsterdam awaken; Śākyamuni means “sage of the Śākya 5. Kumagaya S (1979) Kako shichibutsu shinkō ni tsuite. (clan)”; He is the historical Buddha Indogaku Bukkyōgaku Kenkyū 27(2):682–683 6. Makransky JJ (1997) Buddhahood embodied: sources of controversy in India and Tibet. State University of New York Press, Albany Definition 7. Makransky JJ (2004) Buddhahood and Buddha bod- ies. In: Buswell R (ed) Encyclopedia of Buddhism. Macmillan Reference, USA, New York, pp 76–79 He was born into the noble Gautama family of the 8. Nagao G (1973) On the theory of the Buddha-body: Śākya clan of Kapilavastu, in southern Nepal. He (Buddha-kāya). East Buddh 6(1):25–53 was given the name of Siddhārtha, “goal accom- 9. Nakamura H (1992) Gōtama budda. Shunjūsha, plished”. Gautama Siddhārtha is Śākyamuni, the Tōkyō 10. Reynolds EF, Hallisey C (2005) Buddha. In: Jones historical Buddha. He was born at the foot of the L (ed) Encyclopedia of religion, 2nd edn. Thompson , in Lumbinī (Rummindei), near Gale, Farmington Hills, pp 1059–1071 Kapilavastu. In the Brahmanical society of Maga- 11. Strong J (1989) The legend of king Asoka: a study and dha, immediately to the south, he was said to be of translation of the Asokavadana. Motilal Banarsidass, ṣ Delhi the k atriya caste, just below . Rulers 12. Takakusu J, Watanabe K (1961) Taishō shinshū are linked with this caste. daizōkyō. Taishō Shinshū Daīzōkyō Kankōkai, Tokyo He died ca. 483 B.C. [13], at the ripe age of 13. Takemoto J (1979) Kako shibutsu ni tsuite. Indogaku approximately 80 years. Traditional dates of his ō ū – Bukky gaku Kenky 28(1):297 299 āṇ 14. Windisch E (1908) Buddha’s geburt und die lehre von decease, (pari)nirv a, vary widely from 2420 B. der seelenwanderung. Bei B.G. Teubner, Leipzig C. to 290 B.C. The southern Theravāda tradition, 15. Xing G (2004) The concept of the Buddha: its evolu- very influential today, believes that the death of tion from early Buddhism to the trikāya theory. Psy- the Buddha occurred in 543 B.C. This chronology chology Press, London/New York 16. Yamazaki M (1986) The concept of Buddha in early is said to be part of the long chronology. A short Jaina scriptures. Chūō Gakujutsu Kenkyūjo Kiyō chronology, taking mainly northern Sanskrit 15:3–27 based information literally as to the time 280 Buddha Śākyamuni

(about a hundred years) between the decease and soon after 380 A.D.); Aśvaghoṣa’s the reign of King Aśoka (ca. 264–227 B.C. [13]), Buddhacarita (ca. 100 A.D.), Acts of the Bud- places the decease between 420 and 350 B.C., dha, translated to Chinese by Baoyun in possibly shortly after 400 B.C. The Japanese Jiankang (Nanjing) in 421 A.D., Taishō ed. scholar Ui Hakuju was the first to propose the IV 192. This translation is not the work of short chronology in 1924–1930 [19]. He dates Dharmarddhin, Tan Wuchen, or Tanwu Chen, the decease in 386 B.C. H. Bechert later proposed as the colophon in the Taishō ed. mentions this idea in Germany [3]. A. K. Narain finally, in [23]. Lamotte further mentions here that the 1994, established the date of the decease in ca. life of the Buddha is narrated in the 483 B.C., based on the Ahraura version of Minor Saṅghabhedavastu and in the Vinayakṣu- Rock Edict I of Aśoka. The same scholar drakavastu of the Mūlasarvāstivādavinaya. established the exact spot of birth, namely, under- 5. Sinhalese compilations. neath the Māyā Devī Temple, close to the stone pillar inscription of Aśoka in Rummindei [13, 14]. The material in the is more The spot was found by Japanese scholars. plentiful than material in Indian languages. Chi- nese and other East Asians pay a great deal of attention to (religious) history. The life of the Sources of Information on Buddha’s Life Buddha is well researched in Japan. South Asians are more concerned with the Buddha’s message, Lamotte [9] distinguishes five more or less suc- the teaching. The material in Indian languages cessive stages in texts about the life of exists in English translation. Śākyamuni: The Pāli Jātakanidāna (Nidānakathā, Account of Events, fifth or sixth century) was translated by 1. Biographical fragments incorporated in the Jayawickrama in 2002 [6]. But the material found sūtras.HereferstotheMajjhima Nikāya in the Pāli canon as a whole is presented by andtoSaṅghadeva’s Chinese translations of Ñānamoli in 1978 [12]. Many modern authors the Madhyamāgama,Taishō ed. I 26, and of rely on his information. the Ekottarikāgama,Taishō ed. II 125. The The Sautrāntika Sarvāstivāda Lalitavistara, Catuṣpariṣatsūtra, as studied by E. Graceful Description, is not the work of one par- Waldschmidt [21], is mentioned here too. ticular author. It grew over time, and it became Lamotte also mentions the quite influenced by the so-called Mahāyāna ideas Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra in its different (e.g., tathāgatagarbha)[5]. Speaking in terms of recensions. schools, nikāyas, not of vehicles, yāna, it is clear 2. Biographical fragments incorporated into the that the Sarvāstivāda text adopted quite some , esp. in the Dharmaguptaka Vinaya. Mahāsāṅghika elements, a phenomenon which is Buddha biographies may indeed have devel- typical for Sautrāntikas, for non-Vaibhāṣika oped from the vinaya. Or vice versa [4]? Sarvāstivādins. From ca. 700 A.D., these were 3. Autonomous but incomplete “lives.” These known as Mūlasarvāstivādins. This helps under- developed from ca. 100 A.D., are mentioned: stand why there is a Tibetan version [17]. Lalitavistara, Mahāvastu, and many Chinese The standard edition of the text is the work of texts (Taishō ed.III 184,185,186,189,190,191 P. L. Vaidya [20]. It was studied more than once. [15]). S. Lefmann was the first, in 1902–1908 [10]. The 4. Complete “lives” of the Buddha. These also Tibetan version was studied by Foucaux from developed from ca. 100 A.D., are mentioned: 1847 on and published in 1884–1892. Its Mongo- Taishō ed. IV 194 Sengqie Luocha suoji jing, lian version was studied by N. Poppe in 1967 [16]. The Scriptural Text compiled by Saṅgharakṣa, The Chinese versions Taishō ed. III 186 Puyao translated to Chinese by Sengqie Bacheng (or jing by (308 A.D.) and 187 Badeng), Saṅghabhadra (arrived in Chang’an Fangguang da zhuangyan jing by Divākara (in Buddha Śākyamuni 281

Chang’an in 680, died 688 A.D.) do not exist in Gandhāran Jñānagupta (523–600 A.D.), is said English translation. to be of Dharmaguptaka affiliation [2].The text is Another old biography of the Buddha is found a collection from existing literature and borrows i. in the Mahāvastu, The Great Event, a. from the Buddhacarita. At the very end of the a Lokottaravāda Mahāsāṅghika text. This text is Chinese text, it is mentioned that the Buddha B part of vinaya literature. It was translated in 1949 biography is known by different names, but that by J. J. Jones [8]. it is essentially the same text. Mahāsāṅghikas The most famous Buddha biography is have a Dashi, Mahāvastu; Sarvāstivādins have Aśvaghoṣa’s Buddhacarita, Acts of the Buddha. a Da zhuangyan, Lalitavistara;Kāśyapīyas have Aśvaghoṣa (ca. 100 A.D.) was a , a Fo sheng yinyuan, Causality (Story) of Buddha’s converted to Sautrāntika Sarvāstivāda Buddhism, Life; have a Shijiamouni Fo but influenced by (Bahuśrutīya?) Mahāsāṅghika benxing, Former Acts of Buddha Śākyamuni; ideas. The first 14 chapters of the Sanskrit text, Mahīśāsakas have a Pinizang genben, Basis of which belongs to world-class literature, are pre- the Vinaya Piṭaka. served in the original Sanskrit language. The A text which has had quite some influence in remaining 14 chapters exist in Chinese and in Japan is Taishō ed. III 189 Guoqu xianzai yinguo Tibetan version. The Sanskrit was studied by jing, Cause and Effect of Past and Present,by E. H. Johnston in 1936 (often reedited) [7], the Guṇabhadra (394–468 A.D.), brought out between Tibetan by F. Weller in 1926–1928, in German 444 and 453 A.D. Guṇabhadra came from South [22], and the Chinese version, Taishō ed. IV 192 India via the maritime route. He was nicknamed Fo suoxing zan, was studied by C. Willemen in Mahāyāna. He introduced basic ideas for Chan/ 2009 [23]. S. Beal, the English pioneer, rendered Zen (e.g., Taishō ed. XVI 670 Laṅkāvatārasūtra), the contents of this text in 1883. S. Beal noticed even though he was in China before Bodhidharma the Chinese biographical material early on, in the (ca. 479–534 A.D.). All these texts show that in nineteenth century, but outside of Japan, it has both North and South China, also before Tang been given scant attention. E. Zürcher translated (618–907 A.D.), there was a keen interest in the into Dutch Taishō ed. III 184 Xiuxing benqi jing, life of the Buddha. It must be remembered that the Former Events about his Practice, and Taishō ed. Buddha is the first of the three precious things, IV 196 Zhong benqi jing, Middle (Length) Scrip- together with Dharma (Doctrine) and Saṅgha ture about Former Events [24]. J. Nattier (Order). His life is a practical example. considers only IV 196 as the work of Kang Recently the life of the Buddha has been used Mengxiang, 190–220 A.D. Based on the work of in popular literature. Hermann Hesse’s S. Kawano, J. Nattier mentions that III 184 may be Siddhārtha of 1922 was translated from German a revised and expanded version of an old lost Xiao in 1951 by Hilda Rosner and in 2007 by Rika (Short) benqi jing, maybe established during the Lesser. The book was very influential in the Eastern Jin (317–420 A.D.) [15]. Then there is Zhi 1960s, and it was often reprinted. There is the Qian’s (died ca. 252 A.D., during the Wu in South popular Deepak Chopra’s Buddha: A Story of China) Taishō ed. III 185 Taizi ruiying benqi jing, Enlightenment. In 2008, Wake Up: A Life of the Auspicious Former Events of the Crown Prince, Buddha by J. Kerouac was finally published. of 223–228 A.D. This text may be of Mahīśāsaka Finally, let it be known that the most useful affiliation, having reached China via the maritime studies about the life of the Buddha are the work route, ultimately coming from Southeastern India. of A. Bareau [1]. The anonymous Taishō ed. III 188 Yichu pusa benqi jing, Former Events of the Bodhisattva, different ed., wrongly attributed to Nie Daozhen, Life of the Bodhisattva/Buddha has no relation with III 185.Taishō ed. III 190 Fo benxing ji jing, Collection of Former Acts of Soon after his birth, his mother Māyā passed the Buddha (Abhiniṣkramaṇasūtra?) of the away. He was raised by Mahāprajāpatī Gautamī, 282 Buddha Śākyamuni the younger sister of his mother and second wife luxury and asceticism, and the four noble truths. of his father, Śuddhodana. Such texts as the He expounded the impersonality of all beings, Buddhacarita describe in detail the luxurious life that there is no . At this occasion he of the future Buddha, called bodhisattva before accepted his first disciples, establishing his order his enlightenment. He was married to Yaśodharā, of monks, saṅgha. After that, he continued his the mother of . Gautama Siddhārtha preaching and his conversions for 45 years. acknowledged him as his son. When he, like all Many converts were Brahmins, e.g., Śāriputra beings, realized that he was subject to old age, and Maudgalyāyana, his two chief disciples. disease, and death, he abandoned his home at the Upāli, who became the specialist of vinaya, was age of 29. He went forth to live as an ascetic, a s´ converted. The Buddha visited his home town, ramaṇa. He asked leading yoga masters, Ārāḍa where his father and his foster mother lived. His Kālāma and Udraka Rāmaputra, for instruction, son Rāhula and many members of the Śākya clan but still detecting some ātman, ego, in their yoga, joined the order. Ānanda, a member of the Śākya he went to a site near the river Nairañjanā and clan and cousin of the Buddha, accompanied him practiced extreme asceticism for 6 years. Five as a privileged disciple. Bimbisāra, the king of other ascetics joined him in his practice. Realizing Magadha, was converted and donated the that this practice did not lead to any salvation, he Veṇuvana, a grove near his palace in Rājagṛha. took a meal and a bath and sat down under a tree, This was the first ārāma, residence for monks. a Ficus religiosa, later known as the bodhi The Buddha was constantly threatened by (enlightenment, awakenment) tree, in Bodh Devadatta, a relative who had been ordained Gayā, presently in Bihar. Under this tree, he when the Buddha was in Kapilavastu. Devadatta obtained bodhi, 7 years after he had left his caused a schism in the order. He was supported by home. He realized that extremes did not have Ajātaśatru, the son and successor of Bimbisāra, any result and that only a led to who had become the king in the eighth year before perfect rest, nirvāṇa [18]. Having seen the four Buddha’s death. But Ajātaśatru was converted to noble truths ((1) suffering, duḥkha; (2) origination, the Buddha’s teaching and supported him during samudaya; (3) extinction, nirodha; (4) path, his final years. The fact that so many converts mārga) and the 12 links of the chain of dependent were Brahmins may help explain the later rise origination, he put an end to karma, intentional of, e.g., the Vātsīputrīyas, personalists who action, and to saṃsāra, the circle of birth and believed in an existing personality, . The death, two dogmas of Indian intellectual life at end of the Buddha’s life is well documented [21]. the time. Initially hesitant to make his path, his After he had delivered a sermon in Pāṭaliputra dharma, known, he decided to preach and went to (Patna), the new upcoming center, the Buddha Benares, Vārāṇasī, a traditional center of cultural crossed the Ganges and went to Vaiśālī. There he life in present . Benares had been the converted the courtesan Āmrapālī. Then he spent center of Indian culture long before Rājagṛha the rainy season in Veṇugrāmaka with Ānanda. ( in Bihar), the capital of Magadha at the He fell ill but recovered. Buddha went to time of the Buddha. The youthful Buddha went to Kuśinagara, in the land of the Mallas. On the Benares, but he did (could?) not preach on the way, he accepted a meal of pork or of truffles, banks of the holy Ganges in Benares itself. On his offered by the metal-worker Cunda. There is way there he met Upaka, an Ājīvaka ascetic, but uncertainty about the Indian term sūkara- he did not convert him. When he reached the maddava. Buddha then died of mesenteric infarc- Ṛṣipatana in Sārnāth, near Benares, he delivered tion, caused by an occlusion of an opening of the his first sermon; he turned the wheel of the law superior mesenteric artery, as Mettanando has (Dharmacakra) for the first time. This place of the established [11]. He basically died of old age. first sermon is also known as the Deer Park, Only after he had arrived from Rājagṛha, Mṛgadāva. Setting the wheel of the dharma into Mahākāśyapa, the most important surviving dis- motion, he expounded the middle way between ciple, was able to set fire to the bier. After the Buddhadhātu 283 cremation, the bones (śarīra, relics) and the ashes 8. Jones J (first edn 1930; 1949–1956) The Mahāvastu. were distributed. Luzac, London 9. Lamotte É (1988) History of Indian Buddhism: From the origins to the Śaka era (trans: Webb-Boin S). Cross-References Université Catholique de Louvain,Institut orientaliste, Louvan-La-neuve B 10. Lefmann S (first edn 1902–1908; 1977) Lalita Vistara. ▶ Ajātaśatru Leben und Lehre des Çākya-Buddha. Meicho-Fukyū- ▶ Āmrapālī kai, Tokyo ▶ ā 11. Mettanando B, von Hinüber O (2000) The cause of the An tman ’ – ▶ ś ṣ Buddha s death. J Pali Text Soc 26:105 117 A vagho a 12. Ñānamoli B (first edn 1972; 1978) The life of the ▶ Bimbisāra Buddha as it appears in the Pali canon. Buddhist ▶ Bodhagayā Publication Society, Kandy fi ▶ Causality (Buddhism) 13. Narain AK (1994) An independent and de nitive evi- ▶ dence on the date of the historical Buddha. Indian Devadatta J Buddh Stud 6:43–58 ▶ Dharmacakra 14. Narain AK (2002) The exact spot of birth of ▶ Karma Siddhārtha Gautama, the Śākyamuni Buddha. Indian – ▶ Kuśinagara Int J Buddh Stud 3:169 179 ▶ 15. Nattier J (2006) A guide to the earliest Chinese Lalitavistara Buddhist translations. Texts from the Eastern Han ▶ Lumbinī and Three Kingdoms periods. International ▶ Magadha research institute for advanced buddhology. Soka uni- ▶ ā ā ī ī versity. Bibliotheca philologica et philosophica X, Mah praj pat Gautam ō ō ▶ āṇ T ky Parinirv a 16. Poppe NN (1967) The twelve deeds of Buddha: ▶ Pudgalavādins A Mongolian version of the Lalitavistara. Otto ▶ Rāhula Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden fi ▶ Saṅgha 17. Rockhill WW ( rst edn 1884; 1972) The life of the ▶ Śā Buddha and the early history of his order, derived from riputra Tibetan works in the Bkah-hgyur and Bstan-hgyur. ▶ Sarvāstivāda Orientalia Indica, ▶ Tathāgatagarbha 18. Thomas E (first edn 1927; many reprints, esp 1956) ▶ Vinaya The life of Buddha. As legend and history. Routledge ▶ and Kegan Paul, London Yoga 19. Ui H (1924–1930; also in complete works of 1970, Iwanami Shoten) Butsumetsu nendairon (Theories about the death of the Buddha). Indo tetsugaku kenkyū References 2:2–111 20. Vaidya PL (1958) Lalita-Vistara. Mithila Institute, 1. Bareau A (1995) Recherches sur la biographie du Dharbhanga Buddha dans les Sūtrapiṭaka et les Vinayapiṭaka 21. Waldschmidt E (1952–1962) Das Catuṣpariṣatsūtra. anciens. École Française d’Extrême-Orient, Paris Akademie-Verlag, Berlin 2. Beal S (first edn 1875; 1985) The romantic legend of 22. Weller F (1926–1928) Das Leben des Buddha von Śākya Buddha. A translation of the Chinese version of Aśvaghoṣa. Verlag Eduard Pfeiffer, Leipzig the Abhiniṣkramaṇasūtra. Motilal Banarsidass, New 23. Willemen Ch (2009) Buddhacarita. In praise of Bud- Delhi dha’s acts. Numata center for Buddhist Translation and 3. Bechert H (ed) (1997) The dating of the historical Research, Berkeley Buddha. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 24. Zürcher E (1978) Het leven van de Boeddha. 4. Frauwallner E (1956) The earliest Vinaya and the Meulenhoff, Amsterdam beginning of Buddhist literature. Is.M.E.O, Roma 5. B (2001) Lalitavistara. The Asiatic Society, Kolkata 6. Jayawickrama NA (first edn 1990; 2002) The story of Gotama Buddha (Jātaka-nidāna). Pali text Society, Oxford Buddhadhātu 7. Johnston EH (first edn 1936; new enlarged edn 1984; many reprints) The Buddhacarita. Or acts of the Bud- dha. Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi ▶ Tathāgatagarbha 284 Buddhaghosa

literature. Pali language was called Māgadhī at Buddhaghosa that time. He wrote two books there called Ñāṇodaya (on some philosophical subject, and Angraj Chaudhary Aṭṭhasālinī (commentary on the Dhammasangaṇī) Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri, [4]. Igatpuri, , Maharashtra, India During the time of Buddhaghosa, the Tipiṭaka was available in India, but the Aṭṭhakathās were not available. They were available in Ceylon (now Definition called Sri Lanka) in Sīhala language. His teacher Ven. Revata, therefore, asked him to go to Ceylon Buddhaghosa was a commentator par excellence and bring those Aṭṭhakathās back to India. of the Buddhist canonical literature in the fifth Buddhaghosa immediately agreed to go to Sri century A.D. Lanka and complete the task given by his Vener- Buddhaghosa was the greatest of the three able teacher. While he was going to Ceylon by commentators. boat, he met on the way while he was Of the three commentators on the Tipiṭaka, coming back from there. When he came to know Buddhaghosa, Buddhadatta, and , from Buddhaghosa what he was going to Sri the first is a commentator par excellence. He was Lanka for, he wished him well and asked him to really the greatest commentator on the Tipiṭaka. accomplish the work. Buddhaghosa was born in a brahmin family in It is said that when he met Saṅkhapāla and a village near Gaya in Magadha now called the expressed his desire to write Aṭṭhakathās on the state of Bihar. His father’s name was Kesa and his Tipiṭaka, Saṅkhapāla wanted to test his merit and mother’s name was [1]. scholarship. The famous gāthā beginning with He became very proficient in Brahminical lore “anto jaṭā, bahi jaṭā,jaṭāya jaṭitā pajā/taṃ taṃ as he had mastered the and allied literature gotama pucchāmi, ko imaṃ vjaṭaye jaṭanti” [5]. at a very young age. He must have been a prodigy “Rendered into English as the inner tangle and the and so very proud of his knowledge. That is why outer tangle–/ This generation is entangled in he went from place to place to enter into debate a tangle/And so I ask of Gotama this question;/ and derive the satisfaction of defeating those who Who succeeds in disentangling this tangle” [6] came to debate with him. But it so happened that was given to him to explain. Buddhaghosa wrote he once met a Buddhist monk called Revata. In the famous Visuddhimaggo. explaining the mean- the debate that took place between them, Revata ing of this gāthā. The meaning, in brief, is: Sīle asked him some questions which he could not patiṭṭhāya naro sapañño, cittaṃ paññaṃ ca answer. He did not feel humiliated, but definitely bhāvayaṃ/ Āṭāpī nipako bhikkhu, so imaṃ he was humbled. Because his desire to learn was vijaṭaye jaṭanti// [7]. Rendered into English as insatiable, he requested Revata to teach him. He when a wise man, established well in virtue, taught him the teachings of the Buddha when he develops consciousness and understanding, then became a Buddhist monk and entered the Bud- as a bhikkhu ardent and sagacious, he succeeds in dhist Order. It is said that he became well versed in disentangling this tangle [8]. Saṅkhapāla was the Tipiṭaka in only one month [2]. greatly impressed by his erudition and wisdom. Why was he called Buddhaghosa? “Because All facilities available there were given to his speech was profound, like that of the Buddha, Buddhaghosa by him. Buddhaghosa, of course, and because his words spread throughout the read the Aṭṭhakathās written in Ceylon but wrote world (like those of the Buddha), he came to be Aṭṭhakathās on different books of the Tipiṭaka called Buddhaghosa” [3]. anew. At that time he lived in Ganthākara Vihāra. While he was studying with Ven. Revata, he Malalasekera says that “he rendered the Sinha- had attained mastery over Pali language and lese Commentaries into Pali” [9]. This is like Buddhaghosa 285 underestimating the genius and erudition of explains them in detail. But there is one respect Buddhaghosa. If it is his view, one finds it difficult in which he surpasses all commentators. The fol- to agree with him; if his view is based on other lowing passage may be taken as a typical example sources, the sources also smack of prejudice. of his method: A genius like Buddhaghosa is not meant to copy B Brahmacariyaṃ nāma methunaviratisamaṇadham- and imitate, but he is meant to have his thoughts in masāsanmaggānaṃ adhivacanaṃ. Tathā hi gestation and then create, to give his own view in “abrahmacariyaṃ pahāya brahmcārī hotīti accordance with his light. And this is what is seen (D 1.25) evamādīsu methuna virati brahmacariyaṃ ”“ ā ā ṃ in his commentaries. ti vuccati. Bhagav ti no, vuso, brahmacariya vussati (M 1.194) ti evamādīsu samaṇadhammo.” Buddhaghosa was a prodigious commentator “Na tāvāhaṃ pāpima, parinibbāyissāmi, yāva me and a prolific writer. He wrote commentaries on idaṃ brahmacariyaṃ na iddhaṃ ceva bhavissati, a great number of books of the Tipitaka. He wrote phītaṃ ca vitthārikaṃ bāhujaññaṃ” (D.2 83–84) ti ṭ evamādīsu sāsanam. “Ayameva, kho bhikkhu, ariyo commentaries not only on the books of Sutta pi aka ṭṭ ṅ ṃ ṃ ṭ a ha giko maggo, brahmacariya seyyathida but also on the Vinaya pi aka and Abhidhamma sammādiṭṭhīti” (S 4, 8) ti evamādīsu maggo. piṭaka. Some of the important commentaries he wrote are the Samantapāsādikā and the It is pretty evident from this that Buddhaghosa Kaṅkhāvitaraṇī ontheVinayapiṭaka, the takes up a polysemous word, enumerates all its Sumaṅgalavilāsinī, the Papañcasūdanī,the meanings, quotes sentences from the Tipiṭaka to Sāratthappakāsinī, and the Manorathapūraṇī on show their different uses, and then puts his finger different Nikāyas of the Suttapiṭaka. He wrote on the meaning that it obtains in a particular commentaries on the Khuddaka pāṭha and context...It proves beyond any doubt that the Suttanipāta (called Paramatthajotikā). The entire Pali tipitaka was at his fingers’ tips and Aṭṭhasālinī, the Sammohavinodanī,andthe therefore his commentaries are authentic.... PañcappakaraṇaAṭṭhakathās are commentaries Apart from these scholarly merits, the on the Abhidhamma piṭaka. Some scholars are Aṭṭhakathās are full of historical and quasi- of the view that the Jātakaṭṭhakathā was also com- historical anecdotes [10]. posed by him. Buddhaghosa’sAṭṭhakathās reveal his psycho- ethical knowledge. While commenting on the of the Sutta nipāta, he describes differ- Contribution of Buddhaghosa as ent degrees of anger. One type of anger arises in a Commentator one, burns him for some time, and then is quieted; another type of anger stronger than the first distorts As has been said earlier, Buddhaghosa was his face and his facial expression makes it clear that a commentator par excellence. If he is compared he is angry; the third type stronger even than the with Sāyanācārya who wrote Bhāṣyas on the second agitates him so much that he becomes ready Ṛgveda in Sanskrit, the differences will be clear. to speak harsh words; the fourth type of anger Sāyanācārya explains the meaning of words “by makes him speak harsh words; the fifth type stron- giving synonyms quoting from Yāska’s Nirukta.” ger than the fourth one makes him look for weapons He also refers to the rules of Pāṇinī and to and staff, yet stronger anger makes him take Uṇādisūtras in order to explain the formation of a weapon, yet stronger anger makes him run words. The third method followed very rarely by after the man with whom he is angry, yet stronger him is to refer to the variants in the text. anger makes him beat the man with a staff, yet Buddhaghosa in his commentary breaks new stronger anger makes him kill even the relative, grounds. In addition to giving the meaning of and yet stronger anger makes him so repentant words and referring to grammatical rules for that he commits suicide. This is a wonderful psy- explaining the formation of words he also, where chological description of different degrees of possible, enumerates its different kinds and anger [11]. 286 Buddhapālita

Buddhaghosa’sAṭṭhakathās are not merely verbal explanations but also they are a storehouse Buddhapālita of many kinds of information – social, economic, political, historical, geographical, religious, and Mangala Ramchandra Chinchore cultural [12]. Department of Philosophy, Centre for Studies in There is one more respect in which his Classical Indian Buddhist Philosophy and Aṭṭhakathās are unique. Before explaining the Culture, University of Pune, Pune, Maharashtra, meaning of the verse or a sutta, Buddhaghosa India mentions the place where the verse was uttered or the sutta was preached, the person or the per- sons to whom it was addressed, and also the event Synonyms which led to the uttering of the gāthā or preaching of the sutta. Commentator on Nāgārjuna’s Madhyamaka-s´ā Yena, yattha yadā yasmā vuttā gāthā ayaṃ stra; Composer of Madhyamaka-vṛtti; Founder imaṃ/ of Prāsaṅgika-Mādhyamika tradition of Vidhiṃ pakāsayitvāssā, Buddhism karissāmatthavaṇṇanaṃ// [13]

Definition Cross-References Buddhapālita, a commentator on the works of ▶ Buddhadhātu Nāgārjuna and Āryadeva, was the exponent of ▶ Dhammapāla the Prasaṅgika system of Mahāyāna Buddhism.

References Founder of Prāsan˙ gika-Mādhyamika Tradition of Buddhism 1. Sāsanavaṃsa, p 31 2. Ibid., p 31 Buddhapālita (470–550 C.E.) was a great master 3. Malalasekera GP. Dictionary of Pali proper names, ā ṅ ā vol 2, p 306 and exponent of the Pr sa gika-M dhyamika 4. Malalasekera GP. Dictionary of Pali proper names, thought. He composed a commentary on vol 1, p 976 Nāgārjuna’s Madhyamaka-s´āstra, known as the 5. Buddhaghosa, Visuddhimaggo, p 1 (Unless otherwise Madhyamaka-vṛtti, and also wrote commentaries mentioned all books referred to here are published by Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri in 1998) on the works of his predecessors including that of 6. Visuddhimaggo, The path of purification (trans: Āryadeva. However, only the Madhyamaka-vṛtti, Bhikkhu Ñāṇamoli), Taiwan edn. p 1 originally written in Sanskrit, is available in its 7. Visuddhimaggo, p 1 translation in Tibetan. All the other writings of 8. The path of Purification Tr. by Bhikkhn Ñǎna moli ā P. (Tai Wan China) Buddhap lita appear to have been lost [1]. 9. Malalasekera GP. Dictionary of Pali proper names, Buddhapālita was born at Haṁsakridā,in vol 1, p 307 South India. Since an early age, he was keenly 10. Chaudhary A (ed) (1975) Introduction to Suttanipāta interested in teachings of the Buddha and hence Aṭṭhakathā, Part 2. Introduction. Nava , Nalanda, Bihar, pp 11–12 joined the sa gha. After full ordination 11. Chaudhary A (2012) Buddhaghosa: a commentator (Pravrajā), he began his study at the Nālandā par excellence. J Asiatic Soc Mumbai (Published by monastery Ācārya Saṅgharakṣita, a disciple of the Asiatic Society of Mumbai, vol 84, pp 1–13) Nāgamitra. Buddhapālita also studied directly 12. Chaudhary A (ed) (1974) Introduction to Suttanipāta ā Aṭṭhakathā, vol 1. , under N gamitra. After having mastered the phil- Nalanda, Bihar, p 12 osophical tenets of Nāgārjuna, he went on reside 13. Ibid., at the [O]Dantapuri monastery in South India, Buddhapālita 287 where he composed many commentaries on the even if one attempts to find out faults and rejects, works of Nāgārjuna and Āryadeva. Buddhapālita the thesis already put forth by someone else, log- had many disciples, among whom Kamalabuddhī ically it suffices. By pointing out logically false/ became well known [2]. absurd consequences, inconsistencies, and contra- Out of the two schools of Mādhyamikas, dictions involved, one can vanquish the opponent B namely, Svātaṅtrika and Prāsaṅgika,itseems, and succeed in argumentation indirectly. Thus, it/ Prāsaṅgika tradition emerged explicitly with refutation is an indirect mode of establishing Buddhapālita, though (in the implicit form) seeds a thesis, which involves truth claim/s apparently (of its development) were present in the writings in the implicit and unexpressed form. That is, of Āryadeva. Whereas, Bhāvaviveka seems to be criticism is a mode of argumentation to establish the founder of Svātaṅtrika-Mādhyamika,who the ultimate truth indirectly and to disprove/reject/ composed Prajn˜ā-pradīpa, a commentary on refute absurd/faulty thesis (of the opponent/s) Nāgārjuna’s Madhyamaka-s´āstra (and he also directly, which is called as a Prasaṅga (reductio- wrote an independent treatise entitled ad-absurdum) method, which seems to be a prom- Madhyamaka-hṛdaya,withanauto-commentary inent feature of philosophization of Nāgārjuna, on it known as Tarkajwāla). Later on Candrakīrti and obviously of his commentators/interpreters wrote Prasannpadā, which too is a commentary like, Āryadeva, Buddhapālita, Bhāvaviveka/ on Nāgārjuna’s Madhyamaka-s´āstra [3], in order Bhavya, and Candrakīrti. to defend Buddhapālita and combat the criticism Nāgārjuna explicitly has written that indepen- leveled by Bhāvaviveka. dently he himself has no truth claim/s to make, Prāsaṅgika is a dialectician/debater, who is rather what he wants to advocate is teaching of the interested in finding out fault/s in the arguments Buddha. It is this statement at the hands of his of others, and by using those faults as grounds of interpreters, which became a point of controversy. (one’s own) argumentation, he or she attacks on Now the question arises: why Nāgārjuna was the opponent. However, he himself is not neces- reminding to understand the importance of Bud- sarily interested in establishing any thesis (of dha’s teaching? Because, before him, various his own) independently. His intension rather is scholars from early Buddhism and some of the only to disprove/reject the (faulty) thesis followers of the Mahāyāna-sūtras prevalent have forwarded. Having no position, the attempt is attempted to respond to problems confronted in only to reject/deny the argument advanced by the then situations and interpreted Buddha’s others, either in full form of argumentation or teaching according to their own convenience, per- else partially by pointing out the lacunas and haps, in a faulty way. Buddha’s teaching was inconsistencies in supportive main constituents interpreted partially adopting Śās´vatavāda of the argument/s, namely, Hetu (reason) and (eternalism and certainty) on the one hand, and/ Udāharaṇa (example) [4]. or Ucchedavāda (nihilism) in some form or the In any argumentation, there are two modes of other, on the other hand, either unknowingly or establishing a thesis – direct and indirect. A thesis deliberately. Especially, the negativistic attitudes can be established by providing appropriate rea- were promulgated by some of the Buddhists, who son/s (Hetu) and an acceptable well-known (affir- were wrongly emphasizing on Śūnyatā (empti- mative/negative) example (Udāharaṇa), which is ness/void). According to them, if there is no a direct mode of establishing thesis (a critique). beginning and no end, then there will not be But a logician has to be careful not only in appro- importance of the Ārya-Satya (Four Noble priately putting forth the thesis, he or she has to be Truths), and then there will be no importance of cautious and careful about flaws and contradic- Dharma (teaching of the Buddha) along with tions involved in already put forth argument/s by Karma (actions). Consequently, it means that others/opponents (a criticism) in argumentation there is no significance of Vinaya (rules/codes of for establishing the ultimate truth. Instead of put- practice) and finally of the Buddha himself. It is to ting forth another argument independently, thus, this chain of argumentation, perhaps, Nāgārjuna 288 Buddhapālita was criticizing and rebuking their modes of situations and circumstances in a clear way is philosophization. necessary. Instead of repeating/reiterating the Thus, in order to reject and oppose completely same arguments, supplementation/addition of such extremists modes of adherence and backdoor new arguments, which is an appropriate mode of entry of wrong/faulty views, Nāgārjuna stressed giving new interpretation (of Nāgārjuna’s on the need of criticism/negation. Though, later thoughts) and brings out its significance, seems to on such a mode of negation/refutation itself be the insistence of Bhāvaviveka. Śūnyatā should became a point of divergence among his followers not be interpreted as (an independent) metaphysi- and interpreters. He was emphasizing on the cal entity, but it is a method of understanding importance of Madhyamā-pratipadā (middle reality by negation [6]. way or non-extremism), by using concepts It is against this that Buddhapālita and later on already prevalent in the earlier Buddhist tradition, Candrakīrti, perhaps, held a position that in order namely, Śūnyatā (emptiness/void), Pratītya- to establish Nāgārjuna’s contention indirect mode samutpāda (dependent origination), of argumentation suffices, and moreover empha- Niḥsvabhāvatā (essencelessness), and Nirvāṇa sizing Śūnyatā (emptiness) is minimally essential. (emancipation), by giving importance to both the Against Bhāvaviveka, they were stressing on the truths equally, namely, Paramārtha-sat (Ulti- other side of Śūnyatā (emptiness), and insisting on mate-Truth) and Vyavahāra/Saṁvṛtti-sat (Con- a view that Śūnyatā should be interpreted in both ventional-Truth) [5]. Although he was using the the senses – Sarva-dharma-s´ūnyatā (emptiness of old concepts, he was giving a new interpretation all characteristics) and Sarva-bhāva-s´ūnyatā and presenting a novel mode of correlation backed (emptiness of all things and beings) too. All by an appropriate rationale. However, while understanding is after all a conceptual construc- understanding Nāgārjuna, his followers attempted tion on both the levels of truth. Hence, what to interpret him in different way/s, and apparently Nāgārjuna has denied/negated needs to be empha- there is a schism in between them. sized directly to understand his position. In order to generate an appropriate conception In the fag end of life, Buddhapālita, it seems, of Śūnyatā (emptiness/essenceless), one should was blessed by Ārya Mañjuśrī, after hard austerity use the established arguments/knowledge claims and meditation, and he was a recipient of mystic and advocate (directly) that things ultimately Guṭikā, which uplifted him to celestial reality of (Paramārthataḥ) have no intrinsic nature (in the Tūṣita heaven. context of Dvisatya – the ), according to Nāgārjuna. Nāgārjuna used this Prasaṅga method to refute the already put forth Cross-References faulty views. Bhāvaviveka, later on, it seems, asserted that ▶ Āryadeva stating consequences directly and implications ▶ Bhāvaviveka clearly of Nāgārjuna’s contention is not sufficient. ▶ Bodhisattva It is essential to insist that things even convention- ▶ Buddha (Concept) ally (Vyavahārataḥ) do not have any intrinsic ▶ Candrakīrti nature. While connecting and explaining ▶ Four Noble Truths Nāgārjuna’s views, in order to avoid confusion ▶ Karma and ambiguity, an independently (Svataṅtra) ▶ Madhyamā Pratipad new arguments in support of the already given ▶ Mādhyamika ones, are to be supplied, which are transcending ▶ Mahāyāna the limitations of contexts and making thoughts ▶ Mahāyāna Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra more relevant context-freely, and further bringing ▶ Mañjuśrī out the implicit meaning involved in the changed ▶ Nāgārjuna 289 ˙

▶ Nālandā The is the fourteenth book of the ▶ Nirvāṇa , which in turn is part of the ▶ Paramārtha . It is a small text in verse which offers ▶ Prajn˜ā an account of the life of Gotama (Sk: Gautama) ▶ Pāramitā Buddha and 24 Buddhas who are supposed to B ▶ Pratītya Samutpāda have preceded him in the last 12 eons (kalpas). ▶ Śūnyatā The 24 Buddhas are Dīpaṃkara, Koṇḍañña, ▶ Uccheda-vāda Maṅgala, Sumana, Revata, Sobhita, Anomadassī, ▶ Upāya-Kaus´alya Paduma, Nārada, Padumuttara, Sumedha, Sujāta, ▶ Vinaya Piyadassī, Atthadassi, Dhammadassī, Siddhattha, Tissa, Phussa, Vipassi, Sikhi, Vessabhu, Kakusandha, Konāgamana, and Kassapa. The References names of the last six Buddhas of this list also find mention in two suttas (Āṭānāṭīya Suttanta and 1. Vaidya PL (1960) Madhyamakaśāstra of Nāgārjuna Mahāpadhāna Suttanta)oftheDīgha Nikāya. ā ī with Prasannapad of Candrak rti. The Mithila Institute, It has been suggested that the number of 24 pre- 2. Pandeya R (ed) (1988) The Madhyamakaśāstram of decessors of Gotama Buddha given in the Nāgārjuna (intro), vol I. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, Buddhavaṃsa is probably analogous to the p xiii corresponding number of Jaina tīrthaṃkaras. The 3. Chattopadyaya D (ed) (1997) Tārānātha’s history of ā ī – author of the Madhuratthavil , the commen- Buddhism. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 186 187 ṃ ṃ 4. Warder AK (2000) Indian Buddhism, 3rd edn. Motilal tary of the Buddhava sa,saysthatBuddhava sa Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 443, 451–452 was proclaimed and delivered by Gotama Buddha 5. Richard HR (1967) Early Mādhyamikas in India and himself and was transmitted further down by China. The University of Wisconsin Press, London a continuous line of theras up to the time of the 6. Santina PD (1986) Mādhyamika schools in India. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi and likewise from then onwards by an uninterrupted teacher-pupil lineage. After an introductory chapter, the Buddhavaṃsa devotes one chapter each to the 24 predecessor Buddhas. In a rather monotonous Buddhavamsa ˙ style, the Buddhavaṃsa relates about each of the earlier Buddhas as to how each of them set the K. T. S. Sarao wheel of the dhamma (Sk: dharma) rolling and Department of Buddhist Studies, University of how (with slight deviations) the main happenings Delhi, Delhi, India of Gotama Buddha’s life took place in the case of each one of the earlier Buddhas. Speaking in first person, Gotama Buddha himself relates the story Synonyms as to who he was during the time of each of the earlier Buddhas, how he paid respect to each of Chronicle of the Buddhas; Lineage of the those Buddhas, and how those Buddhas predicted Buddhas his own Buddhahood in the future. The Buddhavaṃsa consists of three divisions called nidānas. The first nidāna begins in a distant Definition past when a rich brāhmaṇa called Sumedha took the vows to become a Buddha at the time of The Buddhavaṃsa is a Buddhist text that talks Dīpaṃkara Buddha and the latter prophesied that about the lives of Gautama Buddha and the 24 he would indeed become a Buddha and counted Buddhas who preceded him. the ten pāramitās (perfections) that he would be 290 Buddhism and Politics required to practice to achieve his goal. This References nidāna ends with the death of Vessantara and his rebirth in Tusita devaloka. The second nidāna 1. von Hinüber O (1996) A handbook of Pāli literature. relates the history beginning with death in Tusita Walter de Gruyter, Berlin 2. Horner IB (ed) (1946) Madhuratthavilāsinī nāma and ending with the attainment of Buddhahood Buddhavaṃsaṭṭhakathā of Bhadantācariya Buddhadatta (enlightenment) under the Bodhi tree. The third Mahāthera. Pali Text Society, London nidāna relates the history from the attainment of 3. Horner IB (trans) (1975) Chronicle of Buddhas ṃ ṭ Buddhahood till the attainment of nibbāna (Sk: (Buddhava sa) and basket of conduct (Cariyapi aka). āṇ ā Pali Text Society, London nirv a). The nid na ends with a list of the Bud- 4. Horner IB (trans) (1978) The clarifier of sweet meaning dhas up to Metteya (Sk: Maitreya), the future (Madhuratthavilāsinī): commentary on the chronicle of Buddha, and a report on the distribution of the Buddhas (Buddhavaṃsa) by Buddhadatta Thera. Pali Text Society, London relics of the Buddha. ṃ ā ā ṭ 5. Jayawickrama NA (ed) (1974) Buddhava sa and Along with the Apad na and the Cariy pi aka, Cariyāpiṭaka, new edn. Pali Text Society, London the Buddhavaṃsa has been termed as hagiograph- 6. Winternitz M (trans) (1983) V.S. . History of ical. It is also considered a late addition to the Indian literature, vol 2, rev. edn. Motilal Banarsidass, Pāli Tipiṭaka. Winternitz, for instances, on the Delhi 7. Law BC (1983) A history of , reprint, basis of his study of this text has pointed out that vol 1. Indological Book House, Delhi there is an overwhelming presence of the kind of 8. Morris R (ed) (1882) The Buddhavaṃsa and the worship and deification of the Buddha which is Cariyapiṭaka. Pali Text Society, London not known to the oldest Tipiṭaka texts, but with which the Buddhist Sanskrit literature is replete, particularly that of the Mahāyāna. It was also suggested by Richard Morris, the first ṃ editor of the Buddhava sa for the Pali Text Soci- Buddhism and Politics ety, that the Buddhavaṃsa may be a mere poetical expansion of some short prose history of ▶ the Buddhas who appeared before the time of Gotama Buddha. The contents of the Buddhavaṃsa to some extent are similar to the nidānakathā of the Jātaka book, where verses from Buddhavaṃsa have been repeated. Same is the case with regard to the introduction to the Buddhism in North America Atthasālinī, Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the ▶ Dhammasaṅgaṇī. Westernization (Buddhism)

Cross-References

▶ Apadāna ▶ Cariyāpiṭaka ▶ Dīgha Nikāya ▶ Westernization (Buddhism) ▶ Enlightenment ▶ Jātaka ▶ Khuddaka Nikāya ▶ Pāramitās ▶ Sutta Piṭaka Buddhist Animism ▶ Tipiṭaka ▶ Tīrthaṅkara (Jainism) ▶ Nature Worship (Buddhism) 291

among the members of the saṃgha, Mahākassapa Buddhist Art and his associates decided to convene this council so that the authenticity and purity of the ▶ Amaravati buddhavacana (teachings of the Buddha) may be preserved. It took place at Rājagaha (Sk: B Rājgṛha) about 3 months after the Mahāparinibbāna. Five hundred (according to Buddhist Canon Xuanzang 1,000) monks were chosen to partici- pate in the proceedings. Initially, Ānanda was not ▶ Tipiṭaka invited to participate as he had not attained arhanthood. However, later, Mahākassapa approved his participation on popular demand as the Master had taught him the Dhamma and the Buddhist Councils Vinaya in person. Still, the saṃgha found Ānanda guilty of the following ecclesiastical offenses, and K. T. S. Sarao despite the fact that Ānanda had reached Department of Buddhist Studies, University of arhanthood on the night before the council began Delhi, Delhi, India and that the attainment of arhanthood makes a person immune to all guilt and punishment, it was considered essential to keep the leading per- Synonyms sonality of the council above board.

Saṅgīti 1. He had not ascertained the lesser and minor precepts whose abrogation had been permitted by the Master. Ānanda replied that he was not Definition able to do so as he was overwhelmed with grief at the imminent death of the Master. Four assemblies (saṅgīti) of the Buddhist saṃgha 2. He had treaded on the rainy season garment of that took place after the death of the Buddha to the Master while sewing it. Ānanda replied sort out various differences that arose relating to that he had to do so as there was no one to matters of discipline and interpretation of the help him. teachings of the Buddha. 3. He had allowed women first to salute the dead body of the Master. Ānanda replied that as he did not want to detain women, he permitted The First Council them to salute the body of the Mater first. He also did this for their edification. The First Council was held 3 months after the 4. He had not requested the Master to enable him Mahāparinibbāna at Rājagaha (Sk: Rājagṛha) to continue his study for a kappa (Sk: kalpa). under the presidentship of Mahākassapa (Sk: Ānanda replied that he forgot to do so as he Mahākāśyapa). Ānanda and Upāli were the other was under the influence of Māra. leading personalities who participated in this 5. He had successfully pleaded for the entry of council. A newly ordained monk called Subhadda women into the saṃgha. Ānanda replied that (Sk: Subhadra) had declared, on hearing the news he did so out of consideration for Mahāpajāpatī of the death of the Buddha, that it was an occasion who had nursed the Master in his infancy. to celebrate as the latter would no longer be there 6. He failed to supply drinking water to the Bud- to reprimand the likes of him for their unseemly dha though he had asked thrice for it. Ānanda’s conduct. Alarmed by such a disrespectful behav- reply was that he was not able to do so as the ior and widespread sentiment of doubt and dismay water of the river was muddy. 292 Buddhist Councils

7. He showed the privy parts of the Buddha to The Second Council men and women of low character. Ānanda replied that he did so with a purpose to rid The Second Council was held at Vesālī (Sk: them of their sensuality. Vaiśālī), in the reign of King Kāḷāsoka, a century after the Mahāparinibbāna. This council was Ānanda’s replies were taken as satisfactory and called to address the following Ten Extravagances he was exonerated. The council began with (dasavatthūni) that the monks of Vajji (Sk: Vṛji) Kassapa questioning Upāli on the Vinaya. Follow- region had got the habit of: ing a procedure as to where, concerning whom, in regard to what matter was a particular rule of the 1. Siṅgiloṇakappa: The practice of carrying salt Vinaya along with the subrule was formulated, the in a horn for use, violating Pacittiya 38 which whole of the Vinaya text is said to have been prohibits the storage of food. agreed upon at the council. After the Vinaya was 2. Dvaṅgulakappa: The practice of taking meals formulated, the Dhamma was prepared. The when the shadow is two fingers wide, i.e., answers given by Ānanda settled the corpus of taking meal after midday, thus, violating the Sutta Piṭaka. In some texts, it has been pointed Pacittiya 37 which forbids the taking of food out that immediately after the recitation of the after midday. scriptures was over, the monk Purāṇa arrived at 3. Gāmantarakappa: The practice of going to Rājagaha with 500 brethren. When asked to asso- another village and taking a second meal ciate himself with the Dhamma and Vinaya as had there on the same day, thus, violating just been recited, he replied the he would like to Pacittiya 35 which forbids overeating. retain it in his memory the way he had personally 4. Āvāsakappa: The practice of observing heard from the Master. It appears that it would Uposatha ceremony in various places in the have been impossible to think that two huge parts same parish which contravened the Mahāvagga of the Tipiṭaka, i.e., Sutta and Vinaya, were finally (II,8.3) rule of residence in a parish. composed and settled within a short period of 5. Anumatikappa: The practice of obtaining 3 months. Further, there is no reason to hypothe- sanction for a deed after it was done, thus, size that the Abhidhamma (Sk: Abhidharma) leading to breach of monastic discipline formed part of the proceedings that took place at (Mavāvagga.IX,3.5). the First Council. Though it is no longer possible 6. Āciṇṇakappa: The practice of using custom- to regard the First Council as pure fiction, yet its ary practices as precedents which amounted nature and work remain uncertain. to a breach of monastic discipline. Another significant item on the agenda of the 7. Amathitakappa: The practice of drinking but- council related to , the charioteer of the termilk after meals, thus, contravening Buddha on the day of the . The Pacittiya 35 which prohibits overeating. Brahmadaṇḍa (highest penalty) was passed on 8. Jalogiṃ-pātuṃ: The practice of drinking Channa as he had insulted all the member of the toddy which was a violation of Pacittiya 51 saṃgha through his extremely insolent demeanor. which forbids the drinking of intoxicants. Ānanda told that monks that the Buddha had said 9. Adasakaṃ-nisīdanaṃ: The practice of using at the time of his death: “Let then the saṃgha, a rug without a fringe whereas Pacittiya 89 Ānanda, when I am dead, impose the higher pen- forbids the use of borderless sheets. alty on Channa the Monk.” The punishment 10. Jātarūparajataṃ: The practice of accepting imposed was total social ostracism of Channa. gold and silver which was forbidden by rule When this punishment was divulged to Channa, 18 of the Nissaggiya-Pacittiya. he was struck with intense sorrow and repentance. As result of this, he was cleansed of all his faults Elder (Sk: Yaśas) felt that these Ten and he became an Arhant, the punishment auto- Extravagances were unorthodox and proclaimed matically losing its meaning and application. them to be outrageous and unlawful. The Vajjian Buddhist Councils 293 monks imposed the punishment of doctrines were refuted after a thorough examina- paṭisaraṇīyakamma (Sk: pratisaṃharṇīyakarma tion. However, scholars now mostly believe that Act of Reconciliation) upon him, requiring him to the compilation of was probably apologize to the laity. However, Yasa successfully begun but not completed by Moggaliputta. One defended himself before the laity, convincing them of the history-making decisions taken at this coun- B to be on his side. This further enraged the Vajjian cil was the dispatch of missionaries to foreign lands monks who expelled him from the saṃgha by for the propagation of the Dhamma. This council is promulgating the penalty of ukkhepaṇīyakamma mentioned only in the Pāli records, and for this (Sk: utkṣepaṇīyakarma, Act of Excommunication) reason, it is often referred to as the third Theravāda upon him. Thereafter, Yasa went to different mon- Council. Whereas some scholars such as Keith and asteries requesting monks to meet and deliberate Dutt feel that this council was either a sectarian upon the matter. Consequently, 700 monks met at affair of the Theravādins or was not held at all, Vesālī. Sabbakāmi (Sk: Sarvagāmin) was elected others, including Bhandarkar and Bongard-Levin, president. The Ten Extravagances were put to vote point out that there is nothing inherently impossible one by one and were declared unlawful. In the in the events connected with it. Samanta-pāsādikā, Buddhaghosa observes that after the verdict, the Vinaya and the Dhamma were recited afresh. On their part, the Vajjian The Fourth Council monks convened their own council called the Mahāsaṅgīti (Great Council). The Mahāsāṃghika The Fourth Council took place in c. 100 C.E. Vinaya passes in silence over the first nine points during the reign of King Kaniṣka I. The venue of and condemns only the tenth one. the council was either Jālaṃdhara (Punjab) or somewhere in Gandhāra-Kaśmīr. According to Xuanzang, confused by the conflicting views of The Third Council Buddhist monks, Kaniṣka consulted Pārsva, who proposed the convening of a council. Conse- The Third Council was held at Pāṭaliputta under the quently, the Fourth Council was convened under patronage of the King Asoka (Sk: Aśoka). Asoka the presidentship of and vice- had instructed one of his ministers to put a stop to presidentship of Asvaghosa. It was at this council wrong practices being followed in the saṃgha. that commentaries on each of the Piṭakas were However, the minister misinterpreted the order written and each of the commentaries contained and executed several monks for their disobedience 100,000 verses. According to Xuanzang, the of the king’s order. When this matter was reported newly composed Vibhāsā treatises were inscribed to Asoka, he was distressed and asked the saṃgha on copper plates, incased in stone boxes, and whether he was guilty of the murder of monks. buried in a stūpa. The council apparently took Some thought him guilty, some not. Finally, 12 years to accomplish the work it had under- Moggaliputta was invited to Pāṭaliputta to arbitrate taken. Most probably, Sanskrit was the language in the matter. He declared the king not guilty, as he used at this council. One of the most momentous had no intention of killing the monks. The king decisions taken at this council was the settlement thereafter convoked an assembly of the entire of dissidence within the saṃgha. The council rec- saṃgha, and heretical monks numbering 60,000 ognized all the 18 sects as the repositories of were disrobed. Vibhajjavāda (the religion of the genuine buddhavacana. It appears that the analytical reasoning) was declared the true monks of the Sarvāstivāda School were most pre- buddhavacana. Moggaliputta thereafter elected dominant at this council. The Theravādins do not a 1,000 monks and worked with them, and the recognize this council, and there is no reference to Tipiṭaka was compiled. Halfway through the coun- this council in the Sri Lankan chronicles. Some cil, Moggaliputta is said to have compiled scholars such as Poussin doubt the historicity of the Kathāvatthu-pakarṇa wherein the heretical this council altogether, though others, such as 294 Buddhist Environmentalism

Dutt, feel that it was a sectarian affair of the Sarvāstivādins. Buddhist Ethics

▶ Cross-References Ethics (Buddhism)

▶ Arahant ▶ Aśoka ▶ Dhamma Buddhist History ▶ Mahākassapa ▶ ▶ Māra History, Indian Buddhism ▶ Rājagaha (Pāli) ▶ Sarvāstivāda ▶ Theravāda ▶ Tipiṭaka Buddhist Learning ▶ Vesālī ▶ ▶ Vinaya Education (Buddhism) ▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang)

References Buddhist Monarchy

1. Bareau A (1955) Les premiers conciles bouddhiques. ▶ Kingship (Buddhism) Presses Universitaires de France, Paris 2. Bareau A (1955) Les sectes Bouddhiques du Petit Véhicule. École Française d’Extrême Orient, Saigon, 3. Demiéville P (1951) A propos du concise de Vaiśālī. Buddhist Philosophy T’uong Pao, Leiden, pp 239–296 4. Dutt N (1959) The . Indian Hist Q XXXV(I):45–56 ▶ Abhidharma (Theravāda) 5. Franke RO (1908) The Buddhist councils at Rājagaha and Vesālī as alleged in Cullavagga XI., XII. J Pali Text Soc I908:1–80 6. Frauwallner E (1952) Die buddhistische Konzile. ZDMG 102:240–261 Buddhist Psychology 7. Hofinger M (1946) Étude sur le concile de Vaiśālī. Bureaux du Muséon, Louvain ▶ Abhidharma (Theravāda) 8. De La Vallée Poussin L (1908) The Buddhist councils. Indian Antiq 37(1908):1–18, 81–106 9. De La Vallée Poussin L (1908) Councils. Encycl Relig Ethics 4(1908–21):170–185 10. Oldenberg H (ed) (1880) The Vinaya Pitakaṃ, vol ii. Buddhist of the Natural Pali Text Society, London, pp 284–308 11. Prebish CS (1974) A review of scholarship on the World Buddhist councils. J Asian Stud XXXIII(2):239–254 12. Przyluski J (1926) Le Concile de Rajagṛha. Paul ▶ Nature Worship (Buddhism) Geuthner, Paris

Buddhist Environmentalism Budh Gyā

▶ Ecology (Buddhism) ▶ Bodhagayā