IFES Faqs on Elections in the Russian Federation: 2018
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Public Contestation Practices in Russia in 2000–2020
https://doi.org/10.18778/1427-9657.09.06 EASTERN REVIEW 2020, T. 9 Roman Savenkov https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1643-2444 Voronezh State University, Voronezh, Russia Department of Sociology and Political Science e-mail: [email protected] Public contestation practices in Russia in 2000–2020 Abstract. The article analyzes the influence exerted by the limitation of legal opportunities for public contestation in the 2000s on the scope of mobilization and the repertoire of public contestation practices. The term ‘public contestation’ is used to describe forms of individual and collective political activity focused on criticizing, denying and resisting the current government project, including by introducing alternative projects. The public contestation includes constructive actions of political actors not related to causing damage or disposing of political opponents. The paper is based on political and legal analysis and on some elements of event analysis. In the 2000s, the scale of public contestation on discursive and protest platforms was smaller than over the next decade, which did not create any needs for detailed regulation of such activities. At the same time, changes in political and legal opportunities in the electoral and party field were quite intense throughout 2000–2020. The most popular forms of public contestation were public events (in 2011–2018), as well as discursive activity on the Internet and in mass media (after 2018). During the above mentioned period, we see the biggest changes in legal opportunities in this field and increasing penalties for respective violations. The electoral field shows the pendulum dynamics: decreasing and increasing opportunities in 2000–2011 and 2012–2019, respectively. -
Strategic Management of Political Communications--The Communist Party of the Russian Federation Experience
2019 International Conference on Politics, Economics and Management (ICPEM 2019) Strategic Management of Political Communications--The Communist Party of the Russian Federation Experience Sergey G. Korkonosenko1,*, Zalina F. Khubetcova1 1 Saint Petersburg State University, 7-9, Universitetskaya nab., Saint Petersburg, Russia *corresponding author Keywords: political communication, management, communist party of russia, strategic planning, media. Abstract: The paper considers the strategic management of political communications at theoretical level and at the level of practical activities. The current experience of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is in research focus. The authors’ aim is to analyze how the party plans and organizes political communications, while the ideological environment has become unfavorable for the Russian communists. For this aim, the authors present in detail media resources of the party and evaluate its communicative activity as well as examine the advanced technologies usage for contacting the target audiences. The most difficulties for Russian communists consist in involving new generations in political dialogue and political interaction following. 1. Introduction For thirty years, one of the most important consequences of the social transformations in the Russian Federation was the changing position of the Communist Party, former main political actor in the Soviet Union. Nowadays, the communist ideology is being presented to the voters as something unattractive and undemocratic, and in these conditions, -
El Salvador's 2019 Elections
CRS INSIGHT El Salvador's 2019 Elections February 6, 2019 (IN11034) | Related Author Clare Ribando Seelke | Clare Ribando Seelke, Specialist in Latin American Affairs ([email protected], 7-5229) On February 3, 2019, Nayib Bukele, a 37-year-old former mayor of San Salvador and candidate of the Grand Alliance of National Unity (GANA) party, won El Salvador's presidential election. Bukele garnered 53% of the vote, well ahead of Carlos Calleja, a business executive running for a conservative National Republican Alliance (ARENA)-led coalition, with 31.8%, and Hugo Mártinez, a former foreign minister of the leftist Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN), with 14.4%. Bukele's first-round victory occurred amid relatively low voter turnout (44.7%) during a peaceful electoral process observed by the Organization of American States and others. Bukele is set to succeed Salvador Sánchez Cerén (FMLN) as president on June 1, 2019, and serve a single, five-year term. Bukele's election ends 10 years of FMLN government. Who Is Nayib Bukele? Nayib Bukele served as mayor of Nuevo Cuscatlán (2012-2015) and San Salvador (2015-2018) for the FMLN. Prior to entering politics, Bukele worked in family businesses started by his late father, a prominent Salvadoran of Palestinian descent who backed the FMLN financially beginning in the early 1990s. Throughout his political career, Bukele has used social media to connect directly with voters, a new phenomenon in Salvadoran politics. As mayor, he revitalized the historic center of San Salvador and engaged at-risk youth in violence-prevention programs. In 2017, the FMLN expelled him for criticizing the party's leadership. -
The 2020 Presidential Election: Provisions of the Constitution and U.S. Code
PREFACE The National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) is proud to acknowledge its role in the Presidential election pro- cess. NARA’s Office of the Federal Register (OFR) acts as the administrator of the Electoral College and carries out the duties of the Archivist. In this role, the OFR is charged with helping the States carry out their election responsibilities, ensuring the completeness and integrity of the Electoral College documents submitted to Congress, and informing the public about the Presidential election process. The Electoral College system was established under Article II and Amendment 12 of the U.S. Constitution. In each State, the voters choose electors to select the President and Vice President of the United States, based on the results of the Novem- ber general election. Before the general election, the Archivist officially notifies each State’s governor and the Mayor of the District of Columbia of their electoral responsibilities. OFR provides instructions and resources to help the States and District of Columbia carry out those responsibilities. As the results of the popular vote are finalized in each state, election officials create Certificates of Ascertainment, which establish the credentials of their electors, that are sent to OFR. In December, the electors hold meetings in their States to vote for President and Vice President. The electors seal Certificates of Vote and send them to the OFR and Congress. In January, Congress sits in joint session to certify the election of the President and Vice President. In the year after the election, electoral documents are held at the OFR for public viewing, and then transferred to the Archives of the United States for permanent retention and access. -
Iran: 2021 Presidential Election
By Nigel Walker 5 July 2021 Iran: 2021 presidential election Summary 1 Background 2 2021 presidential election commonslibrary.parliament.uk Number CBP-9269 Iran: 2021 presidential election Image Credits Iran flag by OpenClipart – Vectors from Pixabay / image cropped. Licensed under Pixabay License. Free for commercial use. No attribution required. Disclaimer The Commons Library does not intend the information in our research publications and briefings to address the specific circumstances of any particular individual. We have published it to support the work of MPs. You should not rely upon it as legal or professional advice, or as a substitute for it. We do not accept any liability whatsoever for any errors, omissions or misstatements contained herein. You should consult a suitably qualified professional if you require specific advice or information. Read our briefing ‘Legal help: where to go and how to pay’ for further information about sources of legal advice and help. This information is provided subject to the conditions of the Open Parliament Licence. Feedback Every effort is made to ensure that the information contained in these publicly available briefings is correct at the time of publication. Readers should be aware however that briefings are not necessarily updated to reflect subsequent changes. If you have any comments on our briefings please email [email protected]. Please note that authors are not always able to engage in discussions with members of the public who express opinions about the content of our research, although we will carefully consider and correct any factual errors. You can read our feedback and complaints policy and our editorial policy at commonslibrary.parliament.uk. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights Election Observation Mission Russian Federation Presidential Election, 18 March 2018
OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights Election Observation Mission Russian Federation Presidential Election, 18 March 2018 INTERIM REPORT 5 February – 1 March 2018 2 March 2018 I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • The Russian Federation will hold a presidential election on 18 March 2018. The Central Election Commission (CEC) registered eight candidates, seven fielded by political parties and one, the incumbent president, as a self-nominated candidate standing for a second consecutive and a fourth overall term. One candidate is a woman. • Several amendments to the election legislation were adopted since the last presidential election, most recently in December 2017, responding to some previous ODIHR recommendations. A number of other recommendations, including those pertaining to guarantees for freedom of assembly, association and expression, remain to be addressed. • The campaign is generally low-key but has become more visible following the 23 February Defenders of Fatherland Day celebrations. Meanwhile, outdoor campaign events are limited in visibility. By contrast, concurrent get-out-the-vote initiatives, with a view to ensuring a high voter turnout, launched by a multitude of actors including local authorities, private and state enterprises, feature prominently across the country. • The presidential election is administered a by four-tiered election administration that serves a five- year term. Preparations for the elections are underway and legal deadlines have so far been respected. The CEC has held regular, public, at times live-streamed, sessions with extensive discussions on various issues including alleged interference by local authorities into the electoral process. A comprehensive voter information campaign, launched by the CEC, is ongoing. • The number of registered voters in the Russian Federation as of 1 January is 108,968,869, including 1,875,408 voters abroad. -
The Western Media and Iran's Presidential Election 2009: The
International Journal of Liberal Arts and Social Science Vol. 1 No. 4 December, 2013 The Western Media and Iran’s Presidential Election 2009: The visual framing of a green revolution Sher Baz Khan Jacobs University Bremen, Germany E-mail: [email protected] Abstract This study is a quantitative analysis of photos on the websites of The New York Times, Times, and The Economist to understand the visual framing of Iran’s 2009 controversial presidential election. News photos were categorized into different framing types to answer four research questions, which sought to understand the visual framing of the presidential candidates and their supporters, the protests, and the Iranian feminism. The study found that the runner-up candidate, Mousavi, received more visual coverage compared to the incumbent reelected president, Ahmadinejad. The protests were framed as violent, uncontrollable, and revolutionary in nature, and as enjoying mass support across different segments of the Iranian society, while young and middle-aged urban Iranian women were dominantly portrayed as the symbol of Iranian feminism seeking a Western-style democracy in Iran. Keywords: visual framing, Iranian presidential election, Iranian feminism The Western Media and Iran’s Presidential Election 2009: The visual framing of a green revolution It was the most important event in the history of Iran since the Islamic Revolution of 1979. The opposition had launched countrywide protests after the runner-up candidate and former Prime Minister, Mir Hossein Mousavi, called the June 12, 2009 presidential election stolen. Officially, Mousavi had lost the election to incumbent President, Mahmud Ahmadinejad, but he had sought reelection, and threatened to stage what his campaign architects propagated as a “green revolution” if his demand was not accepted (Hossein-zadeh, 2009; Dreyfuss, 2009). -
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Russian Federation – Presidential Election, 18 March 2018
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Russian Federation – Presidential Election, 18 March 2018 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS The 18 March presidential election took place in an overly controlled legal and political environment marked by continued pressure on critical voices, while the Central Election Commission (CEC) administered the election efficiently and openly. After intense efforts to promote turnout, citizens voted in significant numbers, yet restrictions on the fundamental freedoms of assembly, association and expression, as well as on candidate registration, have limited the space for political engagement and resulted in a lack of genuine competition. While candidates could generally campaign freely, the extensive and uncritical coverage of the incumbent as president in most media resulted in an uneven playing field. Overall, election day was conducted in an orderly manner despite shortcomings related to vote secrecy and transparency of counting. Eight candidates, one woman and seven men, stood in this election, including the incumbent president, as self-nominated, and others fielded by political parties. Positively, recent amendments significantly reduced the number of supporting signatures required for candidate registration. Seventeen prospective candidates were rejected by the CEC, and six of them challenged the CEC decisions unsuccessfully in the Supreme Court. Remaining legal restrictions on candidates rights are contrary to OSCE commitments and other international standards, and limit the inclusiveness of the candidate registration process. Most candidates publicly expressed their certainty that the incumbent president would prevail in the election. With many of the candidates themselves stating that they did not expect to win, the election lacked genuine competition. Thus, efforts to increase the turnout predominated over the campaign of the contestants. -
Public Opinion and Democracy In
PUBLIC OPINION AND DEMOCRACY IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE (1992-2004) by Zofia Maka A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the University of Delaware in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science and International Relations Summer 2014 © 2014 Zofia Maka All Rights Reserved UMI Number: 3642337 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI 3642337 Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, MI 48106 - 1346 PUBLIC OPINION AND DEMOCRACY IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE (1992-2004) by Zofia Maka Approved: __________________________________________________________ Gretchen Bauer, Ph.D. Chair of the Department of Political Science and International Relations Approved: __________________________________________________________ George H. Watson, Ph.D. Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences Approved: __________________________________________________________ James G. Richards, Ph.D. Vice Provost for Graduate and Professional Education I certify that I have read this dissertation and that in my opinion it meets the academic and professional standard required by the University as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Signed: __________________________________________________________ Julio Carrion, Ph.D. -
The Russian Vertikal: the Tandem, Power and the Elections
Russia and Eurasia Programme Paper REP 2011/01 The Russian Vertikal: the Tandem, Power and the Elections Andrew Monaghan Nato Defence College June 2011 The views expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author(s)/ speaker(s) and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the publication. REP Programme Paper. The Russian Vertikal: the Tandem, Power and the Elections Introduction From among many important potential questions about developments in Russian politics and in Russia more broadly, one has emerged to dominate public policy and media discussion: who will be Russian president in 2012? This is the central point from which a series of other questions and debates cascade – the extent of differences between President Dmitry Medvedev and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and how long their ‘Tandem’ can last, whether the presidential election campaign has already begun and whether they will run against each other being only the most prominent. Such questions are typically debated against a wider conceptual canvas – the prospects for change in Russia. Some believe that 2012 offers a potential turning point for Russia and its relations with the international community: leading to either the return of a more ‘reactionary’ Putin to the Kremlin, and the maintenance of ‘stability’, or another term for the more ‘modernizing’ and ‘liberal’ Medvedev. -
Redalyc.POLAND's FOREIGN and SECURITY POLICY
Revista UNISCI ISSN: 2386-9453 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Bieczyk-Missala, Agnieszka POLAND’S FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY: MAIN DIRECTIONS Revista UNISCI, núm. 40, enero, 2016, pp. 101-117 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76743646007 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Revista UNISCI / UNISCI Journal , Nº 3 9 ( Enero / January 2016 ) POLAND’S FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY: MAI N DIRECTIONS Agnieszka Bieńczyk - Missala 1 University of Warsaw Abstract : This article tries to present the main areas of Polish foreign and security policy.Poland’s membership in the EU and in NATO was the strongest determinant of its position in international relations, and the guiding light of its foreign policy. Poland’s wor k in the EU was focused in particular on EU policy towards its eastern neighbours, common energy policy and security issues, while in NATO, Poland has always been a proponent of the open doors policy and has maintained close relationship with the US, suppo rting many of its policies and initiatives . Keywords : Poland, European Union Security and Defence, NATO, Poland´s bilateral relations . Resumen : El artículo presenta las principales áreas de la política exterior y de seguridad de Polonia, siendo su pertenencia a la Unión Europea y la OTAN los principales determinantes de su posición en las relaciones internacionales y el foco que ilumina su política exterior.