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Resisting Large-Scale Mining

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Resisting Large-Scale Mining Resisting large-scale mining The struggle against a large-scale mining company by the Guinaang tribe in Northern Luzon, the Philippines Master thesis International Development Studies Anton Neefjes Resisting large-scale mining The struggle against a large-scale mining company by the Guinaang tribe in Northern Luzon, the Philippines Anton Neefjes Student number: 910412597120 [email protected] MSc Thesis International Development Studies (MID) Department of Sociology of Development and Change Thesis code: SDC-80433 Wageningen University, January 2016 In cooperation with: the Center for Development Programs in the Cordillera (CDPC) Supervised by: dr. Elisabet Dueholm Rasch Abstract In resistance studies on resource conflict little attention has been paid to the micro-political ecology of resistance. This study addresses this gap by looking at a mining struggle carried out by an indigenous tribe in the mountains of the Cordillera, the Philippines, through a micro-political framework. The resistance carried out by members of the tribe is aimed at a large-scale gold and copper mining company. The form of resistance is that of rightful resistance. In brief, ‘rightful resistance’ means that people use the official legal and political channels of the government to make their claims (Li and O’Brien 1996). They use state power to combat corrupt government officials. This case study looks at how rightful resistance has successfully been used by members of the Guinaang tribe in preventing the Makilala mining company to mine in their place of residence. In particular, this study has analysed how the livelihood strategies of the people have influenced the way the people have engaged with the company. The findings of the study is the product of three months’ anthropological fieldwork in Guina-ang and surrounding barangays. Keywords: resistance, resource conflict, livelihood, mining, micro-political ecology, Philippines, Kalinga i Table of contents Abstract i Table of contents ii-iv Maps v-viii Foreword ix Acronyms, abbreviations and local terms x 1. Introduction 1-3 2. Methodology 4-11 The CDPC 4-5 Research location and research sample 5-6 Interviews 6-8 Observation and participation 8-9 The researcher as research instrument 9-10 Data analysis 10 Limitations of research 11 3. Theoretical Framework 12-24 Resource conflicts and micro-political ecology 12-14 Livelihoods, livelihood strategies and livelihood styles 14-15 Limits of livelihood perspectives 15-16 Social relations and livelihood strategies 16-17 Livelihood strategies, social relations and mining 17-18 Rural resistance 18-22 Rightful resistance 22-24 4. Context 25-42 Part A: National context 25-35 Philippine economic and political context: the lowland majority 25-26 and the highland minority Land, mining and indigenous people in the Philippines 26-29 Peasant and indigenous people’s resistance in the Philippines 29-30 The first domain: infra-politics and open resistance 30-34 The influence of civil society on mining policy 32-33 Armed resistance against foreign mining corporations 33-34 The second and third domain: local politics and indigenous rights 33-35 Part B: Regional and local context 35-42 Local land conflicts: the Cordilleran situation 35-36 The Chico Dam Struggle 37-38 ii Kalinga: local dynamics of conflict 38 The struggles of the Guinaang: history and present 38-40 Concluding remarks 40-42 5. The livelihoods of the Guinaang 42-73 Introduction 42 Geographical description 42 The Guinaang 42-43 The mapping of Guina-ang: climate and land use 43-46 The Guinaang tribe 46-47 Livelihood styles 47-52 Sharing, giving and bayanihan 47-49 Housing 50 Farming 50 Irrigation 50 Mining 51 Special occasions 51 Other forms of bayanihan 51 Agricultural intensification and extensification 52-55 Diversification 55-62 Small-scale mining practices of the Guinaang: 57-62 mining in Ginobat Migration 62-66 Social capital in the livelihood strategies of people 66-67 Levels of social organization: clans, barangay 67-73 community and tribe Clans 67-68 Barangay community 69-71 The tribe as social unit 71-73 6. The struggle against Makilala 74-106 Introduction 74 Mining history 74-77 Makilala Mining Company 75-77 Contestation over Makilala 77-86 Welcoming a Trojan horse or sitting on a pot of gold 77-78 Employment 78-80 Potential harmful effects of the company versus potential 80-83 beneficial economic developments by the company Trust and the belief in a harmless exploration phase 83-85 iii Neutrals 85-86 Factors that influence the stance of people towards Makilala 86-91 Actions and conflict 91-98 The trajectory of the FPIC process 92-98 Explanation of stages 92-94 Account of the FPIC-process 94-96 After the Temporary Restraining Order (TRO) 96-98 Analysis of the conflict around Makilala from a 99-105 micro-political perspective Use and management of mineral resources 99-100 Contestation over access to and ownership over land 100-103 Contestation over legitimate authority 103-105 7. Conclusion and Discussion 105-110 Main findings 105-107 Resistance 106-107 Theoretical contribution 107-108 Comparison with other case studies 108-109 Suggestions and recommendations 109-110 8. Appendices 111-134 9. References cited 135-145 iv Maps Map 1: Cordillera. Source: Wikipedia Map 2: Kalinga. Source: Wikipedia Map 3: Pasil. Source: Wikipedia v Map 4: Guina-ang. Source: not recorded vi Map 5: Barangays of the Guinaang (1). Source: not recorded. vii Map 6: Barangays of the Guinaang (2). Source: Skibo 1999. viii Foreword Proudly, I present to you, reader, this study. It would be bit of an overstatement to say that this study is about how the Guinaang defeated Makilala like a David that overthrew Goliath. Alone the fact that David stood on his own while the Guinaang were with many makes it a different story. Yet, there are some parallels. The Makilala Mining Company belongs to a large rich multinational mining company: Freeport McMoran, while the Guinaang tribe, while not really very poor, does not have that much economic power as the former. When Makilala had set its mind on the area where the Guinaang dwell, it was hard to see how the Guinaang could stop the mining company in its tracks. The company had a lot of money, the Guinaang people could use some money, and politicians also liked to have some money, so at first sight there appeared to be no problem for the company. Yet, there was. Namely, people from the tribe had never asked for the company to come, nor did they wish that it would come. Informed on mining disasters that had taken place in other places in the country, people of the tribe were very wary in letting the mining company enter. Others of the tribe disagreed and were of the opinion that the company would be very much welcome in the municipality. Conflict occurred. It is about this conflict and the struggle against Makilala that this thesis is about. The findings of this thesis are a result of three months fieldwork. The write-up of this thesis took a bit longer than this. Fortunately, there were times that I enjoyed the work. Credit where credit is due, I would like to give my sincere thanks to Elisabet Rasch in guiding me with this thesis. Without her guidance this thesis would have been a very messy and unstructured thesis. I would also like to thank all the people that have made this thesis possible in the first place. My cordial greetings to the CDPC staff: Jane, Julie, Ben, Merle, Anton, Jerry, Blessy, Glenn, Dina, Andy, Sibaen and all the others! And then last but not least the Guinaang folks. Thank you very much for your warmth and hospitality. Alex & Linda, Ahmboy & Ida and their children, lola Thomasa and Caridad, Lorenzo, Clenner, Geah, Veronica and Alicia and all the others who have been so kind to me, many thanks! I will hope you will have the strength and power to carry on the struggle if needed. And for everything else I wish you the best of luck. Till next time! When thou eatest the labour of thy hands, Happy shalt thou be, and it shall be well with thee. ~ Psalm 128:2 ix Acronyms, abbreviations and local terms AFP Armed Forces of the Philippines BBMGI Batong Buhay Gold Mines, Incorporated CDPC Center for Development Programs in the Cordillera CPA Cordillera People’s Alliance FPIC Free, Prior and Informed Consent FTAA Financial or Technical Assistance Agreement IPRA Indigenous People’s Rights Act IPs Indigenous People LGU Local Government Unit MOA Memorandum of Agreement NCIP National Commission on Indigenous People NPA New People’s Army TRO Temporary Restraining Order barangay village level government (the smallest government unit of the Philippines) barrio rural village neighbourhood bodong peace pact carabao water buffalo kagawad barangay official kaingin swidden farming kayaw blood revenge pagta peace pact agreements pansit a Philippine dish of noodles (commonly served at birthday celebrations) polutan finger foods that goes with drinking alcoholic beverages pusipos a celebration and homage to parents of old age sibit blessing to the first grandchild when seeing his grandparents sitio subdivision of a barangay uma swiddens x Introduction From 1994 to 2004 there has been a rise of 84% in gold production by gold mining companies in heavily indebted poor countries and in 2004 72% of the global gold output came from these countries (Leyland 2005; World Gold Council 2005). This is mainly the effect of the revision of mineral codes all over the world to accommodate neoliberal policies. Consecutively, this has increased the contact between Western mining companies and indigenous people (Ali 2003; Ballard and Banks 2003). The presence of large-scale mining companies near local (indigenous) communities is more often than not detrimental for the well-being of these communities.
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