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Standoff at Tiananmen: Recollections of 1989: the Making of Goddess of Democracy
2019/4/23 Standoff At Tiananmen: Recollections of 1989: The Making of Goddess of Democracy 更多 创建博客 登录 Standoff At Tiananmen How Chinese Students Shocked the World with a Magnificent Movement for Democracy and Liberty that Ended in the Tragic Tiananmen Massacre in 1989. Relive the history with this blog and my book, "Standoff at Tiananmen", a narrative history of the movement. Home Days People Documents Pictures Books Recollections Memorials Monday, May 30, 2011 "Standoff at Tiananmen" English Language Edition Recollections of 1989: The Making of Goddess of Democracy Click on the image to buy at Amazon "Standoff at Tiananmen" Chinese Language Edition On May 30, 1989, the statue Goddess of Democracy was erected at Tiananmen Square and became one of the lasting symbols of the 1989 student movement. The following is a re-telling of the making of that statue, originally published in the book Children of Dragon, by a sculptor named Cao Xinyuan: Nothing excites a sculptor as much as seeing a work of her own creation take shape. But although I was watching the creation of a sculpture that I had had no part in making, I nevertheless felt the same excitement. It was the "Goddess of Democracy" statue that stood for five days in Tiananmen Square. Until last year I was a graduate student at the Central Academy of Fine Arts in Beijing, where the sculpture was made. I was living there when these events took place. 点击图像去Amazon购买 Students and faculty of the Central Academy of Fine Arts, which is located only a short distance from Tiananmen Square, had from the beginning been actively involved in the demonstrations. -
Amnesty International
amnesty international PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA No Improvement in Human Rights: The Imprisonment of dissidents in 1998 4 March 1999 AI Index: ASA 17/14/99 Despite the marking of the 50th anniversary of the adoption of the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights in 1998 and despite the recent signing by China of the two United Nations Covenants on Human Rights there are still no guarantees for the Chinese people that they will not be detained or arrested for seeking the freedoms of association and expression enshrined in the UN Declaration. In the past twelve months, many scores of people throughout China have been detained, harassed and imprisoned solely for exercising these rights. The Chinese government’s signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) in October 1998, the visits to China of American President Bill Clinton, and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mary Robinson were heralded as triumphs for diplomacy and human rights ‘dialogue’. International opinion began to suggest that the Chinese authorities were making improvements in human rights. However, as the prospect of international censure recedes and the international spotlight faded, the Chinese authorities once again began to crack down on dissidents and activists. During the last few weeks of 1998, over 29 dissidents were detained, four leading dissidents sentenced to lengthy terms of imprisonment and several other dissidents and labour activists have been sentenced to re-education through labour terms and lengthy terms of imprisonment. Since October 1998 when China signed the ICCPR it is estimated that over 80 dissidents have been detained and at least 15 high profile dissidents have been given heavy prison sentences or assigned to re-education through labour. -
Congressional-Executive Commission on China Annual
CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ANNUAL REPORT 2016 ONE HUNDRED FOURTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION OCTOBER 6, 2016 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.cecc.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 21–471 PDF WASHINGTON : 2016 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Publishing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate Mar 15 2010 19:58 Oct 05, 2016 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00003 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 U:\DOCS\AR16 NEW\21471.TXT DEIDRE CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS House Senate CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey, MARCO RUBIO, Florida, Cochairman Chairman JAMES LANKFORD, Oklahoma ROBERT PITTENGER, North Carolina TOM COTTON, Arkansas TRENT FRANKS, Arizona STEVE DAINES, Montana RANDY HULTGREN, Illinois BEN SASSE, Nebraska DIANE BLACK, Tennessee DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California TIMOTHY J. WALZ, Minnesota JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio GARY PETERS, Michigan MICHAEL M. HONDA, California TED LIEU, California EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS CHRISTOPHER P. LU, Department of Labor SARAH SEWALL, Department of State DANIEL R. RUSSEL, Department of State TOM MALINOWSKI, Department of State PAUL B. PROTIC, Staff Director ELYSE B. ANDERSON, Deputy Staff Director (II) VerDate Mar 15 2010 19:58 Oct 05, 2016 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00004 Fmt 0486 Sfmt 0486 U:\DOCS\AR16 NEW\21471.TXT DEIDRE C O N T E N T S Page I. Executive Summary ............................................................................................. 1 Introduction ...................................................................................................... 1 Overview ............................................................................................................ 5 Recommendations to Congress and the Administration .............................. -
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2003: China (Includes Tibet, Hong Kong and Macau)
Page 1 of 66 China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau) Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2003 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 25, 2004 (Note: Also see the section for Tibet, the report for Hong Kong, and the report for Macau.) The People's Republic of China (PRC) is an authoritarian state in which, as directed by the Constitution, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP or Party) is the paramount source of power. Party members hold almost all top government, police, and military positions. Ultimate authority rests with the 24-member political bureau (Politburo) of the CCP and its 9-member standing committee. Leaders made a top priority of maintaining stability and social order and were committed to perpetuating the rule of the CCP and its hierarchy. Citizens lacked both the freedom peacefully to express opposition to the Party-led political system and the right to change their national leaders or form of government. Socialism continued to provide the theoretical underpinning of national politics, but Marxist economic planning has given way to pragmatism, and economic decentralization increased the authority of local officials. The Party's authority rested primarily on the Government's ability to maintain social stability; appeals to nationalism and patriotism; Party control of personnel, media, and the security apparatus; and continued improvement in the living standards of most of the country's 1.3 billion citizens. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, in practice, the Government and the CCP, at both the central and local levels, frequently interfered in the judicial process and directed verdicts in many high-profile cases. -
Digital Authoritarianism and the Global Threat to Free Speech Hearing
DIGITAL AUTHORITARIANISM AND THE GLOBAL THREAT TO FREE SPEECH HEARING BEFORE THE CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION APRIL 26, 2018 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available at www.cecc.gov or www.govinfo.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 30–233 PDF WASHINGTON : 2018 VerDate Nov 24 2008 12:25 Dec 16, 2018 Jkt 081003 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 C:\USERS\DSHERMAN1\DESKTOP\VONITA TEST.TXT DAVID CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS Senate House MARCO RUBIO, Florida, Chairman CHRIS SMITH, New Jersey, Cochairman TOM COTTON, Arkansas ROBERT PITTENGER, North Carolina STEVE DAINES, Montana RANDY HULTGREN, Illinois JAMES LANKFORD, Oklahoma MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio TODD YOUNG, Indiana TIM WALZ, Minnesota DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California TED LIEU, California JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon GARY PETERS, Michigan ANGUS KING, Maine EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS Not yet appointed ELYSE B. ANDERSON, Staff Director PAUL B. PROTIC, Deputy Staff Director (ii) VerDate Nov 24 2008 12:25 Dec 16, 2018 Jkt 081003 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 0486 Sfmt 0486 C:\USERS\DSHERMAN1\DESKTOP\VONITA TEST.TXT DAVID C O N T E N T S STATEMENTS Page Opening Statement of Hon. Marco Rubio, a U.S. Senator from Florida; Chair- man, Congressional-Executive Commission on China ...................................... 1 Statement of Hon. Christopher Smith, a U.S. Representative from New Jer- sey; Cochairman, Congressional-Executive Commission on China .................. 4 Cook, Sarah, Senior Research Analyst for East Asia and Editor, China Media Bulletin, Freedom House ..................................................................................... 6 Hamilton, Clive, Professor of Public Ethics, Charles Sturt University (Aus- tralia) and author, ‘‘Silent Invasion: China’s Influence in Australia’’ ............ -
1989 Tiananmen Square: a Proto-History
1989 Tiananmen Square: A Proto-History Karman Miguel Lucero April 4th, 2011 Thesis Seminar Professor: Mae M. Ngai Second Reader: Dorothy Ko Word Count: 19,883 1 Acknowledgements This project would not have been possible without the advice, wisdom, and assistance of several individuals. I would like to thank my fellow students at Tsinghua University for providing me with source materials and assisting me in developing my own historical consciousness. Furthermore, I would like to thank Professors Tang Shaojie and Hu Weixi, not for their direct involvement with this project, but for their inspiring commitment to academic integrity and dedication to the wonderful possibilities that can result from receiving a good education. I owe much gratitude to Columbia Professor Lydia Liu, who not only offered her invaluable advice, but also provided me access to sources that are a critical component of this paper. Thank you to Ouyang Jianghe for his time and wisdom as well as to Qin Wuming (pseudonym), for letting me read his deeply moving essay. A special thank you goes to Mae M. Ngai, my senior thesis seminar professor, who has helped me throughout this process and shared in the excitement. Thank you to Dorothy Ko and Lisa J. Lucero for their priceless feedback and to Madeleine Zelin and Andrew Nathan for their advice. The passion and integrity of my various history teachers and professors have inspired me and contributed a great deal to my appreciation of history. Thank you in particular to Liu Lu, Volker R. Berghahn, and Gray Tuttle at Columbia University , each of whom really inspired my appreciation for the craft of history. -
The Political Repression of Chinese Students After Tiananmen A
University of Nevada, Reno “To yield would mean our end”: The Political Repression of Chinese Students after Tiananmen A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History by Katherine S. Robinson Dr. Hugh Shapiro/Thesis Advisor May, 2011 THE GRADUATE SCHOOL We recommend that the thesis prepared under our supervision by KATHERINE S. ROBINSON entitled “To Yield Would Mean Our End”: The Political Repression Of Chinese Students After Tiananmen be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Hugh Shapiro, Ph.D, Advisor Barbara Walker, Ph.D., Committee Member Jiangnan Zhu, Ph.D, Graduate School Representative Marsha H. Read, Ph. D., Associate Dean, Graduate School May, 2011 i ABSTRACT Following the military suppression of the Democracy Movement, the Chinese government enacted politically repressive policies against Chinese students both within China and overseas. After the suppression of the Democracy Movement, officials in the Chinese government made a correlation between the political control of students and the maintenance of political power by the Chinese Communist Party. The political repression of students in China resulted in new educational policies that changed the way that universities functioned and the way that students were allowed to interact. Political repression efforts directed at the large population of overseas Chinese students in the United States prompted governmental action to extend legal protection to these students. The long term implications of this repression are evident in the changed student culture among Chinese students and the extensive number of overseas students who did not return to China. -
The Legacy of Tiananmen: 20 Years of Oppression, Activism and Hope Chrd
THE LEGACY OF TIANANMEN: 20 YEARS OF OPPRESSION, ACTIVISM AND HOPE CHRD Chinese Human Rights Defenders (CHRD) Web: Hhttp://crd-net.org/H Email: [email protected] THE LEGACY OF TIANANMEN: 20 YEARS OF OPPRESSION, ACTIVISM AND HOPE Chinese Human Rights Defenders June 1, 2009 Twenty years since the Tiananmen massacre, the Chinese government refuses to accept responsibility, much less apologize or offer compensation, for killing, injuring, imprisoning and persecuting individuals for participating in peaceful protests. The number of the victims, and their names and identities, remain unknown. Families continue to be barred from publicly commemorating and seeking accountability for the death of their loved ones. Activists are persecuted and harassed for independently investigating the crackdown or for calling for a rectification of the government’s verdict on the pro‐democracy movement. Many individuals continue to suffer the consequences of participating in the pro‐democracy movement today. At least eight individuals remain imprisoned in Beijing following unfair trials in which they were convicted of committing “violent crimes”. Those who were released after long sentences have had difficulty re‐integrating into society as they suffer from continued police harassment as well as illnesses and injuries resulting from torture, beatings and mistreatment while in prison. Many of those injured have had to pay for their own medical expenses and continue to struggle as the physical and psychological scars leave them unable to take care of themselves or to work. Some who took part in the protests still find it difficult to make ends meet after they were dismissed from comfortable jobs or expelled from universities after 1989. -
Rough Justice in Beijing: Punishing the "Black Hands" of Tiananmen Square
UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title Rough Justice in Beijing: Punishing the "Black Hands" of Tiananmen Square Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7zz8w3wg Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 10(1) Author Munro, Robin Publication Date 1991 DOI 10.5070/P8101021984 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California ROUGH JUSTICE IN BEIJING* Punishing the "Black Hands" of Tiananmen Square Robin Munro** 1. INTRODUCTION During late spring and early summer, namely, from mid-April to early June of 1989, a tiny handful of people exploited student unrest to launch a planned, organized and premeditated political turmoil, which later developed into a counterrevolutionary rebel- lion in Beijing, the capital. Their purpose was to overthrow the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and subvert the so- cialist People's Republic of China.... In order to achieve thorough victory, we should mobilize the people completely, strengthen the people's democratic dictator- ship and spare no effort to ferret out the counterrevolutionary rioters. We should uncover instigators and rebellious conspira- tors, punish the organizers and schemers of the unrest and the counterrevolutionary rebellion ...and focus the crackdown on a handful of principal culprits and diehards who refuse to repent.' (Chen Xitong, Mayor of Beijing, on June 30, 1989.) In late 1990, the Chinese government brought formal charges against several dozen of the most prominent leaders of the May- June 1989 Tiananmen Square pro-democracy movement. Trials held in the first two months of 1991 have resulted in sentences rang- ing from two to thirteen years for students and intellectuals. -
Atheist Political Activists Turned Protestants: Religious Conversion Within China’S Dissident Community
Atheist Political Activists Turned Protestants: Religious Conversion within China’s Dissident Community by Teresa Wright Professor and Chair Department of Political Science California State University, Long Beach Long Beach, CA 90840 [email protected] and Teresa Zimmerman-Liu M.A. Candidate Department of Asian/Asian-American Studies California State University, Long Beach Long Beach, CA 90840 [email protected] Prepared for delivery at the 2012 Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association San Diego, April 1-4, 2012 *Please do not cite or quote without the authors’ permission Atheist Political Activists Turned Protestants: Religious Conversion within China’s Dissident Community Two related questions most compel China scholars and observers today: (i) why, despite dramatic economic liberalization and growth, has China not democratized? and (ii) will China democratize in the future? While some existing studies are more optimistic than others, most focus on the adaptability of the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as the key to its longevity.1 What is missing from this literature is a detailed scholarly examination of what has happened to the pro-democracy activists who led the political protests that arose in China in the 1980s, which culminated in the massive demonstrations of 1989. One particularly interesting development is that a large number of these political activists have, in the post-1989 period, become Protestant Christians. Moreover, this development has coincided with a larger explosion of Christianity in the post-Mao era. There are an estimated 50 to 100 million Protestants in China today—a sizeable portion of the population, and indeed one that rivals the (roughly 80 million) membership of the CCP.2 The expansion of Christianity in contemporary China has spurred a small but quickly growing body of scholarly studies. -
Tiananmen's Most Wanted
TIANANMEN’S 2004 .2, MOST WANTED—WHERE ARE NO THEY NOW? FORUM RIGHTS COMPILED BY STACY MOSHER CHINA On June 13, the Beijing Public Security Bureau issued a list of 21 leaders of the 1989 protest 49 movement who were being sought for arrest. Following is the list, and what has become of those people since. DEBT THE ACTIVIST THEN NOW Wang Dan A history student at Peking University, and an On April 18, 1998,Wang was freed on medical organizer of the Beijing Students Autonomous parole and sent into exile to the United States. He is HONORING Federation,Wang was arrested on July 2, 1989 and now completing his Ph.D. studies in history at Y: on January 26, 1991 was sentenced to 4 years in Harvard University. He is an honorary member of prison on charges of counterrevolutionary propa- HRIC’s board of directors ganda and incitement. Released on parole on MEMOR February 17, 1993,Wang was detained again on May 21, 1995 after participating in petitions calling for release of all prisoners arrested in connection with June 4th. On October 30, 1996 he was sentenced to 11 years in prison for subversion. Wuer Kaixi A Uighur student leader from Beijing Normal Univer- Wuer Kaixi studied at Harvard, then at Dominican sity,Wuer Kaixi evaded arrest and escaped to the West College in San Rafael, California, before moving to by way of Hong Kong. Taiwan, where he is now the host of a radio talk show. Liu Gang A graduate in physics at Peking University, Liu worked Following his release in 1995, Liu fled China via at The Beijing Social and Economic Sciences Research Hong Kong in May 1996, saying that he and his fam- Institute in late 1988, and was a close associate of ily had been subjected to official harrassment.After Fang Lizhi. -
Institutions of Democratic Governance
1 INSTITUTIONS OF DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE The Chinese Communist Party Asserts Greater Control Over State and Society In China’s one-party, authoritarian political system,1 the Chinese Communist Party maintains what one rights organization calls a ‘‘monopoly on political power.’’ 2 The Party plays a leading role in state and society,3 restricting Chinese citizens’ ability to exercise civil and political rights.4 Observers noted that the central role of the Party in governing the state appears to have strengthened since Xi Jinping became the Party General Secretary and President in November 2012 and March 2013, respectively,5 further ‘‘blur- ring’’ the lines between Party and government.6 In March 2017, Wang Qishan, a member of the Standing Committee of the Com- munist Party Central Committee Political Bureau (Politburo) and the Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, said that ‘‘under the Party’s leadership, there is only a division of labor between the Party and the government; there is no separa- tion between the Party and the government.’’ 7 During the Commission’s 2017 reporting year, under Xi’s leader- ship, the Party demanded absolute loyalty from its members,8 di- recting and influencing politics and society at all levels, including in the military,9 economy,10 Internet,11 civil society,12 and family life.13 Furthermore, the Party continued to exert power over the ju- diciary,14 undermining the independence of courts and the rule of law in China, despite legal reform efforts.15 In September 2016, the State Council