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Uganda's Constitution of 1995 with Amendments Through 2017
PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:53 constituteproject.org Uganda's Constitution of 1995 with Amendments through 2017 This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:53 Table of contents Preamble . 14 NATIONAL OBJECTIVES AND DIRECTIVE PRINCIPLES OF STATE POLICY . 14 General . 14 I. Implementation of objectives . 14 Political Objectives . 14 II. Democratic principles . 14 III. National unity and stability . 15 IV. National sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity . 15 Protection and Promotion of Fundamental and other Human Rights and Freedoms . 15 V. Fundamental and other human rights and freedoms . 15 VI. Gender balance and fair representation of marginalised groups . 15 VII. Protection of the aged . 16 VIII. Provision of adequate resources for organs of government . 16 IX. The right to development . 16 X. Role of the people in development . 16 XI. Role of the State in development . 16 XII. Balanced and equitable development . 16 XIII. Protection of natural resources . 16 Social and Economic Objectives . 17 XIV. General social and economic objectives . 17 XV. Recognition of role of women in society . 17 XVI. Recognition of the dignity of persons with disabilities . 17 XVII. Recreation and sports . 17 XVIII. Educational objectives . 17 XIX. Protection of the family . 17 XX. Medical services . 17 XXI. Clean and safe water . 17 XXII. Food security and nutrition . 18 XXIII. Natural disasters . 18 Cultural Objectives . 18 XXIV. Cultural objectives . 18 XXV. Preservation of public property and heritage . 18 Accountability . 18 XXVI. Accountability . 18 The Environment . -
Elite Strategies and Contested Dominance in Kampala
ESID Working Paper No. 146 Carrot, stick and statute: Elite strategies and contested dominance in Kampala Nansozi K. Muwanga1, Paul I. Mukwaya2 and Tom Goodfellow3 June 2020 1 Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda. Email correspondence: [email protected] 2 Department of Geography, Geo-informatics and Climatic Sciences, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda. Email correspondence: [email protected]. 3 Department of Urban Studies and Planning, University of Sheffield, UK Email correspondence: [email protected] ISBN: 978-1-912593-56-9 email: [email protected] Effective States and Inclusive Development Research Centre (ESID) Global Development Institute, School of Environment, Education and Development, The University of Manchester, Oxford Road, Manchester M13 9PL, UK www.effective-states.org Carrot, stick and statute: Elite strategies and contested dominance in Kampala. Abstract Although Yoweri Museveni’s National Resistance Movement (NRM) has dominated Uganda’s political scene for over three decades, the capital Kampala refuses to submit to the NRM’s grip. As opposition activism in the city has become increasingly explosive, the ruling elite has developed a widening range of strategies to try and win urban support and constrain opposition. In this paper, we subject the NRM’s strategies over the decade 2010-2020 to close scrutiny. We explore elite strategies pursued both from the ‘top down’, through legal and administrative manoeuvres and a ramping up of violent coercion, and from the ‘bottom up’, through attempts to build support among urban youth and infiltrate organisations in the urban informal transport sector. Although this evolving suite of strategies and tactics has met with some success in specific places and times, opposition has constantly resurfaced. -
Constitution of the Republic of Uganda, 1995
CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA, 1995. Arrangement of the Constitution. Preliminary matter. Arrangement of objectives. Arrangement of chapters and schedules. Arrangement of articles. Preamble. National objectives and directive principles of State policy. Chapters. Schedules. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA, 1995. National Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy. Arrangement of Objectives. Objective General. I. Implementation of objectives. Political objectives. II. Democratic principles. III. National unity and stability. IV. National sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. Protection and promotion of fundamental and other human rights and freedoms. V. Fundamental and other human rights and freedoms. VI. Gender balance and fair representation of marginalised groups. VII. Protection of the aged. VIII. Provision of adequate resources for organs of Government. IX. The right to development. X. Role of the people in development. XI. Role of the State in development. XII. Balanced and equitable development. XIII. Protection of natural resources. Social and economic objectives. XIV. General social and economic objectives. XV. Recognition of the role of women in society. XVI. Recognition of the dignity of persons with disabilities. XVII. Recreation and sports. XVIII. Educational objectives. XIX. Protection of the family. XX. Medical services. XXI. Clean and safe water. 1 XXII. Food security and nutrition. XXIII. Natural disasters. Cultural objectives. XXIV. Cultural objectives. XXV. Preservation of public property and heritage. Accountability. XXVI. Accountability. The environment. XXVII. The environment. Foreign policy objectives. XXVIII. Foreign policy objectives. Duties of a citizen. XXIX. Duties of a citizen. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA, 1995. Arrangement of Chapters and Schedules. Chapter 1. The Constitution. 2. The Republic. -
Avoiding the Resource Curse
Avoiding the Resource Curse Assessing patterns of causality between resource management potential and democratic deficits in neopatrimonial oil countries A case study from Uganda Eyvind J. Schumacher Thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Philosophy in Culture, Environment and Sustainability Centre for Development and the Environment University of Oslo Blindern, Norway May 2014 II Table of Contents ABSTRACT........................................................................................................................................ IX 1. CENTRAL RESEARCH QUESTION. .................................................................................... 1 2. INTRODUCTION AND RATIONALE. .................................................................................. 3 3. METHODOLOGY. .................................................................................................................. 13 3.1 AN INTERDISIPLINARY APROACH............................................................................................ 16 3.2 THE CASE STUDY APPROACH .................................................................................................. 17 3.3 COMPARATIVE STUDY ............................................................................................................ 20 3.4 INTERVIEWS ........................................................................................................................... 22 3.4.1 Interviewee list: .......................................................................................................... -
“Text 'Revolution' to Vote”: Social Media's Effect on Popular Consent and Legitimacy of New Regimes
GREGGMACROED (DO NOT DELETE) 8/14/2020 11:18 AM “TEXT ‘REVOLUTION’ TO VOTE”: SOCIAL MEDIA’S EFFECT ON POPULAR CONSENT AND LEGITIMACY OF NEW REGIMES KEVIN GREGG* ABSTRACT ................................................................................................. 315 I.INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................... 316 II.LEGAL CRITERION FOR EXTRA-CONSTITUTIONAL REGIME LEGITIMACY ................................................................................... 317 A. The Grundnorm ....................................................................... 317 B. Determining the Legitimacy of New Revolutionary Regimes .................................................................................. 319 1. Effective Control Theories ................................................ 319 2. The Democratic Entitlement Theory ................................. 320 3. United Nations Practice..................................................... 321 4. Popular Consent ................................................................ 322 III.DETERMINING POPULAR CONSENT THROUGH SOCIAL MEDIA ............ 323 A. Popular Consent and Democracy ............................................ 323 1. The Growing Importance of Popular Consent .................. 324 2. Short-Term Exception: The Doctrine of Necessity ........... 324 B. Social Media and the Manifestation of Popular Consent ........ 325 1. Social Media Today .......................................................... 326 2. Social Media, Politics, -
The Year in Elections, 2013: the World's Flawed and Failed Contests
The Year in Elections, 2013: The World's Flawed and Failed Contests The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Norris, Pippa, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martinez i Coma. 2014. The Year in Elections 2013: The World's Flawed and Failed Contests. The Electoral Integrity Project. Published Version http://www.electoralintegrityproject.com/ Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:11744445 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA THE YEAR IN ELECTIONS, 2013 THE WORLD’S FLAWED AND FAILED CONTESTS Pippa Norris, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martínez i Coma February 2014 THE YEAR IN ELECTIONS, 2013 WWW. ELECTORALINTEGRITYPROJECT.COM The Electoral Integrity Project Department of Government and International Relations Merewether Building, HO4 University of Sydney, NSW 2006 Phone: +61(2) 9351 6041 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.electoralintegrityproject.com Copyright © Pippa Norris, Ferran Martínez i Coma, and Richard W. Frank 2014. All rights reserved. Photo credits Cover photo: ‘Ballot for national election.’ by Daniel Littlewood, http://www.flickr.com/photos/daniellittlewood/413339945. Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. Page 6 and 18: ‘Ballot sections are separated for counting.’ by Brittany Danisch, http://www.flickr.com/photos/bdanisch/6084970163/ Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. Page 8: ‘Women in Pakistan wait to vote’ by DFID - UK Department for International Development, http://www.flickr.com/photos/dfid/8735821208/ Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. -
Revisiting the Media Freedom Debate at Uganda's Independence Golden Jubilee
REVISITING THE MEDIA FREEDOM DEBATE AT UGANDA'S INDEPENDENCE GOLDEN JUBILEE Michael Kakooza REALITY CHECK Revisiting the media freedom debate at Uganda’s independence golden jubilee Written by Dr. Michael Kakooza The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung and Uganda Media Development Foundation but rather those of the author. REVISITING THE MEDIA FREEDOM DEBATE AT UGANDA’S INDEPENDENCE GOLDEN JUBILEE i REALITY CHECK Revisiting the media freedom debate at Uganda’s independence golden jubilee Published by: Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Uganda 51. A Prince Charles Drive, Kololo P.O. Box 647, Kampala, Tel. +256 414 254611 www.kas.de ISBN: 978 9970 153 08 4 In partnership with: Uganda Media Development Foundation Plot 976 Mugerwa Road. Bukoto P.O.Box 21778 Kampala, Tel. +256 414 532083 www.umdf.co.ug © Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.v. 2012 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, without the prior written permission of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. ii REVISITING THE MEDIA FREEDOM DEBATE AT UGANDA’S INDEPENDENCE GOLDEN JUBILEE Table of Contents Foreword ...................................................................................... 1 Preface ............................................................................................3 Profile of the Author ....................................................................... 6 Acknowledgements ....................................................................... -
Green and Innovative Kampala Generate Synergies and Join Forces for an Urban Transition to Face Climate Change
Green and innovative Kampala Generate Synergies and Join Forces for an Urban Transition to face Climate Change Kampala 2019 Workshop Synthesis Les Ateliers internationaux www.ateliers.org de maîtrise d’œuvre urbaine Le Verger, rue de la Gare ISBN 979-10-93009-14-8 95000 Cergy Les Ateliers is a non-governmental The workshop approach is suited organization that brings together an international network of professionals, for urban development concerns scholars and decision-makers in the field of urban development. Focused The Les Ateliers’ methodology and process are on the practice of urban management, the association organizes workshops what’s in the air today regarding the global challenges imagined as sources of design and of urban development in emerging and developed creativity aimed at providing local decision-makers with an international countries. Frédéric Mion, Director of Science Po perspective and innovative propos- (Institute for Political Studies) in Paris, recently testified als for their development challeng- to this when he shared his vision on the subject. es. Created in 1982, Les Ateliers was originally aimed at students and young His words are particularly relevant to Kampala: professionals. Per the request of local communities, governments and oth- “In view of the many challenges facing cities in the er partners, it has added workshops open to experienced professionals context of our climate crisis, it is essential to design new and volunteers since 2005. In France urban planning projects from a holistic perspective. and abroad, these workshops provide local authorities with illustrated and Urban areas are melting pots of innovation and innovative proposals for their strate- solutions already in the making. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
United Nations CCPR/SP/89 International Covenant on Distr.: General 7 May 2018 Civil and Political Rights Original: English Meeting of States parties Thirty-sixth meeting New York, 14 June 2018 Item 5 of the provisional agenda Election, in accordance with articles 28–34 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, of nine members of the Human Rights Committee to replace those whose terms are due to expire on 31 December 2018 Election of nine members of the Human Rights Committee to replace those whose terms are due to expire on 31 December 2018 Note by the Secretary-General 1. In conformity with articles 28 to 32 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the thirty-sixth meeting of States parties to the Covenant is to be held at United Nations Headquarters on 14 June 2018 for the purpose of electing nine members of the Human Rights Committee from a list of persons nominated by States parties (sect. II), to replace those whose terms of office will expire on 31 December 2018 (sect. I). I. Members of the Committee whose terms will expire on 31 December 2018 Name of member Country of nationality Mr. Yadh Ben Achour Tunisia Ms. Sarah Cleveland United States of America Mr. Olivier de Frouville France Mr. Yuji Iwasawa Japan Ms. Ivana Jelić Montenegro Mr. Duncan Laki Muhumuza Uganda Ms. Photini Pazartzis Greece Mr. Mauro Politi Italy Ms. Margo Waterval Suriname GE.18-07172 (E) 220518 230518 CCPR/SP/89 II. Persons nominated by States parties 2. In accordance with article 30 (2) of the Covenant, the Secretary-General, in a note verbale dated 15 December 2017, invited the States parties to submit, in conformity with article 29 of the Covenant, their nominations for the election of nine members of the Committee by 9 April 2018. -
The Dangerous Rise of Populism Global Attacks on Human Rights Values
The Dangerous Rise of Populism Global Attacks on Human Rights Values By Kenneth Roth, Executive Director, Human Rights Watch Human rights exist to protect people from government abuse and neglect. Rights limit what a state can do and impose obligations for how a state must act. Yet today a new generation of populists is turning this protection on its head. Claiming to speak for “the people,” they treat rights as an impediment to their conception of the majority will, a needless obstacle to defending the nation from perceived threats and evils. Instead of accepting rights as protecting everyone, they privilege the declared interests of the majority, encouraging people to adopt the dangerous belief that they will never themselves need to assert rights against an overreaching government claiming to act in their name. The appeal of the populists has grown with mounting public discontent over the status quo. In the West, many people feel left behind by technological change, the global economy, and growing inequality. Horrific incidents of terrorism generate apprehension and fear. Some are uneasy with societies that have become more ethnically, religiously and racially diverse. There is an increasing sense that governments and the elite ignore public concerns. In this cauldron of discontent, certain politicians are flourishing and even gaining power by portraying rights as protecting only the terrorist suspect or the asylum seeker at the expense of the safety, economic welfare, and cultural preferences of the presumed majority. They scapegoat refugees, immigrant communities, and minorities. Truth is a frequent casualty. Nativism, xenophobia, racism, and Islamophobia are on the rise. -
Abolition of the Mandatory Death Penalty in Africa: a Comparative Constitutional Analysis
THE ABOLITION OF THE MANDATORY DEATH PENALTY IN AFRICA: A COMPARATIVE CONSTITUTIONAL ANALYSIS Andrew Novak* 1. INTRODUCTION The mandatory death penalty for the crime of murder is in rapid retreat worldwide. Originally diffused to the common law countries of the Caribbean, Africa, and South and Southeast Asia by way of the British Empire, the penalty has been found unconstitutional and incompatible with human rights norms in at least ten Caribbean nations since the year 2000. A new wave of litigation has appeared in the postcolonial common law nations of East and Southern Africa, and courts in Malawi, Uganda, and now Kenya have found an automatic sentence of death unconstitutional and have replaced mandatory schemes with discretionary ones that allow consideration of mitigating factors in the capital sentencing process.1 The resulting criminal justice regimes operate in closer conformity with international human rights norms and explicitly adopt these norms in their domestic legal systems. This harmonization of death penalty regimes across borders is no accident: it was the deliberate intention of a small network of international anti- death penalty advocates to create a body of transnational jurisprudence from which to draw in bringing incremental challenges in national courts.2 By initially petitioning the United Nations Human Rights Committee and the Inter- American Human Rights System to find the mandatory death penalty incompatible with human rights treaty obligations, this core of advocates succeeded in developing a corpus of persuasive reasoning on which they could * Adjunct Professor of African Law, American University Washington College of Law. The author has a Juris Doctor, Boston University School of Law, and a Master of Science (Hons.), African Politics, London School of Oriental and African Studies.