Political Parties Overview
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Download Full Text In
European Proceedings of Social and Behavioural Sciences EpSBS www.europeanproceedings.com e-ISSN: 2357-1330 DOI: 10.15405/epsbs.2020.12.02.36 TILTM 2020 Topical Issues of Linguistics and Teaching Methods in Business and Professional Communication INFLUENCE OF INTERNET SPACE ON INTERCULTURAL AND BUSINESS COMMUNICATION Boris G. Vulfovich (a), Veronika V. Katermina (a)*, Anastasia A. Shestakova (a) *Corresponding author (a) Kuban State University, ul. Stavropolskaya 149, 350040, Krasnodar, Russia, E-mail: [email protected] Abstract The 2016–2018 election cycle in France, the USA and Russia showed the need to develop new options for analyzing the election campaign and the degree of potential voter turnout on the Internet, taking into account the impact on social networks. The article discusses the results of an empirical study, “Communication Campaign Model: A Comparative Analysis of Russia's Experience in the USA,” and analyzes the election campaign of the “unexpected” presidential candidate in Russia, Ksenia Sobchak. By the word “unexpected” we mean that the person never appeared on the political stage before, and no one saw this person before the presidential election. The empirical base for the study was taken from the presidential candidate’s account on social networks. The study analyzed the informative patterns of the personal page of Ksenia Sobchak, where the analysis was performed on four social networks (VKontakte, Instagram, Facebook and Odnoklassniki). An excerpt from the discourse contains all the materials published by the candidate since the announcement of her candidacy for the presidency of Russia (from May 18, 2017 to March 19, 2018). As part of the study, a new model of selective advertising communications was developed and conceptualized. -
Russian Rap in the Era of Vladimir Putin
CHAPTER 3 RUS SIAN RAP IN THE ERA OF VLADIMIR PUTIN Philip Ewell T has always held a special place in the hearts of Rus sians. From the poetry recitations by Evgeny Evtushenko in the s that lled stadiums to the inspired lyr ics of Rus sian bards like Vladimir Vysotsky, Rus sians have sought not only beauty but also repose in artistic literary forms. is is not sur- prising given Rus sia’s troubled po liti cal history over the centuries, which reached its height in the twentieth century with the repressive Soviet era. Countless vol- umes have been written over the years on censorship in the USSR and on the ensuing balancing act that Soviet artists endured at the hands of the authorities. at Soviet and post- Soviet Rus sian rappers felt that same repression is not in doubt. What sets rap, as a genre, apart from other literary forms in Rus sia is its place in time: It really took hold only in the early s, immediately aer the fall of the Soviet Union, so one cannot speak of rap, as a genre, in uencing po liti cal events in the USSR. ough one could argue that the rst rap in Rus sia was “Rap” from by the group Chas Pik, an unabashed rip- o of e Sugarhill Gang’s “Rapper’s Delight” from — widely recognized as the rst commercial rap hit ever—it was not until the s that Rus sian rappers and rap groups such as Bog- dan Titomir, Liki MC, Bad Balance, and Mal’chishnik became widely known in the former Soviet Union and, with them, the rap genre itself. -
Dostoevsky Omsk State University 2021
Russia Siberia Omsk Region Capital city Omsk Area 141 140 km² Average annual winter temperature – 20 С Population 1 904 294 Winter down to – 40 С Summer up to + 35 С o Located in Western Siberia o Borders Kazakhstan in the south o 2,555 km away from Moscow o Landscape: steppes in the south, forests in the central part, and taiga in the north o GMT +6 Omsk o Founded in 1716 o Population 1.2 million o Located on two rivers Irtysh and Om o For a brief period during the Russian Civil War in 1918–1919, it served as the capital of the Russian state Dostoevsky Omsk State University (OmSU) o Famous Russian novelist Fyodor Dostoevsky spent 4 years in Omsk fortress (1850-1854) o This exile time influenced his future work, he was reborn here o There is the center for Dostoevsky studies at OmSU Omsk is a large industrial center with machine engineering, instrument engineering, consumer goods and manufacturing enterprises. One of the biggest oil refineries in the world is located here. Students have a chance to visit the plant when attending OmSU cultural and educational programs History… 2004 – OMSU WAS NAMED AFTER 1979 – THE FIRST F.M. DOSTOEVSKY OMSU GRADUATES 1974 – THE RECEIVED THEIR UNIVERSITY WAS DEGREES FOUNDED TWO ORIGINAL FACULTIES: HUMANITIES AND SCIENCE OmSU nowadays o 1 Institute, 12 Faculties and 66 Chairs o 55 Undergraduate Degree Programs o 33 Master Programs o 32 PhD Programs o 8,500 students o over 600 international students from 24 countries o over 25,000 graduates o 10 buildings and a Scientific Library o 22 university laboratories -
Elections in Russia in 2011-2012: Will the Wind of Change Keep Blowing?
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2012, Baden-Baden 2013, pp. 77-94. Elena Kropatcheva Elections in Russia in 2011-2012: Will the Wind of Change Keep Blowing? Introduction Russians have long had the reputation of being passive about, uninterested in, and disengaged from politics, and Western observers, in particular, have been puzzled by this passivity. Protests that started in December 2011 as a re- sponse to election fraud during the Russian parliamentary elections, labelled in the mass media as the “new Decembrists” movement, “the Russian winter/ spring”, the “mink-coat” or “white revolution” and described using other col- ourful epithets, too, took many observers abroad and in Russia by surprise. These were the biggest protests since the 1990s. These events raised many questions: Who are these people who have started to protest? What are the reasons for these protests and why did they begin at that specific moment? How stable is Vladimir Putin’s system over- all? Will some liberalization of the system as a result of these protests be pos- sible? And many others. Even now, at the time of writing – August 2012 – it is difficult to give clear and definite answers to these questions, and some of them still have to be studied more closely by sociologists.1 This contribution starts with an overview of the parliamentary and presidential elections (election campaigns, their results and aftermath) that took place in Russia on 4 December 2011 and 4 March 2012, respectively. It then focuses on the protest movement and tries to give some answers to the aforementioned questions. Finally, it presents a survey of developments in Russian domestic policy after the elections in order to find indicators as to whether this wind of change will keep blowing. -
OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights Election Observation Mission Russian Federation Presidential Election, 18 March 2018
OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights Election Observation Mission Russian Federation Presidential Election, 18 March 2018 INTERIM REPORT 5 February – 1 March 2018 2 March 2018 I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • The Russian Federation will hold a presidential election on 18 March 2018. The Central Election Commission (CEC) registered eight candidates, seven fielded by political parties and one, the incumbent president, as a self-nominated candidate standing for a second consecutive and a fourth overall term. One candidate is a woman. • Several amendments to the election legislation were adopted since the last presidential election, most recently in December 2017, responding to some previous ODIHR recommendations. A number of other recommendations, including those pertaining to guarantees for freedom of assembly, association and expression, remain to be addressed. • The campaign is generally low-key but has become more visible following the 23 February Defenders of Fatherland Day celebrations. Meanwhile, outdoor campaign events are limited in visibility. By contrast, concurrent get-out-the-vote initiatives, with a view to ensuring a high voter turnout, launched by a multitude of actors including local authorities, private and state enterprises, feature prominently across the country. • The presidential election is administered a by four-tiered election administration that serves a five- year term. Preparations for the elections are underway and legal deadlines have so far been respected. The CEC has held regular, public, at times live-streamed, sessions with extensive discussions on various issues including alleged interference by local authorities into the electoral process. A comprehensive voter information campaign, launched by the CEC, is ongoing. • The number of registered voters in the Russian Federation as of 1 January is 108,968,869, including 1,875,408 voters abroad. -
Seven Challenges of the Russian Protest Movement
RUSSIAN ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 124, 18 March 2013 15 Figure 6: Which Period of Russia’s History Most Corresponds to the Ideals of Russian Citizens and Their Ideas of What Russia Should Be? Pre-revolutionary, czarist Russia 11% The first decades of the USSR 5% (industrialization, development of a classless society) The last decades of the USSR 14% (period of developed socialism) The time of Perestroika 4% The time of democratic reforms of the 1990s 2% The present, "Putin epoch" 32% None of the above 31% Source: Hett, Felix; Krumm, Reinhard: Gerechtigkeit, Freiheit und ein starker Staat. Konturen eines widersprüchlichen Russischen Traums. FES Internationaler Dialog. FES Moskau. Perspektive, July 2012 http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/id/09212.pdf ANALYSIS Seven Challenges of the Russian Protest Movement By Oleg Kozlovsky, Washington Abstract This article describes some of the tests facing the Russian protest movement in 2013. These include bal- ancing between moderates and radicals, dealing with regime defectors, reducing the influence of extrem- ists, institutionalizing the movement, broadening its appeal to a wider public, encouraging citizens to play a more active role in politics, and developing support in the regions outside of Moscow and St. Petersburg. An Evolving Movement from adopting Russian babies, and by its unceasing The Russian democratic movement (a.k.a. the “protest online activity. In order to overcome the present crisis, movement”) made international headlines in Decem- the protesters will have to find solutions to numerous ber 2011 when tens of thousands took to the streets of problems, some of the most crucial of which I will pose Moscow and other cities to protest fraud in the Parlia- and briefly discuss in this article. -
Lukyanov Doctrine: Conceptual Origins of Russia's Hybrid Foreign Policy—The Case of Ukraine
Saint Louis University Law Journal Volume 64 Number 1 Internationalism and Sovereignty Article 3 (Fall 2019) 4-23-2020 Lukyanov Doctrine: Conceptual Origins of Russia’s Hybrid Foreign Policy—The Case of Ukraine. Igor Gretskiy [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/lj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Igor Gretskiy, Lukyanov Doctrine: Conceptual Origins of Russia’s Hybrid Foreign Policy—The Case of Ukraine., 64 St. Louis U. L.J. (2020). Available at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/lj/vol64/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Saint Louis University Law Journal by an authorized editor of Scholarship Commons. For more information, please contact Susie Lee. SAINT LOUIS UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW LUKYANOV DOCTRINE: CONCEPTUAL ORIGINS OF RUSSIA’S HYBRID FOREIGN POLICY—THE CASE OF UKRAINE. IGOR GRETSKIY* Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Kremlin’s assertiveness and unpredictability on the international arena has always provoked enormous attention to its foreign policy tools and tactics. Although there was no shortage of publications on topics related to different aspects of Moscow’s foreign policy varying from non-proliferation of nuclear weapons to soft power diplomacy, Russian studies as a discipline found itself deadlocked within the limited number of old dichotomies, (e.g., West/non-West, authoritarianism/democracy, Europe/non-Europe), initially proposed to understand the logic of Russia’s domestic and foreign policy transformations.1 Furthermore, as the decision- making process in Moscow was getting further from being transparent due to the increasingly centralized character of its political system, the emergence of new theoretical frameworks with greater explanatory power was an even more difficult task. -
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Russian Federation – Presidential Election, 18 March 2018
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Russian Federation – Presidential Election, 18 March 2018 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS The 18 March presidential election took place in an overly controlled legal and political environment marked by continued pressure on critical voices, while the Central Election Commission (CEC) administered the election efficiently and openly. After intense efforts to promote turnout, citizens voted in significant numbers, yet restrictions on the fundamental freedoms of assembly, association and expression, as well as on candidate registration, have limited the space for political engagement and resulted in a lack of genuine competition. While candidates could generally campaign freely, the extensive and uncritical coverage of the incumbent as president in most media resulted in an uneven playing field. Overall, election day was conducted in an orderly manner despite shortcomings related to vote secrecy and transparency of counting. Eight candidates, one woman and seven men, stood in this election, including the incumbent president, as self-nominated, and others fielded by political parties. Positively, recent amendments significantly reduced the number of supporting signatures required for candidate registration. Seventeen prospective candidates were rejected by the CEC, and six of them challenged the CEC decisions unsuccessfully in the Supreme Court. Remaining legal restrictions on candidates rights are contrary to OSCE commitments and other international standards, and limit the inclusiveness of the candidate registration process. Most candidates publicly expressed their certainty that the incumbent president would prevail in the election. With many of the candidates themselves stating that they did not expect to win, the election lacked genuine competition. Thus, efforts to increase the turnout predominated over the campaign of the contestants. -
From Traditional to Online Media: Best Practices and Perspectives
From traditional to online media: Best practices and perspectives 14th Central Asia Media Conference Ashgabat, Turkmenistan 5-6 July 2012 The Representative on Freedom of the Media From traditional to online media: Best practices and perspectives/Ed. By M. Stone; Vienna: OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media, 2013 - 126 p. From traditional to online media: Best practices and perspectives is a compilation of all presentations given at the 14th Central Asia Media Conference, organized by the Representative’s office, which brought together international and local experts from five Central Asian participating States of the OSCE. This publication is designed to serve as a record of the events of that conference and is intended for journalists, government and regulatory officials and students. The views expressed by the contributing authors in this publication are their own and do not necessarily reflect those of the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media. Design: red hot ‘n’ cool, Vienna Editors: Mike Stone and Ilia Dohel Photos: Aman Mehinli © 2013 The Representative on Freedom of the Media Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe 6 Wallnerstrasse A-1010 Vienna Austria Phone: +43-1-51436-6800 Fax: +43-1-51436-6802 e-mail: [email protected] ISBN: 978-92-9234-643-0 From traditional to online media: Best practices and perspectives 14th Central Asia Media Conference Ashgabat, Turkmenistan 5-6 July 2012 The Representative on Freedom of the Media Table of Contents Foreword Ana Karlsreiter and Adilia Daminova 5 Ashgabat Declaration -
A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society
The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER -
Current Time Fact Sheet
@ 1 YEAR Real News. For Real People. In Real Time. FAST FACTS Known as “Настоящее Время” in Russian — a term that connotes “current,” “real,” and “true” – Current Time is BBG’s 24/7 Russian-language digital network led by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty in partnership with Voice of America. Launched on February 6, 2017, Current Time network provides Russian-speaking audiences with accurate and independent local, regional and international news, as well as documentaries, innovative features, and robust debate. The channel connects Russian speakers with each other and the world, on digital platforms, social networks, satellite, and cable TV. In 2017, Current Time garnered more than 400 MILLION ONLINE VIEWS — half of them from Russia — and averaged more than 33 MILLION VIDEO VIEWS per month. The network is seen in more than 27 countries via 77 distributors over satellite, OTT worldwide, IPTV, and cable. STRONG SOCIAL MEDIA GROWTH (period beginning Jan. 2017 and ending Dec. 2017) n FACEBOOK: up 200,000 likes to 585,000— A 55% INCREASE n YOUTUBE: up from 35,000 to 206,000 subscribers—A 472% INCREASE n VKONTAKTE: audiences on this popular Russian social networking site have currenttime.tv QUADRUPLED in size. currenttimetv @currenttimetv currenttimetv DELIVERING NEWS, MAKING IMPACT n CURRENT TIME CHECKS THE FACTS: In its live coverage of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s annual press conference, Current Time became the first channel to provide real-time fact checking and live reactions from guests in Moscow, Kyiv and Bishkek. “Current Time is the only n CURRENT TIME PROVIDES SPECIAL LIVE COVERAGE: television in the world that The network simultaneously translated several high-visibility events, including tells these people, in Russian, the State of the Union address and U.S. -
The Full Cycle of Political Evolution in Russia from Chaotic to Overmanaged Democracy
The Full Cycle of Political Evolution in Russia From Chaotic to Overmanaged Democracy PONARS Policy Memo No. 413 Nikolay Petrov Carnegie Moscow Center December 2006 In the seven years that President Vladimir Putin has been in power, Russia seems to have regressed politically almost to where it was a decade and a half ago. This is not to say that the Kremlin has been actively fighting against democracy; its decline is a side effect of the strengthening of the state. The rise of democracy in the late 1980s and early 1990s was the result of a weakening of the state, not a strengthening of society. With the state becoming stronger and society still weak, democracy in Russia is also becoming weaker. It is important to understand what of democracy has gone and what, if anything, is still left. After centralizing political reforms were launched in late 2004, the use of the term “managed democracy” to describe Russia’s current political regime no longer makes sense. Out of the many possible terms to replace it, I suggest overmanaged democracy (OMD). This term does not imply that the regime is to be regarded as essentially democratic. Rather, it implies the genesis of a regime that has evolved from former president Boris Yeltsin’s chaotic proto-democracy to managed democracy to the ultimate and final stage of OMD. Nearly all democratic institutions have been weakened under Putin’s rule, including parliament, political parties, independent media, and fair elections. Ultimately, in order for OMD to survive as a political system, it must draw on a well-functioning mechanism that provides for direct communication and feedback between authorities and society.