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Business- Jo Ft Across the country, one c crippled by plant closings, with the task of attempting up for the lost jobs and i. retaining existing industry, climate" have become major of Commerce and other ecoi the United States. Politician: cooperation" between the prr communities scramble to re Frequently local labor lead economic development planr and government represents official "mayor's task force," "community futures board." however, is often limited to pro wide support for special de between business leaders anc In many communities expe • Mark Crouch is Coordinator and As University on the Campus of Indiana -••i**^,^„W,,A,l„ * * aUK&S&aaS -M*!&M«IWU,W did!je, JMM:-<^i!>, i;J3$&j£j. Business-Led Development Job Wars at Fort Wayne * Mark Crouch Across the country, one community after another has been crippled by plant closings. Local government leaders are faced with the task of attempting to rebuild local economies to make up for the lost jobs and revenues. Attracting new business, retaining existing industry, and creating a proper "business climate" have become major activities of thousands of Chambers of Commerce and other economic development organizations in the United States. Politicians proudly proclaim a new "spirit of cooperation" between the private and public sectors, as devastated communities scramble to repair the wreckage. Frequently local labor leaders are asked to participate in these economic development planning activities, joining with business and government representatives on tripartite committees, an official "mayor's task force," a private "growth association" or a "community futures board." Labor's role in these committees, however, is often limited to providing the appearance of community- wide support for special deals cooked up in the back room between business leaders and their allies in local government. In many communities experiencing shutdowns, an anti-labor • Mark Crouch is Coordinator and Associate Professor of Labor Studies, Indiana University on the Campus of Indiana University-Purdue University at Fort Wayne. 48 LABOR RESEARCH REVIEW climate has been created through skillful employer manipulation of the media. If labor leaders refuse to participate in economic development activities, they risk being labeled "non-cooperative." If they agree to participate in order to monitor the activities for anti-labor efforts, they risk being used as token workers' represen­ tatives to lend credibility to a process dominated by business. Business and government often attempt to relegate labor to roles which include participation in labor-management cooperation committees, negotiation of concessions-laden contracts, or declaration of a moratorium on organizing new employers in the community. If labor leaders reject these roles, they are often labeled "obstructionists." Anti-labor groups can then charge, "First labor destroyed our community, then they torpedoed our efforts to rebuild it." Several international unions and the national AFL-CIO have developed sophisticated proposals calling for an "industrial policy" which would utilize a business-government-labor structure for planning national economic activities. Yet to be developed, however, are any guidelines for labor's participation in local economic development activities. Since 1982 Fort Wayne, Indiana, has pioneered what is being touted as one of the most aggressive and successful economic development programs in the country. An economic development consulting firm, the Fantus Company, was used to organize the business community around an agenda designed to weaken labor and encourage a series of job wars with other communities. A careful examination of the Fort Wayne Strategy reveals a program that is subtly yet deeply anti-union, anti-worker, and not in the long-run interests of the people of Fort Wayne. A review of the Fort Wayne Strategy and local labor's response can provide valuable lessons for the labor movement across the country. Fort Wayne—Factory Town, Union Town Fort Wayne is a community of approximately 300,000 in north­ eastern Indiana, near the Ohio and Michigan borders. Its location at the confluence of three rivers made it an early site for commerce, transportation and manufacturing. Prior to World War I, Fort Wayne was regarded as one of the strongest union towns in the country due to community support of several militant strikes against the railroads. Following World War I the Fort Wayne labor movement suffered serious setbacks as strikes were broken between 1919 and 1923 at Bowser Pump, Wayne Knitting Mills, and the Pennsylvania Railroad. Job Wars at Fort Wayne 49 oyer manipulation After passage of the Wagner Act in 1935, the first NLRB election :ipate in economic in the country was held at the Wayne Knitting Mills. During the "non-cooperative." 30s and 40s the United Electrical Workers (UE) organized »r the activities for production workers at General Electric and numerous other workers' represen­ industrial employers in the area. The UE became a potent force ted by business. in the community, with membership approaching 30,000 prior to >gate labor to roles the red-baiting and internal political struggles of the 1950s. By the :ment cooperation 1970s the United Auto Workers had become the dominant union len contracts, or in the Fort Wayne area, based on Locals 57 and 305 at the v employers in the International Harvester Heavy-Duty Truck Plant, where employ­ ss, they are often ment peaked at 10,600 in 1978. then charge, "First As the 1970s ended, the national economy was mired in a pedoed our efforts recession that struck hardest at the durable goods industries. Fort Wayne had traditionally been dependent on durable goods lal AFL-CIO have manufacturing, providing 31% of all employment in 1970, compared "industrial policy" to a U.S. average of 16%. By 1981 durable goods employment had abor structure for shrunk dramatically to 24% of area employment while the U.S. to be developed, average slipped to 13%. Much of this decline in manufacturing icipation in local employment was a result of major employers—including Magnavox, Tokheim, Franklin Electric and General Electric— red what is being relocating work to Sunbelt states. Between 1969 and 1982 GE :cessful economic eliminated over 5,000 of its 6,700 bargaining unit jobs, shifting Dmic development production of its motors and transformers to the Sunbelt and td to organize the Juarez, Mexico. :d to weaken labor This deindustrialization of the community and the continuing r communities. A effects of the recession that had begun in 1979 eliminated 30,000 reveals a program area jobs by 1982, shrinking payroll employment by 13%. The er, and not in the unemployment rate remained in double digits from June 1980 i. A review of the through February 1984. )nse can provide Responding to the mounting problems of job loss, business >ss the country. leaders began pursuing a new economic development effort. In early 1982, a Chicago-based consulting firm, the Fantus Company, i Town was hired to provide an economic development study and "battle plan" to help the city attract new employers. Since the Fantus 300,000 in north- study, a substantial number of manufacturing plants has located >rders. Its location in the area, and by spring 1986 the unemployment rate had fallen an early site for to 5 percent. The Fort Wayne Strategy, however, did not allow 'rior to World War community participation in the planning process, weakened igest union towns organized labor, and resulted in jobs of questionable quality. ral militant strikes Fort Wayne labor Fantus Sets the Agenda ses were broken ne Knitting Mills, A critical analysis of the Fantus battle plan and its use reveals a powerful means to mobilize community support around a pro- 50 LABOR RESEARCH REVIEW \i One of the first trucks to roll off the International Harvester assembly line in Fort Wayne in 1923. business agenda with subtle anti-worker elements. The battle plan because tl included a review of the area's economic base, an assessment of most firn the business climate, suggestions for improving the climate, and agencies ^ a list of more than 1,000 companies in 32 target industries that impressior were likely prospects for location in the area. communit The ideology underlying this approach assumes that communities The una must compete to attract and retain migrating capital. A proper apparent v\ business climate must be maintained which serves the interests levels, and of those controlling investment decisions at the expense of others over 11% a in the community. Armed with the recommendations of what force, for e appeared to be outside, objective experts, Fort Wayne area business assets. leaders were able to magnify their influence in all facets of Manufac community affairs. due to aver The Fantus assessment of Fort Wayne's business climate focused 22 employe on three areas: the cost of doing business, local operating undisclosec conditions, and quality of life for company personnel. The 36 the industry factors considered—ranging from transportation networks to mix in the' utility costs to availability of land and buildings—were evaluated their pay. ^ through comparisons with other communities also competing for unionized, jobs. Factors ranked "Above Average" were obvious assets to be creating thi maintained and exploited in promotional campaigns. Factors rated Labor Ma "Average" would meet the needs of most companies but could use due to high< improvement. Factors ranked "Below Average" needed improvement attempted tc ^.^.ic. J ,.,.„.- ,**•,;, ife.J&Ai&tkL 4^r--v-^m^;;ii^'i^fe^^ ^p^^m^m "^ Job Wars at Fort Wayne 51 rnational Harvester . the last truck off the Fort Wayne assembly line. ents. The battle plan because they would eliminate Fort Wayne from consideration by >e, an assessment of most firms. Where objective data provided by government ing the climate, and agencies was unavailable, Fantus used admittedly subjective irget industries that impressions based on interviews with sixty unnamed business and a.

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