The Muslims

of

-A Socio Economic Profile

Dr. Md. Irfan Basha

Confederation of Voluntary Associations (COVA)

Hyderabad (A.P.),

1

C o n t e n t s

Page No

Page No

I. INTRODUCTION. . Description of . Historical and geographical settings . Brief description of Selected Towns and Villages . Demographic features of Muslims . Survey Design . Profile of

II. SOCIO-ECONOMIC LIFE.

. Occupational patterns . Child Labour . Muslims in Government jobs

III. EDUCATIONAL ASPECTS OF MUSLIMS. . Status of Education: Basic figures . Elementary education and Muslims . Status of Urdu education in Anantapur district

IV. POLITICAL CONDITIONS OF MUSLIMS. . Basic figures v. Status of Muslim women VI. MUSLIM WELFARE AND MINORITY INSTITUTIONS.

VI. CASE STUDIES.

VII. APPENDIX i) Muslim Personalities of Anantapur ii) 15-Point Programme for dealing with the problems of religious minorities iii) Manual on Minority Welfare

2 CHAPTER-I.

INTRODUCTION

India’s population is composed of various peoples with different ethnic, racial, and socio- cultural backgrounds, most of who arrived in this land from different parts of the world at different points of time. Over thousands of years, there have been degrees of inter- mingling as some communities underwent sub-divisions and fragmentations and some others retained a distinct identity, maintaining a certain measure of their traditional exclusiveness mainly through cultural institutions. Indian Muslims are widely held to belong to this latter category.

India came into contact with Islam nearly 1300 years ago and its adherents are scattered along the length and breadth of the country, from the Himalayas to the Indian Ocean and from the Arabian Sea to the nation’s eastern frontiers. Indian Muslims have enriched

Indian culture and civilization, and in general have played a significant role in the development of the Indian society as a whole, over the years.

But what needs to be emphasized is that Islam did not come to the subcontinent within a single time span, but over periods of unequal lengths. As a result, its diffusion and absorption took place along different dimensions from one territory to another and from one class to another. The difference in the phases in which people live through Islam brought with it new dimensions in the nature of challenges facing Muslims in different areas, a potentially rich, hitherto neglected area of study.

Muslims in India constitute 13.4% of the country's population,1 which amounts to about

138 million people. The economic and educational progress of the community is

1 Census of India, 2001, cited in Times of India (7 September 2004), p.1.

3 therefore very crucial for India as the country heads towards a transition from a

“developing” to a “developed” nation. However, a sizeable section of the Muslim community is found to be socially, educationally, politically and economically backward.

In such a scenario, no country can boast of “development” if a sizeable minority of its population remains illiterate and poor, lagging behind in all aspects of life.

A positive endeavor of affirmative measures is required in legal and welfare terms in order to improve the status of Muslims and bring the community on par with national figures on literacy and employment. It will also strengthen the Muslim community's integration in the mainstream of India's modernization efforts.

On the other hand, there is a pre-conceived notion against Muslims that they constitute a monolithic community. This tendency to view Muslims as a homogeneous community is also visible in earlier studies, both at micro- and macro-levels. Such an inaccurate view is easily dismantled in the face of evidence on the rich linguistic and cultural diversity of the

Muslim community.

There are numerous variations not only in the social organisation of different Muslim populations of India but also in the degree and nature of influences of local cultures and society. Muslims have established themselves in different streams of thought and interaction. Their social habits, cultural traits and occupational patterns vary from class to class, from area to area and from region to region. They speak numerous dialects and languages and observe wide ranging regional customs and local rituals.2

2 Syed Abul Hasan Ali Nadvi, The Musalman (Lucknow: Lucknow Academy of Islamic Research and Publications, 1977), p. 41.

4 Indian Islam cannot be studied or portrayed as a single social unit whose essential core steadfastly resists any changes through cultural influences. Islam came to India via different routes. Broadly speaking, early Muslims came as traders and merchants in the south and as tribal warriors and rulers in the north. In spite of their regional diffusions, cultural and linguistic segmentation, class stratification and sectarian-doctrinal divisions, they do share a characteristic of a religious minority group for all descriptive sociological purposes relevant to the present study. It is not their regional, cultural, linguistic, class and sectarian homogeneity, but a comparative homogeneity based on the tenets of

Muslim faith and creed as well as on tangible rituals related to birth, matrimony, inheritance and death that mark them out from various other communities in India.

But while attending to the comparative homogeneity of Indian Muslims as a viable religious minority group amenable to descriptive studies and analysis, the complexity and multi-dimensionality of the Indian Muslim situation with all its regional, cultural and class components has been largely ignored by most thinkers and activists. It is at their own peril that Muslims ignore their regional and class-specific problems. What is needed today is a series of studies of Muslim communities from different parts of the country to investigate the many divergent patterns of organization and ethos. The present enquiry arose in the context of such a felt need for micro-level community studies in contemporary India.

Description of Rayalaseema

Andhra Pradesh is the fourth largest state in India, in terms of area, and the fifth largest in terms of population. Geographically, has three broad divisions--

Telangana (10 districts), Coastal Andhra (9 districts) and Rayalaseema (4 districts). Each is a distinct area, geographically as also in the socio-economic composition of the

5 population. The same can be said about the Muslim community of each area. They have distinctive social, cultural and linguistic characteristics. The Muslim population is higher in terms of percentage in Rayalaseema than in the other two areas.

According to estimated figures from the 2011 Census, the Muslim population in Andhra

Pradesh is 9.80% of the total population.

In Rayalaseema – 13.10% (4 Districts)

In Telangana – 12.90% (10 Districts)

In Coastal Andhra – 4.84 % (9 Districts)

Rayalaseema, nearly one-fifth of the total area of Andhra Pradesh, has a 13.10% concentration of Muslim population (2011Census estimates). A large number of them live in urban areas and are mostly artisans, petty shopkeepers, traders, skilled and unskilled workers and labourers belonging to the working class. A majority of the Muslim masses are illiterate and poor.

A Brief History of Rayalaseema

The first known important landmark3 in the history of Rayalaseema, according to traditional historiography, is provided by the edicts of Emperor Ashoka (273 B.C. – 232

B.C.), which indicate that this area formed a part of the Mauryan Empire. The next epoch is that of the Sathavahanas, whose empire stretched over this region in the first and second century A.D. The Ikshvakus, Pallavas, Chalukyas and Rashtrakutas ruled over this region from about 300 to 973 A.D. The next landmark epoch is regarded to be that of the Cholas of the Tamil country.

3 P. Raghavendra Rao, Ancient and Medieval History of Andhra Pradesh (Delhi: Sterling, 1997), pp. 1– 138.

6

The Kakatiyas of Warangal expanded their power over this area from 1158 A.D. to 1323

A.D. This period is of particular interest because successive Kakatiya monarchs cleared a number of forests and established a number of settlements, also improving the economic conditions of the Rayalaseema region. It was during the rule of successive Vijayanagara dynasties from 1336 A.D. to about 1700 A.D. that Rayalaseema reached the height of its glory, chiefly during the reign of Sri Krishna Devaraya (1509 - 1529 A.D.) of Tuluva

Dynasty (1502 - 1570 A.D.), when it came to be known as “Rathnalaseema.” Sri Krishna

Devaraya ruled this area with Vijayanagar (near Bellary, in present-day ) as his capital. Later, the Rayalaseema area formed parts of the empire of the Bijapur sultans and, over time, the Nawabs of Golkonda, the Moghuls, the Mysore Kings, the Nizam and the British Empire until India’s independence. At the time of the formation of the state of Andhra Pradesh, the district of Bellary was allotted to the state of Karnataka, which at that time was called the Mysore state.

According to the historian, Tara Chand,

The Musalmans made their advent in South India on the western coast as early as

the eighth century if not earlier, and in the tenth century on the eastern coast; that

they soon spread over the whole coast and in a comparatively short time acquired

great influence both in politics and in society. On the one side their leaders

became ministers, admirals, ambassadors and farmers of revenue and on the other

they made many converts, propagated their religious ideas, established mosques and

erected tombs which become centres of the activities of their saints and missionaries.

It may, therefore, be premised without overstraining facts that if, in the development

of the Hindu religions in the south, any foreign elements are found which make their

appearance after the seventh century, and which cannot be accounted for by the

7 natural development of Hinduism itself, they may with much probability be ascribed

to the influence of Islam, provided, of course, they are not alien to its genius.3

The existence of Muslim settlements in this area dates back to the advent of Allauddin

Khilji (also called Garshasp Malik) in south India around 1296 A.D. and in 1303 A.D.

Later, the expeditions of his commander Malik Kafur in 1307 and in 1309 A.D. consolidated the presence of Muslim settlements in the Deccan. Permanent settlements in large number are recorded after the change of capital from Delhi to Devagiri by Sultan

Mohammed Bin Tughluq in 1327 A.D. During that period, some Muslim communities from south India (especially from Kerala) also moved northwards in search of livelihood and settled around the Deccan permanently. Some lower caste Hindu communities, especially the carder Weaver community (Dudekula), are said to have been converted by the influence of Sufi saints such as Hazrat Baba Faqruddin of (Anantapur

District) and Hazrath Nathad Shah Vali of Tiruchinapally (Tamilnadu). Thus the Muslim population of the Deccan is held to have been a confluence of influx from the north, the south as well as closer local cultures. The fusion of these gave a new and rich dimension to the culture of Rayalaseema.

A Modern History of Rayalaseema

Rayalaseema consists of four districts—Kurnool, Anantapur, Kadapa and Chittoor. The districts of Anantapur, Kurnool, Kadapa and Bellary were given to the Nizam by the

British as the spoils of the Third and Fourth Mysore wars (1792 A.D. and 1799 A.D.) respectively.

3 Tara Chand, Influence of Islam on Indian Culture (Allahabad: Indian Press Ltd., 1946), p. 43.

8 In 1800 A.D. the Nizam (Nizam Ali Khan, 1761- 1803 A.D.) was forced to cede these four districts to the British in lieu of payment for the maintenance of a subsidiary force in

Hyderabad. In 1802 A.D. the British took Nellore and Chittoor. This time the excuse was misrule by the local Nawabs, and all these were then included under the Madras

Presidency. The Rayalaseema area had one Collectorate in Anantapur and four sub-

Collectorates in Adoni (Kurnool District), Hardanahally (Bellary District), Cumbhum

(Kurnool District) and Kadapa. In 1808 A.D., the Rayalaseema area was divided into two

Collectorates, one in Bellary and the other in Kadapa. Later three new districts were formed. These were Kurnool (1858), Anantapur (1882) and Chittoor (1911).4

A brief description of some of the selected towns and villages in the districts follows, since it is well known that the socio-economic and political history of a region also influences the conditions and lives of the people. The towns/villages are Anantapur,

Dharmavaram, , Gugudu, , , Honnur, , ,

Mohammadabad, Rayadrug, Singanamala, and Vajrakarur.

Anantapur (Anantapur Mandal, Pop: 3, 08, 485 (2001 census), Muslims nearly 24%

(2001 census); Lat. 140 40' N; Long 770 37' E).

The headquarters of the district is on the Guntakal- metre-guage line, 42 miles south of Guntakal. It is the seat of the District Collector with most district and some regional offices located here. It is also the Divisional and Taluk headquarters. Its municipality was established in 1869. Of the thirty and odd miles of roads maintained by the Municipality, only about a third are dust proof. The town is connected by regular bus service not only with all Mandal headquarters in the districts but also with Bellary,

4 Andhra Pradesh District Gazetteers Records, Anantapur district 1991, pp. 13-17, and Andhra Pradesh District

9 Kurnool, Chittoor, Hyderabad and Bangalore. Its present area is about 16.35 sq. km. The villages of Anantasagaram and Bukkaraya Samudram were established on either side of the Anantasagaram tank. The tank is one of the biggest in the district with an ayacut of

2511 acres, half of which lies within Anantapur limits and the rest within Bukkaraya

Samudram. It is fed by the Pandameru, and paddy is extensively cultivated under it. The waterworks for the supply of drinking water to the town are located on the bank of the

Pandameru near the village of Raptadu.

Anantapur, locally known as Hande Anantapuram after the Hande chiefs of the

Vijayanagar period, and a few other areas were gifted by the Vijayanagar rulers to

Hanumappa Naidu of the Hande family in return for his help. The place subsequently came under the Qutubshahis, Moghuls and the Nawabs of Cuddapah, although the

Hande Chiefs continued to rule as their subordinates during the time of Ramappa of the

Hande line, and Anantapur was occupied by the Palegar of Bellary. But it was eventually won back when Ramappa's son Siddappa was installed in 1753 as the Palegar with the help of the troops supplied by Murari Rao of Gooty. It was attacked by Murari Rao

Ghorpade in 1757, when it resisted for sometime but ultimately bought off the enemy for Rs. 50, 000. The place then came into the possession of Hyder Ali and Tipu Sultan.

After Tipu's death, it was Siddappa who took back Anantapur in 1799. His submission to the Nizam, who acquired control over the area by the treaty of 1799, brought him

Siddarampuram as a Jagir. He was later pensioned off when the British occupied the territory in 1800. Anantapur was selected by Sir Thomas Munro, the first principal

Collector of the ceded district, as his headquarters.

Gazetteers Records, Anantapur district, 1981, pp.19-25.

10 The town falls distinctly into two areas, the old town and the extensions separated by the

Marava Vanka. The old town is congested and does not admit of further extension owing the existence of the tank’s bund on its east and paddy fields all around. An industrial area has fast sprung up along the Gooty road. The independence memorial clock tower opposite the Municipal bus stand in extensions stands sentinel over the town. Around it are clustered the Arts College, the Taluk office the bus stand and the trunk road leading from the old town which is the busiest marketing center. A railway over-bridge was constructed in 1966 across the Guntakal-Bangalore line on the road from the clock tower to the sports stadium.5

A part from being the district headquarters, Anantapur has also been a historically important educational center with a number of secondary schools as well as professional and technical training institutions. The Government Basic Training School (1882),

Government Multipurpose High School (1886), Government Arts College (1916), Police

Recruit School (1917), Industrial Training Institute (1942), Sri Sai Baba National Higher

Secondary School (1945), Engineering College (1946), Rajendra Municipal Higher

Secondary School (1950), Sarada Municipal High School for Girls (1951), Oil

Technological Institute (1952), Police Training (1955), Government High School (1959),

Government Secondary and Training School for Women and Government Polytechnic

(1960), Potti Sri Ramulu Municipal High School (1963), and Kasturba Municipal Girls

High School (1964) have provided a strong educational foundation in the district.

Climate and Rainfall:

It is very warm from March to May and cooler from November to January. Madakasira and Hindupur Mandals being on higher elevation are cooler than the rest of the Mandals

5Andhra Pradesh District Gazetteers Records, Anantapur district, 1991, pp. 7-9.

11 in the districts. Anantapur has the lowest rainfall in the state with an annual rainfall of

546 millimeters against the average normal rainfall of 890 mm. in the state. Monsoons dodge these parts due to its peculiar geographical location. Far away from the east coast, it does not enjoy the full benefit of the North–East monsoon and the high Western

Ghats cut off the South–West monsoons. Thus the district is deprived of adequate rainfall during both the monsoon seasons. The area receives its rain largely through the

South–West Monsoon and partly through the North–East monsoon, between August and October.

Soils:6

The district can be roughly divided into three natural regions: Northern, Central and

Southern Anantapur. The northern region of Gooty and Tadipatri taluks has large areas of black cotton soil; Anantapur, , Dharmavaram and Penukonda taluks constitute the central region while Medakasira and Hindupur taluks constitute the

Southern region. The southern parts are connected with the Mysore plateau and have a higher elevation than the rest of the district. The district has six different soils, namely, black clay, black loam, black sand, red clay, red loam and red sand. Black soil is valuable as cotton and groundnut are cultivated extensively.

Minerals:

The district has a gold field situated near Ramagiri and diamonds are known to occur near Vajrakarur. Deposits of barytes occur in the region south-west of Mutsukota on either side of the Tadpatri-Anantapur road and north-east and east of Venkatapalli. High-

6 Ibid., pp. 9-13.

12 grade limestone suitable for the manufacture of chemical lime is also found in Tadipatri taluk.

Forests:

Forests occupy 1.95 lakh hectares of area constituting about 2% of the total geographical area. This is the second smallest district in respect of forest area in the region of Andhra

Pradesh. Several places termed forests in the district are completely devoid of vegetation.

The denser types of forests occur only in Kadiri and Penukonda taluks.

Agriculture:

Land utilization pattern: (all in lakh ha.) Forest--1.95; Barren and uncultivable land--1.90;

Land put to non-agricultural use--1.57; Cultivable waste--0.95; Permanent pastures and other grazing land--0.26; Under miscellaneous trees, crops and groves--0.23; Other fallows --1.20; Current fallows--2.30; Net area sown--8.77; Sown more than once--0.42.

Gross cropped area--9.19.

Groundnut is the most important non-food crop. Millets dominate food crops. The area under food crop cultivation is 5.08 lakh ha. and under non-food crops 4.11 lakh ha. Total food grain production is 3.13 lakh tones and the productivity of groundnut 745 kg per hectare.7

Places of Worship:

Among areas of religious8 interest are the Chennakesava Temple near Old Hospital, the

Eswara and Kanyaka Parameshwari temples in main bazaar, and the Kasi Vishveshwara and Satyanarayanaswamy temple at first road in the extensions. Hindus celebrate festivals

7 Andhra Pradesh District Gazetteers Records, Anantapur district, 1981, pp.15-18. 8 Ibid.

13 such as Dasara, Dipawali and Sankranti with high veneration and gaiety. The Jama Masjid located between two temples (one of which is also a Kalyana Mantapam or marriage hall) is an example of communal harmony. The Eidgah Masjid is located near the Saptagiri circle and is well-attended, more so than any other masjid. The Markaz Masjid in

Gulzarpet, the strong-hold of the Tableeghi Jamaat, is also regularly attended. The

Junglepalli Masjid is constructed in the 18th century, is located near the Neelam Talkies.

Other Masjids to be mentioned are the Sherkhan Masjid and the Jama Masjid in

Penukonda. The latter was constructed during the Adilshahi period. Memon Sait Masjid in Hindupur boasts of a tall minaret that can be seen from any part of Hindupur and is also very famous. There are also certain famous Dargahs or shrines and people of all communities attend on specific occasions like Urs, certain other rituals, etc. The more famous ones include the Dargah of Hazrat Baba Fakruddin in Penukonda, the Dargah of

Hazrat Masud Salar in Singanamala and the Dargah of Hazrath Sufi Sarmast in Honor.

There are also two Dargahs in Mohammed Diwan Katta area in Anantapur, where the annual Urs celebration is observed with great pomp and splendor. The Islamic month of

Muharram (which is the first month of the year), mourned traditionally and ritually, is observed by all communities participating in Tazia processions. “Gugudu,” a small village near Anantapur where Muharram is observed enthusiastically by all communities near the

Kullayappa Swamy temple. All rites and rituals are observed by the devotees with marked religious fervour, as lakhs of devotees from different districts throng the place. The high number of people forces the government to extend additional bus services for the devotees.9

9 Ibid.

14 There is a Roman Catholic Church in Ramachandra Nagar constructed during the 17th century. There are other churches in Jesu Nagar. Good Friday, Christmas, Easter and

New Years day are ritually celebrated by the Christians.

Dharmavaram -Dharmavaram taluk, Pop: 1, 47, 242 (2001census estimate); Muslims about 15.5% (2001census estimates);

Dharmavaram, 21 miles from Anantapur, is the headquarters of the Deputy Collector’s division. It became a Municipality in 1964. Dharmavaram is a railway junction on the

Bangalore-Guntakal line and is the terminus of the Pakala-Dharmavaram section. The place derives its name from Dharmamba, the mother of Sri Kriyasakthi Odeyar who constructed the local Dharmavaram tank. The tank is fed by the Chitravathi and

Pangaperur and has an ayacut of 1747 acres.

Dharmavaram was one of the four villages given by Aliyaramaraja to Hande Hanumappa as a reward. Thus it came into the hands of the Hande chiefs of Vijayanagar. After 1573, it came under the Palegar of Rayadrug. Dharmavaram subsequently came under the

Golconda kings, followed by Hyder Ali and Tipu Sultan, and was later occupied by the

British.

Of the local temples, the most important is the Lakshmi Chennakesava Swamy Shrine built by Kriyasakthi Odeyar. A car festival of the deity is held annually in the month of

Visakam of the Telugu calendar (April-May) and is well-attended. The local Jamia Masjid is reported to contain a hair of the Prophet Mohammed (P.B.U.H.) that is exhibited once a year. About a third of the population belongs to the weaver community, engaged in cotton- and silk-weaving. Dharmavaram silks are well known almost all over the country and particularly among the women folk in the south.

15 Gooty 10-Gooty taluk, population 78, 136 (2001 census), Muslims nearly 17%

(2001census estimates);

Gooty, the headquarters of the taluk and of a Block, has a railway station on the Madras-

Bombay line and is 33 miles from Anantapur on the Kurnool-Bangalore trunk road. The town is of considerable historical antiquity and is said to have derived its name from

“Gowtamipuri,” the town of sage Gowtama, who is believed to have lived and performed penance here. As the gateway to the south, Gooty fort was coveted by all rulers from the days of the later Vijayanagara kings till its occupation by the British. It has not yet been exactly established as to who constructed this fort.

There are a few temples in the town but not of any architectural or antiquarian interest.

Of the three mosques, two are situated in the town and one in the station area. The

Hazrat Syed Basha Vali Urs is celebrated on the 8th day as Milad-un-Nabi during the third month of the Muslim calendar for two days and attracts a large number of devotees. Gooty is the headquarters of the Rayalaseema diocese (of Christians) with jurisdiction over the Rayalaseema districts of Cuddapah, Kurnool, Anantapur and

Chittoor.

Gooty tank, constructed in 1619 A.D. by Ramaraya, one of the expatriated princes of

Vijayanagara, commands an ayacut of 1, 037 acres. Another large stone-riveted tank was built by one Narasimhayya, near the present taluk office to ensure water supply to the town.

Gugudu -Anantapur taluk. Pop. 5,200 (Approx);

10 Ibid.

16 This village, lying among the low range of Muchukota hills, is about 18 miles east of

Anantapur. It is well known for its observance of the festival of Moharram, conducted with Sri Kullaiswamy as the venerated Pir or saint. The Peerla Makan with its gold-plated minarets is in the centre of the village. The month of Moharram attracts a large number of devotees who come to fulfill vows on the occasion. Children born as a result of the saint’s blessings are named after him. A fire-walking ceremony is also conducted.

Temples at the place are those dedicated to Anjaneyaswamy and Chennakesavaswamy. It is widely believed that some ill luck visits an official who halts at the village for the night.

Guntakal 11-Pop. 1, 59, 820 (2001Census); Muslims nearly 21% (2001 census estimates);

Guntakal is an important railway junction on the Madras-Bombay line. The railway lines from Hubli to Masulipatam and Bangalore to Secunderabad also pass through it.

Guntakal is a notified, regulated market area dealing in groundnut, cotton, jaggery and onions with a regulatory District Market Committee. On account of its easy accessibility, it is an important centre in the district for trade in cotton, cottonseed and groundnut. Its commercial importance has ensured a good network of bus and lorry transport. Iron ore mined in Bellary district is also trans-shipped from this junction. The Kanyaka

Parameshwari temple was built by the local Arya Vysya Sangham in 1961.

Hindupur- Pop.1, 70, 702 (2001census); Muslims nearly 27% (2001 census estimates);

Hindupur is an important commercial centre in the district. It lies close to the confluence of the Penneru and the Jayamangali and is about 65 miles from Anantapur on the

Kurnool-Bangalore road. It has a railway station on the Guntakal-Bangalore line. It is also the Taluk headquarters and a municipality since 1920, having been a union prior to

11 Ibid.

17 it. The town derives its name from Hindu Rao, the father of Morari Rao, the Maharatta ruler of Gooty, although it is not quite certain as to whom among the two had built it.

The town is served by protected water supply. It is well covered both by bus transport and the railways.

Honnur (Pop. 4, 050 (approximately);

It is 22 miles northeast of Rayadurg. Cotton, betel vines and groundnut are extensively grown here. There is a Samadhi or grave of Honnurswamy, a saint after whom the village is presumed to have been named. The Syed Shah Sufi Sarmasth Hussain Chisti Vali Allah

Urs is conducted annually in the month of Jamadi-ul-Avval and is well-attended both by

Hindus and Muslims.

Kadiri -(Kadiri taluk, Pop. 1, 08, 226 (2001 census); Muslims 35%

It is headquarters of the taluk and of two Blocks, Kadiri East and Kadiri West and was constituted into a municipality in 1964. It is situated about 56 miles from Anantapur on the Bombay-Madras trunk road and is a railway station on the Dharmavaram-Pakala section. Till 1910 it formed part of the Cuddapah district, when it was transferred to

Anantapur.

The temple of Lord Narasimha to the west of the town is a popular pilgrimage centre, attracting devotees even from neighboring districts. The Brahmotsavam of Narasimha together with the annual car festival is held during February-March every year, and attracts devotees even from Mysore across the state border. Innumerable Muslim tombs and mosques are scattered all over the place, testifying to the long presence of Muslim influence. A mosque constructed by Mecca Alam Khan Wali lies opposite the Kadiri

18 Narasimha temple. The Mohiar tomb is situated opposite the Government Hospital.12 Of the four mosques at the place, the Alam Khan mosque is the oldest. The rest, the Jamia, the Shahmia and the Akbari mosques are recent. A Ceylon and Indian General Mission

Church was built in 1928.

As the headquarters of a taluk where groundnut is extensively grown, Kadiri has seven decorticating factories and an oil-crushing factory. There are also a few flour and rice mills. Manufacturers as well as workers have formed unions. A local entrepreneur has also started the manufacture of matches. Though some tanning of hides is also carried out, the hides and skins locally purchased are largely exported to Madras and even to places far south.

Lepakshi -Pop. 6, 800 (approximately); Muslims 10. 2 %( 2001 census estimates);

Lepakshi, literally the village of the blinded eye (Lepa--blindness , Akshi--eye), is associated with a popular legend according to which Virupanna, the treasurer of Krishna

Devaraya of Vijayanagar constructed a temple using the treasure of the king at Lepakshi while the king was away at Vijayanagar. On his return, seeing his treasury empty, the king ordered Virupanna to be blinded. The latter, being a loyal servant, carried out the order on the spot with his own hands and to this day two dark stains are shown upon the wall near the “Kalyana Mantapa,” which are said to be the marks made by his eyes when he dashed himself against the wall. Lepakshi, from the historical as well as the archaeological point of view, is the most important place in the district. It is situated about 9 miles east of Hindupur on the Kodikonda-Amarapuram road. On one of the hillocks known as

Kurma Saila (Tortoise-shaped hill) are located the temples of Papanatheswara,

12 The tomb is said to contain the remains of Chandravadana, the beautiful daughter of Ranga Nayudu, the Palegar of Patnam, and of Mohiar, a Muslim traveller who fell in love with her. He died pining for her and it is believed his dead body could not be lifted till Chandravadana intervened. This convinced her that the

19 Raghunatha, Srirama, Veerabhadra and Durga of which the Veerabhadra temple is the most important. The place itself is renowned as the repository of some of the best mural paintings of the Vijayanagar kings.

Mohammadabad-Pop. 4, 800(approximately); Muslims 80%;

It is located about 18 miles southwest of Kadiri. There are ruins of a fort, still visible, but it is not known as to who constructed it. A weekly market is held at the village every

Thursday.

Rayadrug -(Pop. 92, 402 (2001 census); Muslims 13% (2001 census estimates);

Rayadrug, literally “King’s Hill Fortress,” is the headquarters of the taluk and also of a

Block. It is situated at a distance of 56 miles from Anantapur via Kalyandrug on the

Anantapur-Bellary (via Rayadrug) road. Prior to 1953, this entire taluk was in the Bellary district and was added to Anantapur district after the formation of Andhra Pradesh. The entire revenue village of Rayadrug was constituted into a municipality in 1963.

Rayadrug was originally a stronghold of Bedars (Boya Palegars) who were very active during the Vijayanagar rule. The Emperor deputed an officer, Bhupatiraya, to subjugate them. He succeeded in driving them out and ruled the place himself and the hill was thus called Bhupatirayani Konda (or Rayadrug) after him. After the battle of Rakshasa

Tangadi, the Bedars regained the place, but were again driven out after sometime by

Koneti Nayak. His son Venkatapathi Nayak who had differences with the Palegar of

Chittaldrug greatly strengthened the fortifications. Tipu captured the fort and made it part of his Gooty province. After Tipu’s fall in 1799, one Rajagopalanayak was installed

Lord had ordained that she should be Mohiar’s partner even in death and so permitted herself to be buried alive by his side.

20 as a Palegar. Later in 1800, the British transferred him out of Gooty and his family was pensioned off.

The ruins of the fort can still be seen on the hill at the foot of which the town is built.

Some open water reservoirs, once used by the residents, can still be seen on the hill. A jathra or religious fair for Ellamma is held annually in the month of Chaitra (March-

April) when a fire-walking ceremony is also organized. Below the hill, the fort area contains most of the temples of the village including those of Prasanna Venkateswara,

Venugopala, Jambukeswara, Veerabadra, Anjaneya and Kanyaka Parameshwari. There is a Jamia mosque, frequented by followers for the Friday noon prayers. There are other mosques also. This town is famous for the Jamia Mohammedia Arabic College, a very old institution belonging to the sect of the Ahl-e-Hadith. The college is said to have started in the 1920s and prepares students for oriental-title examinations in Persian and

Arabic finally leading to a degree, Munshi-Fazil, after 6 years of study. The college offers courses in Hafiz, Maulvi, Alim and other higher courses. Students belonging to Ahl-e-

Hadith come from far-off places not only within Rayalaseema but also from other states.

The library attached to this institution contains rare Arabic and Persian manuscripts. A hostel is also attached where free board and lodging is provided for poor students.

Tamarind and groundnut are the chief commercial crops of the area and there are quite a number of tamarind topes in Rayadrug and the surrounding villages. The weekly market at the town is held every Thursday. Weavers constitute about one-fourth of the population of the place. It is one of the most important centres in the district for the weaving of coarse sarees of low counts. The sarees are mostly exported to a number of places in other states. The government Khadi and Village Industries Commission was established in Rayadrug in 1959.

21

Singanamala -Pop. 41, 176(2001 census); 5.5% Muslims (2001 census estimates);

This village, headquarters of a Block, is at the foot of a hill 10 miles east of Anantapur, off the Tadipatri road. It is believed that the sage Rishya Sringa performed penance in a cave on the top of the hill where an idol is installed.

The Urs of Khwaja Syed Masood Salar who lies buried here falls on the 26th day of

Rajab (the seventh month of the Islamic calendar) and is attended in large numbers. The

Sri Ranga Rayala Cheruvu of the village, commonly known as Singanamala tank fed by the Thadakaleru and with an ayacut of 2,524 acres, is one of the biggest in the district. It is believed to have been constructed by the Vijayanagar kings. One filling of the tank is enough to irrigate two crops.

Tadipatri -Pop. 1, 37, 746 (2001census); Muslims 20% (2001 census estimates);

Tadipatri or Tatipathri is the headquarters of the Taluk and a Block. It has a railway station on the Raichur-Madras line, 47 miles from Guntakal. The town is situated on the banks of the Penneru, which flows from west to east and turns southwards, almost encircling the town. The area was formerly known as “Bhaskara Kshetra” and to its south was a thick forest full of palm trees; it was, therefore, called Tamlapalli (Tativanam) and was named “Tadipatri” during the time of Pemmasani Ramalinga Nayudu, a local chieftain under Proudha Devaraya of the Vijayanagara King. After the fall of Vijayanagar, it came into the possession of the Moghuls under Zulfikar Khan, the Moghul Subedar who constructed the Jamia Masjid. The place came to be ruled by Murari Rao, the

Maratha chief of Gooty, and subsequently by Hyder Ali and Tipu Sultan. Later it was taken over by the British in 1800. Apart from the Jamia Masjid, there are number of other mosques in the area.

22

The Bugga Ramalinga Swamy temple on the southern bank of the Pennar and the

Chintala Rayaswamy temple are important temples of the town. There is also a Kanyaka

Parameshwari temple, a huge one, which is very elegant and beautiful.

Tadipatri was constituted a municipality in 1920. Since 1934, the town has been provided with protected water supply, thereby minimizing the frequent outbreaks of cholera. The over-bridge on the Pennar constructed during 1944-45 has linked the place with an all- weather road to the cotton-growing areas of Kurnool and Koilkuntla. A stretch of 2 miles of the Anantapur-Tadipatri road within the municipal limits has been cement- concreted. Tadipatri has been an important commercial centre in the district for a long time. It is a good market for the cotton grown in the adjoining Cuddapah and Kurnool districts, its importance attested by the establishment of a cotton press as early as in the nineteenth century. Trade has been in existence almost from the time the British took possession of the territory.

Vajrakarur13 (Pop. 48, 285 (2001 census); Muslims 7% (2001 census estimates);

The village, a major panchayat, is on the road from Guntakal to Urvakonda. As the name indicates (Vajra--diamond), it is associated with diamonds. An epigraph at Gadekallu in

Gooty taluk of the Vijayanagara king Achyuta, dated S.1453, mentions that there was a diamond treasury (Vajra Bhandara) at Vajrakarur in Sima. It is stated that

Tipu once worked the diamond mines at the place. Even after the district was ceded to the British, the mines appear to have been worked till 1813 when the leases gradually expired and were not renewed.

23

Demographic Features of Muslims14

Population by Religion in India15 (in Percentage)

13 Andhra Pradesh District Gazetteers Records, Anantapur district, 1981, p. 15-185. 14 Note: Though the provisional data of census 2011 has been declared on 31st March 2011, but religion wise data will be made public in 3-4 years. For this reason the data is based on 2001 census. 15 Census of India, 2001.

24 CENSUS HINDU MUSLIM CHRISTIAN

YEAR

1921 84.40 9.57 1.79

1931 84.34 9.86 2.11

1951 86.89 9.09 2.35

1961 83.51 10.70 2.44

1971 83.00 10.84 2.59

1981 83.09 10.88 2.45

1991 82.41 11.67 2.32

2001 80.50 13.40 2.33

Note: * The above data makes it clear that in a span of 70 years (from 1921to

2001), the population of Muslims has increased by 3.83%.

* The data from 1951 to 2001 reveals that in a span of 50 years (since independence), Muslim population has increased by 4.31%.

25 Distribution of Muslim Population in Andhra Pradesh - 2001

Muslims population Rural Muslim Urban Muslim District / State / as % of total district population as % of population as % of Union Territory population rural population urban population

Adilabad 9.52 5.67 20.19

Nizamabad 14.44 9.77 35.57

Karimnagar 6.12 3.72 16.07

Medak 11.10 9.08 23.18

Hyderabad 41.17 00 41.17

Ranga Reddy 11.42 8.20 14.14

Mahboob Nagar 8.45 6.20 27.51

Nalgonda 5.25 3.78 14.80

Warangal 5.46 3.22 14.88

Khammam 5.34 3.64 12.20

Srikakulam 0.31 0.15 1.55

Vizianagaram 0.69 0.33 2.27

East Godavari 1.44 0.77 3.60

West Godavari 2.08 1.42 4.75

Krishna 6.34 4.65 9.92

Guntur 10.93 8.30 17.41

Prakasham 6.39 5.33 12.30

Nellore 9.32 7.02 17.26

Cuddapah 14.87 10.41 30.15

Kurnool 16.22 12.58 28.30

Anantapur 10.69 5.80 25.16

Chittoor 9.16 8.22 12.54

26 Growth of Hindu and Muslim Population in Rayalaseema (1981-91)

HINDUS MUSLIMS

Population % To % Population % To %

District total Increase total Increase

Year Census Populatio 1981-91 Populati 1981-91

n on

1 ANANTAPUR 1991 2,809,210 88.23 25.24 356,359 11.19 24.11

1981 2,242,973 88.03 287,137 11.27

2 CHITTOOR 1991 2,945,499 90.32 19.19 287,006 8.80 21.29

1981 2,471,349 90.28 236,634 8.64

3 KADAPA 1991 1,892,602 83.46 19.29 337,524 14.88 17.82

1981 1,586,613 82.07 286,481 14.82

4 KURNOOL 1991 2,435,168 81.91 26.30 492,960 16.58 20.83

1981 1,928,127 80.10 407,981 16.95

Growth of Hindu and Muslim Population in Rayalaseema (1991-2001)

HINDUS MUSLIMS

Population % To % Population % To %

District total Increase total Increase

Year Census Populatio 1991-01 Populatio 1991-01

n n

2001 3,225,156 88.59 14.80 389,201 10.69 9.21

1991 2,809,210 88.23 356,359 11.19

2001 3,368,878 89.94 14.37 342,965 9.16 19.49

1991 2,945,499 90.32 287,006 8.80

27 2001 2,181,572 83.85 15.26 386,900 14.87 14.62 3 KADAPA 1991 1,892,602 83.46 337,524 14.88

2001 2,910,182 82.45 19.50 572,404 16.22 16.11

1991 2,435,168 81.91 492,960 16.58

Source: Census Reports, 1991and 2001.

Note: It is interesting to note that the rate of percentage increase among the Hindu

community is more than that of the Muslim community over a decade in Rayalaseema.

Survey design

1. Sample area

Anantapur was selected for this study for the following factors:

i) As the Muslim population of the state is approximately 10% (2001

census figures), this district proportionately represents nearly the

same percentage of Muslims (12%) as in the state as a whole.

ii) Though not as highly urbanized as Hyderabad, the district of

Anantapur represents an average district of Andhra Pradesh, and can

therefore be taken as a model for study.

The towns selected for the study are those where the concentration of Muslims is more.

The towns of Hindupur, Guntakal, and Kadiri apart from Anantapur were selected and

the villages of Singanamala, Lepakshi and Mohammadabad were chosen. Some villages

were also selected on the basis of the population figures furnished by the knowledgeable

sources. Further, villages adjacent to the selected towns were included.

28 For gathering authentic data regarding the social, economic, educational and political conditions of Muslims, it was deemed useful to include information provided by leading figures of the Muslim community. Some Ulema (spiritual leaders) were also interviewed on issues concerning the community.

On information about Muslim households in the district, officials concerned were contacted to record data. For the data regarding employment among Muslims, a format consisting of different grades and rankings of positions was composed and data collated from the concerned departments and offices. Secondary sources such as government

Gazetteers, census reports, administrative reports and personal interviews with the individuals experienced in the area were also used though this last source, of course, has its own limitations.

Anantapur Muslims—An Introduction

The present survey attempts a modest study of the socio-economic conditions of

Muslims in Anantapur district. As noted earlier, Muslims cannot be regarded as a homogenous community throughout the length and breadth of India. Muslims settled in different parts of India have differing cultural ethos and regional studies on Muslims should reflect this varied outlook. Community studies that can take this critical factor into account can claim priority in research in the socio-political context of contemporary

India.

The presence of the Muslim community in Anantapur district is felt throughout all walks of life as it contributes to the general welfare of the society and at the same time attempts to nurture its age-old traditions and cultural ethos, to maintain a distinct identity. The origins of the community can be traced back to the days of Allauddin Khilji’s advent in

29 the Deccan in 1296 A.D. and in 1303 A.D. Later, his Commander Malik Kafur's expeditions in 1307 and1309 A.D. consolidated the presence of Muslim settlements in the area. The shift of capital from Delhi to Devagiri by Sultan Mohammed Bin Tughluq in 1327 A.D. saw an increase in the number of Muslims in the area. Around the same period, some of the Muslim trading communities from South India (especially from

Kerala) also moved north in search of greener pastures and settled in the Deccan. Since then, the Muslim community in Rayalaseema has been a very vibrant presence and has played a vital role in its economic and political development. By and large, there has been a history of peaceful and harmonious co-existence among all the communities of the region.

30 Muslim Population in Anantapur district (Mandal-wise)

ANANTAPUR DISTRICT

Sl.No Total/rural Total Total Percentage

/urban population Muslims

ANANTAPUR DISTRICT T 3,183,814 356,359 11.19

R 2,435,761 156,103 6.408

U 748,053 200,256 26.77

1 D.Hirehal Mandal T/R 32,698 950 2.90

2 Bommanahal Mandal T/R 42,749 1,962 4.58

3 Vidapanakal Mandal T/R 45,328 2,658 5.86

4 Vajrakarur Mandal T/R 47,062 3,045 6.47

5 Guntakal Mandal T 146,687 30,108 20.52

R 39,095 2,152 5.50

U 107,592 27,956 25.98

Guntakal (M) U 107,592 27,956 25.98

6 Gooty Mandal T 69,174 11,322 16.36

R 31,360 1,812 5.77

U 37,814 9,510 25.14

Gooty(P) U 37,814 9,510 25.14

7 Peddavadugur Mandal T/R 39,505 2,713 6.86

8 Yadiki Mandal T/R 42,440 3,786 8.92

9 Tadpatri Mandal T 111,135 22,016 19.81

R 40,067 1,741 4.34

U 71,068 20,275 28.52

Tadpatri (M) U 71,068 20,275 28.52

31 10 Peddapappur Mandal T/R 30,685 1,368 4.45

11 Singanamala Mandal T/R 38,490 2,018 5.24

12 Pamidi Mandal T/R 43,790 6,279 14.33

13 Garladinne Mandal T/R 42,425 3,752 8.84

14 Kudair Mandal T/R 32,191 853 2.64

15 Uravakonda Mandal T 67,390 8,973 13.31

R 39,711 1,149 2.89

U 27,679 5,824 21.04

Uravakonda (P) U 27,679 5,824 21.04

16 Beluguppa Mandal T/R 37,690 1,120 2.97

17 Kanekal Mandal T/R 50,404 6,677 13.24

18 Rayadrug Mandal T 71,820 9,203 12.81

R 30,975 768 2.47

U 40,845 8,435 20.65

Rayadrug(M) U 40,845 8,435 20.65

19 Gummaghatta Mandal T/R 36,037 1,486 4.123

20 Brahmasamudram Mandal T/R 32,243 547 1.69

21 Settur Mandal T/R 31,418 1,487 4.73

22 Kundurpi Mandal T/R 39,392 1,671 4.24

23 Kalyandrug Mandal T 67,362 5,369 7.97

T 44,256 1,648 3.72

U 23,106 3,721 16.10

Kalyandrug (P) U 23,106 3,721 16.10

24 Atmakur Mandal T/R 31,384 604 1.92

25 Anantapur Mandal T 226,031 45,390 20.08

32 R 51,107 3,377 6.607

U 174,924 42,013 24.01

Anantapur (M) U 174,924 42,013 24.01

26 Bukkarayasamudram T/R 43,729 1,319 3.01

Mandal

27 Narpala Mandal T/R 44,698 2,645 5.91

28 Putlur Mandal T/R 36,357 726 1.99

29 Yellanur Mandal T/R 33,582 3,291 9.79

30 Tadimarri Mandal T/R 33,219 1,901 5.72

31 Bathalapalle Mandal T/R 33,190 1,710 5.154

32 Raptadu Mandal T/R 30,217 700 2.31

33 Kanaganapalle Mandal T/R 33,572 870 2.59

34 Kambadur Mandal T/R 38,672 1,872 4.84

35 Ramagiri Mandal T/R 28,448 721 2.53

36 Chennekothapalle Mandal T/R 41,651 1,157 2.77

37 Dharmavaram Mandal T 117,748 13,111 11.13

R 38,787 903 2.32

U 78,961 12,208 15.46

Dharmavaram Mandal U 78,961 12,208 15.46

38 Mudigubba Mandal T/R 54,712 4,150 7.58

39 Talupula Mandal T/R 39,866 5,323 13.35

40 Nambulipulikunta Mandal T/R 29,623 3,143 10.61

41 Tanakal Mandal T/R 46,766 4,731 10.11

42 Nallacheruvu Mandal T/R 28,983 4,180 14.42

43 Gandlapenta Mandal T/R 23,291 5,067 21.75

33 44 Kadiri Mandal T 92,005 32,039 34.82

R 28,627 2,918 10.19

U 63,378 29,121 45.94

Kadiri (M) U 63,378 29,121 45.94

45 Amadagur Mandal T/R 26,941 2,318 8.60

46 Obuladevaracheruvu T/R 43,888 4,950 11.27

Mandal

47 Nallamada Mandal T/R 37,651 3,677 9.76

48 Gorantla Mandal T/R 63,475 6,530 10.28

49 Mandal T 39,365 2,505 6.36

R 38,360 2,504 6.52

U 1,005

Prasanthinilayam Township U 1,005

50 Mandal T/R 38,856 3,134 8.06

51 Kothacheruvu Mandal T/R 35,604 2,718 7.63

52 Penukonda Mandal T 47,147 7,124 15.11

R 30,117 1,197 3.97

U 17,030 5,927 34.80

Penukonda (P) U 17,030 5,927 34.80

53 Roddam Mandal T/R 42,587 1,855 4.35

54 Mandal T/R 33,772 2,166 6.41

55 Chilamathru Mandal T/R 43,784 4,764 10.88

56 Lepakshi Mandal T/R 36,865 3,765 10.21

Hindupur Mandal T 143,690 38,699 26.93

R 39,039 3,434 8.79

34 U 104,651 35,265 33.69

57 Hindupur (M) U 104,651 35,265 33.69

58 Parigi Mandal T/R 46,014 5,702 12.39

59 Madakasira Mandal T/R 65,984 3,047 4.61

60 Gudibanda Mandal T/R 43,867 1,174 2.67

61 Amarapuram Mandal T/R 46,698 1,782 3.81

62 Agali Mandal T/R 29,468 448 1.52

63 Rolla Mandal T/R 32,299 889 2.75

35 Profile of Anantapur district 16

Population 4,083,315 (2011 census)

Density 213 / sq. km

Growth rate 2001-2011 12.16%

Rural Population 27, 19, 225

Urban Population 9, 20, 079

Sex Ratio 977: 1000

Literacy rate 64.28%

Area 19, 130 sq km

Total Area 1, 96, 797 hectares

Fertile Land 10.07 lakh hectares

Mandals 63

Villages 866

Gram Panchayats 933

Assembly Constituencies 14

Parliament Constituencies 2

Small Scale Industries 3520

Medium & Heavy Industries 32

Hospitals 56

Post Offices 944

Banks 195

Engineering Divisions 5

*700 villages are connected under Satya Sai Drinking Water Project.

16 Source: Anantapur Municipality.

36 CHAPTER-II.

SOCIO-ECONOMIC LIFE

A study of the socio-economic conditions of the Muslim community helps in understanding their participation in social as well as in general life. It cannot be denied that as a community, Muslims17 are an integral part of Indian society. It is true at the same time that the community is confronted with certain peculiar problems resulting from its historical role and the product of its own social stratification. According to the

2001 census, the Muslim population in India constitutes 13.40% of the total population.

Muslim communities are spread over all the districts in the subcontinent. More than 35% of the total Muslim population lives in urban areas. It is also clear that Muslims are much more urbanized in regions where the process of urbanization is relatively more recent and also more rapid. It would appear that south Indian urban Muslims are marking their presence, both in businesses and in white-collar professions, and also desirous of participating in public life.18

The district of Anantapur is inhabited by people of almost all religious denominations.

Hindus are numerically the largest, and Muslims the second largest, community. Over centuries, Anantapur town has acquired the reputation of a composite society, with little or no history of communal tensions or riots.

However, the Muslim communities living within this region constitute a significant section of society and tend to share certain distinct traits that contribute to the making of a discrete identity. What prevails in Anantapur district as a whole can be true of

17 Zafar Imam, Some Aspects of the Social Structure of the Muslim Community in India: Muslims in India (Delhi: Orient Longman, 1975) p. 71. 18 Imam, Some Aspects, p. 73-75.

37 Anantapur Muslims as well in miniature. The Muslims of the district are classified as

Syeds, Shaykhs, Pathans, Dudekulas or Pinjaras, primarily based on claims of lineage and racial purity. A great majority of the Muslims are Sunnis19 following the Hanafi School of theology and ritual. The Shia population in the district is negligible. The presence of the

Ahl-e–Hadith or Wahabis, a puritanical sect among the Sunnis, is felt in Rayadrug,

Hindupur and Guntakal. By and large, the Muslim community, segmented as it is, would share with Muslim communities in other regions of India a comparable degree of social differentiation and status-hierarchy based on occupational and endogamous exclusiveness.

19 The followers of Islam are generally divided into Sunnis and Shias. The crucial point of divergence is over the belief that the four Caliphs after the Prophet were rightful successors; the latter sect rejects such a belief and holds Ali to be the rightful successor to the Prophet. There are further differences between the two, but this would be the single-most important point of ideological division that has led to a history of bloody battles between the two sides. The Sunnis in India are further divided into the Ahle Sunnat-wal-Jamat, Deobandi, Tableeghi- Jamat, Ahle Hadith and Jamat-e-Islami. The Ahle Sunnat-wal-Jamat are again of different kinds such as Barelvis, Ashrafis, Nizamis and local “Pirs,” etc. Ahle Sunnat justifies custom-oriented, meditational Islam as closely associated with intercession by the Pirs of shrines. They believe that Prophet Mohammed (PBUH) is made of divine radiance and had the knowledge of the unknown (Ilm-ul-Ghaib). Both these beliefs are challenged by Tableeghi-Jamat, Ahle-Hadith and Deobandi Ulema who have a greater appeal with the masses. The Deobandis, based in a small town—Deoband—in Uttar Pradesh, seek to maintain uniformity in belief and practice and determine what is true or desirable in accordance with the Quran and the traditions of the prophet. Both the Tableeghi-Jamat and the Deobandis are “Masjid-centric” (prayers in the Mosque) in their approach, oppose popular folk varieties of Islam in which a Darga or intercession by saints occupy a major place. They also oppose practices such as fixing days for distributing food to gain spiritual merit and celebrating the death anniversaries (urs) of religious personages. The Ahle Hadith follow the precepts of Sayyad Ahmad of Rae Barielly (1786-1831) who began a movement to overthrow the British, the Wahabi movement. Wahabis as they are called after Muhammad bin Abdul Wahab (1703-92) of Saudi Arabia, work to purify Islam by getting rid of the rituals associated with it and do not follow any of the Sunni schools of Islamic jurisprudence—Hanafi, Shafii, Maliki and Hanbali. So they are called non-conformists (Ghair Muqallid) by their opponents. As they lay emphasis on only the Quran and Hadith, they are called Ahle-Hadith. They, like the Deobandis, oppose folk-based Islam practices such as observing the death anniversary of Saints, the distribution of food on religious occasions, popular mysticism, etc. Jamat-e-Islami is a revivalist political party started by Maulana Abul-Ala-Mawdudi (1903-79). Mawdudi favored a more modernist education than the orthodox groups. He asserted western concepts and technology can be used to strengthen the community, but he opposed western

38 The importance of social stratification and inequalities among Muslims within and in relation to non-Muslim communities cannot be overlooked in the context of a self- perception of defending their cultural and social identity. Islam’s liberating stance, holding out a promise of social elevation, and its egalitarian principles assuring equality of social status have been powerful factors in attracting the lowly and the down-trodden, craving a status befitting human beings which was otherwise denied to them under the social organization in the country, to its fold. A number of ethnic groups which entered into the fold of Islam belonged to the economically poor and socially depressed sections of Indian society and formed part of the traditionally caste-stratified society, with strict hierarchical norms. They suffered subservience and isolation for millennia. Wedded to submissive, less lucrative and often grossly menial occupations, the rate of social change among them was rather slow and insignificant. One such ethnic community is the

Dudekulas.

The Dudekulas or pinjaris are Muslim cotton-carders, who invariably follow both

Muslim and Hindu customs and accept Hazrat Baba Fakhruddin of Penugonda as their

“Pir” or preceptor. They dress exactly like Hindus and most women do not observe the

“gosha” (purdah) system. Dudekulas generally speak Telugu and a few Urdu words.

Some of them observe Hindu festivals and also adopt Hindu manners. They follow certain rituals of other Muslim communities, like those observed in circumcision, praying in mosques, visiting dargahs etc. In a very large number of cases, their entry into the fold of the new faith was not through inducement or external pressure, but through a self- propelled and imitative action, under the influence of Sufis and saints. Change in the totality of their life has not been significant. They retain their traditional relationship and

domination in culture and secular intellectual viewpoints. Jamat-e-Islami has an intellectual base rather than a mass appeal.

39 status, socially and economically, even though there has also been an organized effort, spearheaded by the Tableeghi Jamaat, to bring them into the “true” fold of Islam.

The Muslims of Anantapur district provide an example of a population with a large urban history and are believed to have migratory origins. It is surmised that in the beginning they were a conglomerate community, which grew as a result of intermarriages and conversions through Sufi influences. Prominent Sufi saints include Masood Salar

Ghazi of Singanamala and Hazrat Baba Fakhruddin of Penugonda. A majority of

Muslims in Anantapur speak Urdu, a fact that assumes significance in view of the fact that language is a significant marker in society of socio-cultural status. They also speak other regional languages namely Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam and .

Occupational Patterns

By and large, most of the Muslim communities in Anantapur district are employed in a wide range of professions and businesses. However, most Muslims are economically backward. They are concentrated in the unorganized sectors, where their income generational activity is uncertain. A majority are involved in selling vegetables, flowers and fruits. The also work at auto garages, two-wheeler and cycle repair shops, and own petty grocery and cloth shops, small hotels and cool-drink shops. The rest are in skilled and semi-skilled workers such as tailors, carpenters, electricians, fitters, welders, ironsmiths, goldsmiths, drivers, conductors, coolies, beedi workers, agarbatti workers, domestic servants, etc. Employment and income are both unstable and low; consequently, poverty and its associated socio-economic hardships are widespread among the community.

40 According to various sources, the system today is not what it was a decade or two ago.

Many attribute this change to the influence of a capitalism-driven individualism, which has complicated life and work in the countryside without any tangible benefits, and weakened earlier socio-economic and communitarian structures.

Very few among the Muslim community possess any land worth mentioning, and therefore independent cultivation is almost negligible. Even if they do possess some land, it is leased out and instead people seek other means of subsistence. For instance, most of the Muslim women work as farm labourers for daily wages. The shortage of drought- cattle is a serious handicap to the prosperity of average peasants in the village. The well- to-do agriculturist may have a sufficient number of cattle to meet the agriculture requirements but average and poorer peasants find it very difficulty to fill their fields in time, with the limited number of own or hired cattle. Further, the traditional agricultural dependence on monsoons obliges them to make certain variations in their schedule to fit in with the uncertainty of the rains. When there is a drought, as usually is the case in this district, market-related activities also taper off since agriculture, related as it is to almost all occupations, impacts other economic activities. Cases of suicides by farmers, unable to re-pay usually taken at high rates of interest, have also been reported.

A sense of disenchantment generally prevails within the Muslim community that remains poor and backward. It is felt that the elite, both Muslim and non-Muslim, use them only as electoral vote-banks without working towards any concrete measures for their social and economic amelioration. The majority of people live in deplorable conditions, mostly in slums in urban areas, where not even basic amenities of sufficient drinkable water, sanitation and proper electricity are made available. The following list of slum areas in

Anantapur is home to more than half of the Muslim community:

41

Anantapur Municipality slum areas

Sl.No. Name of the Poor Settlement Approx. Percentage of Muslims 1. Indragandhi Nagar 30%

2. Rajaka Nagar 15%

3. Suneetha Nagar --

4. Rangaswami Nagar 12%

5. Ganga Nagar 4%

6. Yuvajana Colony 6%

7. N.T.R. Colony 8%

8. Indira Naagar 40%

9. Arunodaya Colony

10. Janashakthi Nagar 20%

11. Erukalavari Colony

12. Nallapareddy Colony

13. Maruthinagar Rail track 8%

14. Nehru Poormen Colony 8%

15. Azad Nagar 50%

16. Ramnagar Rail track 8%

17. Lakshminagar 30%

18. Mangalivari colony 20%

19. Rahamathnagar, 95%

Babanagar

20. Naiknagar 12%

42 21. Krishnadevaraya Nagar 5%

22. Krupananda Nagar 6%

23. Obuladeva Nagar 11%

24. Ashok Nagar 30%

25. Srinivasa Nagar 12%

26. Neeruganti Veedhi 25%

27. Mahatma Gandhi Colony 50%

28. Roshan Nagar 4%

29. Tarakapuram

30. Vinayakanagar

31. Raninagar, Harijanavada 43%

32. Ferrorcolony 30%

33. Rajammacolony 2%

34. TNR Colony 11%

35. Ambedkarnagar

36. Munna Nagar 50%

37. Maruvacolony 15%

38. Hamalicolony 15%

39. Buddappa Nagar 5%

40. Ammavaricheruvu Kottalu 2%

41. Maruthi Nagar 5%

It is pertinent to note that specific traditions observed within the community also have a significant impact on their lives, working to keep them on the “margins” of the already marginalized Indian Muslim society. Their life-world inhibits from inter-acting with other

43 worlds siginificantly in order to bring any marked changes. This is complemented by the systematic apathy and neglect of the government’s administrative system and society as a whole. However, within the community too—just as there was no active structure to invite people into the Islamic fold—there has been a structured agency to work towards socio-economic changes among the most deprived sections of the community. The social status, granted to them in theory through participation in religio-cultural institutions, has had a limited effect on their life.

The demand for affirmative action by the government is gaining wide support.

Representation in public and private sectors is very low in comparison to their proportion in the nation’s population. Such a low level of representation can only be explained by a complex set of factors. A similar set of relative deprivations is also intense among the backward class non-Muslims but the problem is more acute in the case of

Muslims in general. There is an urgent need for addressing this problem educationally and socially. This feeling of relative deprivation among the Muslims no doubt influences the structure and orientation of their identity.

Child Labour

There are reportedly more than 20 million children in India who should be at school everyday, but are not. Instead, they are working in factories, on roadsides as labourers and inside homes as domestic servants or baby-sitters in order to earn for the daily survival of the family.

The education of a child and his or her overall personal development comes to a permanent end the instant they are initiated in income-generating labour. Young children working in beedi and agarbatti making cottage industries, carpet weaving, masonry, hotel

44 industry, plantations, welding works, etc. risk their health to a considerable extent.

Thousands of such exploited, vulnerable children of the nation, the wealth of a country, need to be removed from hazardous and other occupations that endanger their fragile health and be enrolled in schools. They need to be provided with basic education and, given the economic realities of their lives, trained in various handicrafts and such vacations so that they may earn their livelihood.

The survey of some areas of Anantapur district marked by the presence of larger numbers of the Muslim community portrays a bleak picture with regard to child labour in the community. An interesting and crucial fact is that more than 70% of the children who gets enrolled in 1st class get dropped out before they reach 10th class. The elders of the community as well as parents of child workers do not think of child labour as an evil.

In fact, they maintain it is wiser to send children to work at a young age since they have to become self-sustainable as early as possible. Furthermore, they remain unaware of the legislative measures adopted by the government, which make child labour illegal. These factors contribute to the difficulties of persuading parents to pull children out of work and put them into schools.

In Anantapur, children assist parents in selling vegetables/fruits or “help” in cycle repair shops or in two-wheeler garages, etc. In Hindupur, apart from these occupations, one can find a child working in hardware and scrap dealer’s shops, in beedi- and agarbatti- making and in welding shops, etc. In Kadiri and Tadipatri, beedi-making is the occupation of almost all low-income families. Almost all are also illiterates, ignorant of their legal rights, and live in a state of perpetual penury with no access to even basic civic amenities.

45 Most child labourers are dropouts from schools. Some of the reasons for many a children dropping out of schools can be listed as below:

* Parents’ dislike for child’s continuing studies.

* Alcoholic fathers.

* Low economic strata of the family.

* Overloaded with agricultural work in the seasons.

* Domestic responsibility.

* Uninteresting school environment.

* Migration of families.

* Other reasons: Ran away from the family, self-interest, etc.

Child labour in India is widespread and state policies to protect children, while poorly conceived, are barely enforced. Apart from working as domestic servants and in petty trades,

 Children are engaged in factories in unsafe and unhealthy trades.

 While unit owners claim that they employ their own children, it was also found

that was followed more as an exception than as a rule. In most of the units, the

child labourers were not the children of the owners.

 Children are employed in spite of high levels of adult employment in such

sectors.

 Adults are replaced by children because they are invariably paid less. So,

employers prefer child labourers because the rates are less than for adults for the

same output.

 As is to be expected, it is often because wages are kept low for adults that

families are forced to send their children into the labour forces.

46 Types of child labour

1. Children who work with their families in a home-based enterprise, in agriculture

and in small-scale industries found in rural and semi-rural areas.

2. Street children who work for paltry sums of money in rural and urban areas in

unorganized sectors.

3. Children who work in factories, mines and workshops found in semi-urban and

urban areas in both organized and unorganized sectors.

4. Children working as bonded labourers in agriculture and in industry, though this

has decreased after the legislative measures on child labour in 1986.

There are usually four kinds of recruitment of child labour:

(i) Bonded Child Labour in Industry

This is the harshest form of child labour for very small children; sometimes only eight- or nine-year-old children are separated from their parents for life.

Poor parents are often persuaded by middlemen or employers, with the lure of some advance money, to let children work for them. The amount of money is usually somewhere between five hundred to a thousand rupees. Initially, the middlemen or employers assure the parents that the child will be safe, earn a lot and be trained in some skill within a very short period. In some cases, parents need money and contact a middleman or an employer for that purpose; the deal is usually for a sum of Rs.1000 or so and the child is handed over to the employer. Mehta (1983)11 and Mohandas (1980)12 have researched on the beedi industry in Tamilnadu and Kerela respectively.

11 Prayag Mehta, “Mortgaged Child Labour of Vellore; Women Beedi Workers’ ‘Tale of Woe’,” Mainstream 22. 1 (3 September 1983).

47 (ii) Bonded Child Labour in Agriculture

This type of labour is fairly widespread in Rajasthan, U.P., Bihar, Orissa and A.P, and the author has also came across some rescued bonded labour families in Kadiri area in

Anantapur district. During the interaction with the families, it is observed that the fear of returning to the same bonded labour conditions were also conspicuous among them. The threat of feudal lords looms in their minds, and it is very difficult for them to get rid of that thought. The rehabilitation measures should have to address issues for a long term, and it should be effectively implemented. There should be strategic efforts to develop capacity of the released bonded labourers in the activities chosen by them and linkage should be developed with various welfare and developmental activities at local level so that they may access the benefits from various poverty alleviation programmes. Usually, a person who is a bonded labourer works until he is too old or unhealthy and then sends his son instead. This may take inter-generational overtones. So, most children become bonded labourers for the rest of their lives. According to the Times of India (1 July 1999), there are nearly 7.5 million children below the age of fourteen who are bonded labourers in India. Mundle (1976)13 has studied child labour in Bihar (Ramkanda Village) and Sudha

Rao (1984)14 has studied child labour in Karnataka.

(iii) The third category of children refers to those who work as part of the family. Most children who work with their parents are artisans, skilled and unskilled labourers and in agriculture fields. Many children work with parents at home, especially the girl-child in

Rayalaseema (among all the districts observed) in a number of industries such as beedi and agarbatti making, brick kilns, maids, etc. The piece-rate of work payable to an adult

12 M. Mohan Das, “Beedi Workers in Kerala: Conditions of Life and Work,” Economic and Political weekly 25.36 (6 September 1980). 13 Sudipto Mundle, “The Bonded of Palamau,” Economic and Political Weekly, 11. 18 (1 May1976). 14 V. Sudha Rao, “Rural Labour; Case study of a Karnataka village” Economic and Political Weekly 29.18 (5 May 1984).

48 per unit output is very low and this compels parents into dragging their children to work for survival. Jhabvala & Sebstadt (1980)15 have researched extensively on this type of child labour in the states of A.P., Maharashtra and M.P.

Working children are often to be found amongst migrant families at construction sites, sugar factories, brick-kilns, mines, and plantations where circumstances do not permit parents to leave children behind in at home. The children of migrants form a very large percentage of the non-domestic and unpaid child labour force. Studies by Picholiya

(1980)16 and Sud (1985)17 reveal that as many as 80% of the children of migrants are workers.

(iv) Street Children

The author has come across large number of street children in Anantapur district. They are usually runaways who have been physically abused by relatives/parents or have lost their parents or have been abandoned by their families. They usually live in urban or semi-urban centers in public spaces like footpaths, bus stops and railway stations.

Most of the street children in the district are working as rag-pickers, hawkers, vendors or coolies or as labourers on construction sites. Usually homeless, they are also vulnerable to criminal and antisocial influences. Most street children are found in metropolises like the streets of Calcutta, and Hyderabad. Ghosh (1992)18 estimates that there are nearly one lakh street children in India. Rao and Malik (1992)19 have done extensive work

15 Renana Jhabvala and Jennifer Sebstadt, “To be self employed… and a Woman,” Himmat 17. 15 (1980). 16 Pichholiya, “Child Labour in Metropolitan City: A Study of Ahmedabad,” Indian Journal of Labour Economics, 22.4 (January 1980). 17 S.K. Sud, “Illiterate Child Labourers of Chandigarh,” The Patriot (12 January 1985). 18 A. Ghosh, “Street Children of Calcutta; A Situational Analysis,” Study Conducted for Ministry of Welfare, Government of India and UNICEF (Noida: National Labour Institute, Child Labour Cell, 1992). 19 B.V.R. Rao and B. Malik, “Street Children of Hyderabad: A Situational Analysis” (A study conducted for Ministry of Welfare, Government of India and UNICEF) (Noida: National Labour Institute, Child Labour Cell, 1992).

49 on the street children of Hyderabad and estimate that there are more than 30, 000 street children.

It was found that most working children belong to families of casual labourers. Parents sent their children to work mainly in order to

 Reduce the financial burden of the family  Train their children in some skilled trade  Keep the child busy and earning, otherwise s/he will waste time on the streets and fall into bad company. The condition of child labour observed in the beedi industry, working long hours without breaks and any health precautions, at Tadipatri, Kadiri, and Hindupur is highly deplorable. Sometimes, they are even subject to corporal punishments.

Health Status

The Constitution of India, both in the Directive Principles of State Policy and as a part of Fundamental Rights, has laid down that the State shall direct its policy towards securing the health and strength of workers, men and women, and the tender age of children shall not be abused, that citizens are not forced by economic necessity to enter into vocations unsuited to their age or strength and that children particularly are given opportunities and facilities to develop in a healthy manner and in conditions of freedom and dignity.

Child labour keeps children out of schools, especially girls, and contributes to the growth of illiteracy. Teachers do empathize but are helpless when students are absent because it is the season of harvest, or sowing seeds, or plucking in the fields, as was observed during this survey. Adult workers say the nimble fingers of a girl child can pluck grass in a farm area faster than an adult. But girls are paid less than the boys and furthermore, are employed in jobs that require the lowest skills. Early entrance in the labour force

50 shortens the working lives of many young people who, as adults, are too ill to remain in the labour force. Therefore, adults who have done hard labour earlier nonetheless continue to send children into the same labour force, since they themselves are now unable to work. It is a vicious circle of poverty and illiteracy wherein uneducated and poverty-driven parents continue to send their children to work. Most child workers have never attended school or have dropped out before completing four years of schooling, the minimum need to acquire literacy. In the words of Neera Burra, the children of the poor have become an “expendable commodity.” Government officials claim that the government is creating training facilities for such children such as training to improve skills in weaving in the carpet industry, but child labour cannot enhance the ability of a nation to compete in the global export market.

Neera Burra20 has carried out extensive research on child labour in major industries such as the brassware industry in Moradabad, pottery-making in Khurja, gem polishing in

Jaipur, lock-making in Aligarh and glass factories in Ferozabad. These studies provide us with documented accounts of child labour in India. Very little systematic research has been conducted on the health hazards arising out of various occupations. Such studies could then be used to list the occupations under the prohibited occupations in the Child

Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act of 1986. However, in most of the hazardous occupations where children are involved, it is bound to start affecting their health even as they grow into adults and consequently, in most cases, their active, working life will be reduced. For instance, many children work in welding shops, which has obvious consequences for their health.

20 Neera Burra, Born to Work: Child Labour in India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995) pp. 1-85.

51 Suggestions

A number of legislative measures do exist which specially prohibit the employment of children below the prescribed age such as the Factories Act, Mines Act, Merchant

Shipping Act, Shops and Commercial Establishment Act, Plantation Labour Act, Beedi and Cigar Workers’ Act, etc. It is essential to note that the kinds of child labour discussed here do not belong to any one category alone; they may overlap one or more categories.

Different kinds of child labour require different types of rehabilitation policies and need to incorporate the perceptions, expectations and priorities set by the children themselves.

Furthermore, it is necessary to simultaneously work to provide the parents of such children full employment to help increase their income as this is a primary reason for most children going to work at an early age.

*Primary schooling must be made compulsory.

*Child labour laws must be extended and enforced effectively.

Conclusion

It is interesting to note that the question of compulsory education was linked to that of the abolition of child labour as early as in 1921. But what is visible today is an ever- increasing number of child workers in industries and on the streets. Children work under highly exploitative conditions, deprived of education and any childhood pleasures. In a majority of cases, girls are affected more than boys. The parents’ employment is uncertain. Most fathers are employed in unorganized sectors while mothers work from and/or in homes. The situation of the girl children is the most vulnerable to exploitation. The State thus needs to focus more sharply on the need to eradicate this evil practice.

52 Patterns of Employment and Working Conditions

Economic Progress is an important factor for the development of any section of society. Even though economic factors alone do not determine an individual’s position, it can have influence over every individual or group.

It is said that one of the main features of a modern industrial society is the extent to which the educational system is the means, by which individuals are not merely trained for, but allocated to their occupational roles. It is also observed that the pattern of occupational hierarchy has, with the exception of farmers and agricultural workers, a general relationship with education. Occupational background is quite often considered to have a profound influence on the educational status of the people. Lower the occupational status, lower is said to be the educational status. The reverse is also said to be true.

The living conditions of households belonging to different income groups are influenced by their occupational patterns. The consumption patterns vary from region to region, household to household, depending upon various heterogeneous economic factors. The occupational patterns of the Muslims of Anantapur, has been studied taking into consideration socio-economic development of Muslims that reflect various dimensions of levels of living-income and expenditure, assets, employment and wages, consumption expenditures and health care utilization.

Occupational Patterns It is seen that in Anantapur district Muslims earn their livelihood through a variety of means. Economically they constitute one of the poorest sections of the society. There is no particular occupation as far as Muslims of India are concerned. They are scattered in almost all types of economic activity. The same can be said about the Muslims of Andhra Pradesh also. They are more in unorganized sector where their income generational activity is uncertain. Their occupations include vegetable, flower and fruit selling activities. They have auto garages, two wheeler and cycle repair shops; petty grocery shops, petty cloth shops, small hotels and soft drink shops. The rest are skilled and semiskilled workers like tailors, carpenters, electricians, fitters, welding workers, ironsmiths, goldsmiths, drivers, conductors, coolies, beedi workers, agarbatti workers

53 and domestic helpers. These professions fetch less income and consequently the poverty is rampant among the Muslims.

It is also found that on the positive side, the economic position of the community today has improved to some extent with respect to a decade or two. Many attribute this change to the spirit of individualism, which is now manifesting itself in several walks of life in both urban and rural areas, and has brought a little change in established patterns of life. Broadly there are three categories in employment pattern in Muslims. One is ‘self-employed’, the other is ‘employed for wages’ and the last category is ‘employed by government or private sector’.

Description of categories: 1) Miscellaneous: Documentation writer, Accountant, contractor, production, builder, RMP, MBBS, Political / Social worker. 2) Labour work: Menial worker in different skilled and unskilled professions like masonry, carpentry, maid, servant, rickshaw puller, cleaner, cook in small hotels, etc. 3) Self employed: Kirana shop, chicken center, welding shop, tea hotel, fruit seller, vegetable seller, pan shop, tailor, gold smith, black smith, dhobi, driver, cycle, scooter, lorry, Radio, Electric, Electronic Mechanism, Scrap Dealer, Butcher, Transport, Supplier, Stationery shop, etc. 4) Government: Police, teacher, lecturer, and other government employees in government offices. 5) Business: Rice mill owner, lorry owner, trader, land lord, timber merchant etc.

As compared to other groups, Muslims are concentrated more in self-employed activities and their participation in regular jobs, especially in non-agriculture is much less than for others. A significantly higher share of Muslim workers in self-employment can be seen in urban areas as compared to rural areas and for women who prefer home-based activities.

The share of Muslims in in regular work, especially in the government, public sector and large private sector is very low. A detailed analysis of employment in different government departments also revealed that Muslim representation is very low and very

54 often they are located in low-end jobs. Moreover, the participation of Muslims in government jobs which involve provision of public services like healthcare (nursing), security (police), etc, is extremely low. Studies21 have shown that the conditions of work are more precarious for Muslim workers than for most other workers. Their earnings are relatively low among Muslim regular workers. Moreover, vis-à-vis others, a much larger proportion of Muslim workers is engaged in street vending and are without employee benefits and long-term (even written) contracts. Besides, a larger proportion of Muslim self-employed women work with contractors under poor contractual conditions. In other words, their participation in the informal sector is much higher than most other socio- religions groups, especially in own account trade and manufacturing enterprises.

Muslims in Government Jobs

The representation of minorities in government offices and public sector undertaking is low. The presence of minorities in the police force in general and its law and order wings in particular are critical to create confidence among minorities regarding the issue of their security.

However, the share of Muslims in almost all the government departments is dwindling at a very fast pace and it has become almost nil at the higher rungs of the hierarchy. The survey collected data on the employment of Muslims in Anantapur district in more than

60 departments. The government does not maintain any religion-wise figures of recruitment. However, a scrutiny of the names of persons recruited in Government and the top positions (Gazetted rank) reveals that the representation of Muslims is abysmally low. The non-gazetted category has some representation while the lower categories have moderate representation.

21 Unni, J (2010), “Informality and Gender in the Labour Market for Muslims: Has Education been a Route Out of Poverty”, in Basant R and Shariff, A (eds.) (2010), Handbook of Muslims in India: Empirical

55

The participation and performance of Muslims in different competitive examinations is very low. Their performance is still worse in the examinations conducted by staff

Selection Commission, Railway Recruitment board, Banking Service Recruitment board, etc. Coaching centers have been established with the financial assistance of University

Grants Commission, , and the Union Ministry of Welfare to prepare candidates appearing in various competitive examinations. However, these coaching centers, which are confined mainly to Hyderabad, have failed to attract rural-based students and also female candidates. For the coaching to bear fruit, it should start when the candidates are in their schools/junior colleges. However, most of the candidates join the coaching centers after graduation/post graduation, which is too late a start in an intense competitive environment. Total dependence on the conventional classroom lecture method in which the number of candidates coached over a period of time will be very low. In addition, the rural-based candidates cannot take the advantage of this coaching, as stay in the city is expensive. Lastly, it has been seen that the minority girls find it difficult to attend the co-educational classes due to their customs and traditions. It is, therefore, advisable to offer “distance coaching (postal)” too for different competitive examinations, with a view to ensuring wider participation of rural minorities and also girls in different competitive examinations. While coaching is important in its own right, similar effort has to be made for providing educational and career guidance to young students at different stage of their career starting with secondary schools. The systematic channelising of the youth resources in right career streams at an early stage, i.e., at the secondary school level itself by providing authentic career guidance based on psychological testing will make available right talent for coaching.

and Policy Perspectives, Oxford University Press. Chapter 9: 221-234.

56 Representation of Muslims in government welfare There is one government scheme- Rajiv Yuva Kiranalu (RVK) for welfare of youth in A.P. despite the fact that RVK training programmes for minorities are routed through the AP Minority Finance Corporation for better accessibility for Muslim youth, the scheme has failed to attract them due to lack of awareness, even though there are incentives such as free training, food and bus fare, enrolment of Muslim candidates remains poor and measures should be taken to increase their participation for their upliftment. Most of the candidates cannot even afford to attend free training because they are daily wage earners whose survival depends on Rs 50 a day. They will starve even if they don't work for a day. Of the 500 who had approached the agency, 200 have registered. The dropout rate is around 30%.

NGOs, with necessary expertise, from the Muslim community are very few. These institutions, being closer to the community can indeed play an important role as intermediaries between policy programmes announced by the government and their beneficiaries within the Muslim community. There is also an urgent need to foster the setting up of civil society organizations from amongst the Muslim community as well. We should make the reach of such organizations to be more elaborate and they should work on awareness creation and empowerment.

Conclusion The economic conditions of Muslims are not very encouraging. Very few empirical studies have been conducted and therefore, a study of their economic conditions is not only important but also very relevant. The economic condition of the Muslims should be examined with reference to diverse economic indicators like occupational pattern, income, child labour, borrowings & holdings, housing, inter-generational occupational mobility, indebtedness and material Possessions. At present, there is no monitoring system for evaluating the progress made in providing adequate intake of minorities in jobs, through, for instance, surveying recruitment profiles periodically. It has been argued that in order to rectify the situation, minorities need to be shown “special consideration” during recruitment as envisaged by the 15-Point Programme.22

57 CHAPTER-III.

EDUCATIONAL ASPECTS OF MUSLIMS

Education plays an important role in the development of an individual in particular, and of society in general. The structure of an educational system is more significant than the administrative, political or economic system of a nation. Education is the primary building block on which the progress of a nation is built. It involves harnessing the optimum potential of the citizens of the nation in order to promote the development of the psychological, emotional, Intellectual and physical energies of an individual to equip him/her to play a constructive role in the growth of a society. Before focusing on the condition of the educational system that exists in the Muslim community of Anantapur district, a brief historical over-view might be useful.

During the pre-colonial era, there was no state administrative machinery of the later type and education was not controlled by any external agency. Rulers, regardless of religious denomination, considered it a religious obligation and their duty to help the spread of education. Liberal grants and donations were awarded to esteemed religious leaders to set up educational institutions. Royal patrons founded educational institutions and endowed them with funds. Mostly, educational institutions among the Muslim communities were located in mosques and dargahs. For instance, the Hazrat Baba Dargah in Penukonda was reported to have been granted land and villages by the Vijayanagar monarchs.23

Around 1800, when the Rayalaseema districts otherwise known as the ceded districts, came into the hands of the British, there existed small madrasas and maktabs that imparted education to the Muslim children. English and “secular” education was

22 See appendix-II, for details on the 15 point programme.

58 introduced in the region after 1813 with the efforts of Charles Grant, Wilber Force and others under the Charter Act of 1813. This was the beginning of the Western system of education in India under the East India Company’s rule. Sir Thomas Munro, the

Governor of Madras presidency, is regarded as the pioneer of the educational movement in south India, as he began to pay more attention towards education after 1822. This also has its impact on educations among the Muslim community of the region.

With the consolidation of British rule during the first half of the nineteenth century and with grants from a purely trading relationship represented by the East India Company, a colonial one under the Crown, education underwent drastic changes. There emerged an

Anglicized view represented in its extreme by Macaulay’s Minute (1835) and in more balanced statement in Wood’s Dispatch (1854). As Persian came to be dislodged from its position of the language of administration in 1837 in Bengal, and thereafter in one province after another, it was replaced by English at the higher levels and, later, Indian languages at the lower levels of administration. Education among the Muslim communities was affected by these historical turns of circumstances and the responses of the community varied from one part of the country to another.24 As some of them accepted English education, they began to serve in the British government in various positions.

Minority Education in India is closely linked with education among the Muslim communities. It is well known that mass education and literacy have not progressed as well as was envisaged by the nation’s planners. Most children from poor, lower-caste and

23 The villages of Suriyuru and Mele Suriyuru near Trichinopolly were given to the Dargah of Baba-Natta at Penukonda—cited from the Andhra Pradesh District Gazetteers, Anantapur, 1981, p.638. 24 S. Shukla, “Indian Muslims and Education,” in Zafar Imam (ed.) Some Aspects of the Social Structure of the Muslim Community In India: Muslims in India (Delhi: Orient Longman, 1975). See, also, Mushirul Hasan, ed., Knowledge, Power and Politics: Educational Institutions in India (Delhi: Roli, 1998).

59 underprivileged families tend to drop out of school before completing primary education.

Most regional and occupational groups among the Muslim communities fall amongst the underprivileged. The percentage of educated individuals among Muslims in all the income groups—higher, middle or at lower levels—is very low. The overall literacy rate of Anantapur district is 56.69%, and the literacy rate of the Muslim communities in the district does not cross 48%. It is thus felt that education among the Muslim communities has to play an important role to enhance the growth of the nation.

Literacy rate in Rayalaseema -2011

S.No District Total Male Female Literacy% Male% Female% Persons 1 Y.S.R. 1745178 1012105 733073 67.88% 78.41% 57.26% 2 Kurnool 2182149 1279938 902211 61.13% 71.36% 50.81% 3 Anantapur 2350294 1365701 984593 64.28% 74.09% 54.31% 4 Chittoor 2711432 1512958 1198474 72.36% 81.15% 63.65% Andhra 51438510 28759782 22678728 67.66% 75.56% 59.74% Pradesh

MANAGEMENT WISE PRIMARY (I-V) SCHOOLS 2011-12

Sl.No District CG SG MPP/ZPP MPL PA PUA TOTAL

1 Anantapur 3 8 2645 182 32 310 3180

2 Kurnool 0 72 1723 115 102 296 2308

3 Kadapa 0 10 2714 69 76 328 3197

4 Chittoor 0 49 4061 107 35 379 4631

10 Chittoor 0 8 492 26 6 262 794

60 11 Kadapa 0 2 294 4 30 188 518

12 Anantapur 0 2 610 39 2 303 956

13 Kurnool 0 9 431 9 26 360 835

Drop out rate at primary level I-V classes

Sl. Name of the District Enrolment in class I in 2007-08 No. Boys Girls Total

10 Chittoor 33353 31462 64815 11 Kadapa 28769 26535 55304 12 Anantapur 36329 34346 70675 13 Kurnool 44458 42809 87267

Enrolment in Classes -V in 2011-12 Drop out Rate Boys Girls Total Boys Girls Total

31311 29932 61243 6.12 4.86 5.51 24499 23447 47946 14.84 11.64 13.30 31134 30000 61134 14.30 12.65 13.50 38686 36115 74801 12.98 15.64 14.28

Teacher Pupil Ratio 2011-12

Sl. Name of Teacher Pupil Ratio25 No the District Primary Schools Upper Primary Schools High Schools

Without With Without With Without With Vidya Vidya Vidya Vidya Vidya Vidya Volunteers Volunteers Volunteers Volunteers Volunteers Volunteers

1 Chittoor 24 21 19 17 24 24 2 Kadapa 25 23 23 22 26 25 3 Anantapur 28 23 24 20 26 24 4 Kurnool 37 31 32 26 30 29

25 Source : DISE data from 2000 - 01 to 2011 - 12.

61 Schools in Rayalaseema 2001-2002

Sl.No. Districts Total Students TEACHERS Percentage Ratio of

Schools Total Women Of women teacher

teachers and

students

1. Anantapur 4222 673441 14928 5449 36.50 45

2. Chittoor 5789 678185 20355 8330 40.92 33

3. Kadapa 4064 490093 15640 5578 35.66 31

4. Kurnool 3111 679233 15715 6663 42.40 43

Total A.P 84283 13593003 361348 148943 41.22 38

Schools in Anantapur District

Management-wise Number of Schools:

Central State Mandal Private Private School Type Municipal Total Govt. Govt. Parisad Aided Unaided

Primary 8 18 2803 176 43 164 3212

Upper Primary 0 1 530 23 05 151 710

High School 6 34 301 25 15 84 465

Higher 1 0 0 0 0 0 01 Secondary

Total 15 53 3634 224 63 399 4388

*Note: The above data has been taken from the office of the DEO, Anantapur. The

number of private unaided schools is higher.

62 Type-wise Management Teachers

S. Pre Upper High Higher Type / Mgt Primary Total No. Primary Primary Schools Secondary

1 Central Govt. - 85 - 118 25 228

2 Stage Govt. - 63 9 635 - 707

3 MPP / ZPP - 6331 2608 2380 - 11319

4 Municipal - 520 147 349 - 1016

5 Private Aided - 204 32 206 - 442

6 Private Unaided - 1216 1353 1008 - 3577

Total - 8419 4149 4696 25 17289

 Primary schools in Anantapur district under “Private Management” are nearly 1200,

out of which, according to Mr. Abdul Haq, President, Private Management Schools’

Association, Anantapur District, only 42 are Muslim-managed schools.

*Class-wise Enrolment, 2003-04:

Class Boys Girls Total

I 33,222 31,592 64,814

II 40,038 40,186 80,224

III 39,830 39,401 79,231

IV 40,425 40,212 80,637

V 40,442 40,145 80,587

Total 1,93,957 1,91,536 3,85,493

 Source: DEO office, Anantapur.

63 Class Boys Girls Total

VI 34,572 31,433 66,005

VII 32,447 29,840 62,287

VIII 25,324 22,336 47,660

IX 22,106 17,990 40,096

X 17,561 13,918 31,479

Total 1,32,010 1,15,517 2,47,527

Note: Students studying from I to V constitute 60.9 % where as students from VI to X constitute 39.1 %.

Dropout rate of students in A. P. (1999-2000)

Class Male Female Total

I-V 39.42% 41.23% 40.25%

VI-VII 56.21% 60.68% 58.29%

Elementary Education and Muslims:

Earlier, before Muslim children took to formal education, Arabic was generally taught at home or in nearby mosques and madrasas. At the age of five, children were sent to primary schools for elementary education. In many schools, teaching was through the

Telugu language. Certain important Muslim centres in the district have Urdu medium schools. In the early part of the twentieth century there were not many elementary schools for children from the Muslim communities. The colonial British government started an elementary school wherever the Muslim population was more than a thousand.

To extend the scope of elementary education, an attempt was made by the British

Government to introduce secular subjects into the curriculum of English schools where

64 hitherto only the Quran was taught.26 The scheme was not a big success because of the

Khilafat movement of the 1920s which opposed all government efforts.

With the passing of the Local Funds Act and the Town Improvement Act of 1871, elementary schools began to be run by the Municipal, Taluk and Local boards besides the government. The Anantapur Municipality also started primary schools. Madras

Presidency passed the Compulsory Education Act in 1920, introducing compulsion in suitable areas and consequently, the enrolment of students increased. There were a large number of Board schools in Anantapur. The Government of India Act 1935, with its characteristic feature of provincial autonomy, followed by the rule of the Congress

Ministers in 1937, further facilitated the development of elementary education.

Compulsory elementary education for all boys and girls between 6 and 14 years up to the

VIII standards was introduced in Anantapur. With the advent of Independence and the creation of a sovereign democratic Republic, the country found itself faced with the constitutional obligation under the article 45 to provide within a period of 10 years, free and compulsory education for all children until they attained the age of 14.27

The communities also setup a number of Maktabs and Madrasas, mostly with local funds where no tuition fee was charged. There was usually a Maktab in every mosque. Children were taught elementary Persian and reading of the Quran. In Madrasas, different kinds of subjects are taught such as language and literature, politics, history, jurisprudence, sciences, apart from the main theological syllabus.

26 Administrative Report of Madras Presidency (1919), p. XV (General). 27 H.M. Seeravai, Constitutional Law of India, Vol. 1, Article 45, p. 4-18.

65 The following are institutions that were started under different private management or associations and maintained through aid by public donations. Prominent among them are following.

Sl.No. Name of the Institution and Year of Management

location Establishment

1. Jama-e-Mohammadia Arabic 1938 Anjuman-e-

College, Rayadrug Mohammadia

society

2. Madarasa-e-Nasiriya, Kadiri 1949

3. Mohammadia Arabic Middle 1955 Anjuman-e-

school, Rayadrug Mohammadia

society

4. Madarasa-e-Arabia Fakhr-ul- 1957

Uloom, Hindupur

5. Dar-ul-Uloom, Anantapur 1958

6. Arabic High School, Uravakonda 1962 Muslim Educational

Association

Muslims and Urdu language

The importance of identity in the self-perception and well-being of a community has acquired increasingly complex overtones, given the socio-political equations of the past few decades, and language is an important axis along which identity is structured and negotiated. Ideological institutions of culture, class, state, market, etc. are instrumental in legitimizing a language. Sometimes, the State takes the role of a language into cognizance and legitimizes it through official mechanisms. For instance, the State may support and

66 strengthen a language through a conscious political decision of making it a teaching medium, thereby facilitating its entry into the educational apparatus of schools, colleges and universities. Apart from State interventions, the status of a language can be secured through activities in the public sphere, such as the rise of pressure groups, linguistic mobilization of a people, cultural mobilization of people’s consciousness, etc.28

Urdu has been marginalized systematically and steadily as a result of a wide range of complex factors over the twentieth century. It continues to be envisaged by politicians and communities from communal and emotive viewpoints. As is well-known, Urdu enjoyed official status since before and even during the colonial period as well as after

India’s independence. However, it was gradually relegated from administrative and state affairs. In the field of education, Urdu has been trapped by the official 3-language formula applied indiscriminately, since it had enough loopholes to by-pass Urdu institutionally.

*Nearly 70% of Muslims out of a 150-million strong population claim Urdu to be their mother tongue. However, it is also noteworthy that the communities themselves have been able to do little to protect or promote Urdu. Whilst tracing institutional complicity in the decline of Urdu, it has to be kept in mind that as individuals and as a linguistic community, very little has in fact been done in concrete terms for the language and for the economic future of students trained in and through Urdu.

28 Yogendra Singh, Culture Change in India: Identity and Globalization (Jaipur: Rawat, 2000) p. 1-154.

67 *Population who opted the following language as their Mother Tongue (2001, AP)

Sl.No Language Persons % to Rural Urban PROPORTION State’s total Rural Urban population 1. Telugu 56375755 84.77 43083713 13292042 76.42 23.58

2. Urdu 5560154 8.36 2205054 3355100 39.66 60.34

3. Hindi 1841290 2.77 1414438 426852 76.82 23.18

4. Tamil 753484 1.13 466151 287333 61.87 38.13

5. Kannada 579307 0.78 408102 111405 78.56 21.44

6. Maratha 503609 0.76 336296 167313 66.78 33.22

7. Oriya 259947 0.39 200160 59787 77.00 23.00

8. Koya 168828 0.25 166464 2364 98.60 1.40

9 Gondi 144259 0.22 141442 2817 98.05 1.95

10. Malayalam 66409 0.10 8159 58250 12.29 87.71

As noted earlier, language plays a vital role in the construction of an identity of any community, not to mention the crucial historical trajectory of Urdu for Muslim communities in India. There are extensive studies about the notion of identity among

Indian Muslims and its relationship with the Urdu language. The historical context of

Muslim communities in India, post-1947, is punctuated by factors such as their socio- economic locations, the role of the community’s leaders, as well as the structure and function of ideological and cultural movements within the community. The resurgence of activities to strengthen religious and cultural identities, it is argued, is closely related to a self-perception of the community’s socio-economic deprivation. In this context, Urdu has made a significant space in the ideological structure of Muslim identity in India. It is widely believed and actively propagated by prominent leaders of the community that

68 Urdu articulates a cultural and religious identity of the community. Earlier, the language was used by many non-Muslim middle-class people in India as it was the language of administration and therefore a valuable asset for the job market. Major changes during the twentieth century have contributed to devalue Urdu and it is now confined to serve a role of nostalgically reinforcing a select, elitist, religious, social and cultural identity. It is no longer a valid currency in the English-language driven global markets of economy and technology.

The perceptions of Muslims about the present neglect and nostalgia over Urdu are constitutive of a collective idea of the community’s political identity. The harsh relationship between education and economics is also revealed through successive surveys on the plight of the Muslim community conducted by the National Sample

Survey Organization, the Planning Commission as well as the National Council of

Applied Economic Research. Therefore, it would be significant if leading intellectuals and public figures of the community would work to shift focus from the political ramifications, significant as they are, of the status of Urdu to the education of the community’s children in consonance with other market-sensitive languages.

The Status of Urdu Education in Anantapur District

There are 127 main Urdu-medium Primary schools in Anantapur district. In addition there are 66 Urdu-section schools in various Mandals and 12 Urdu-section schools in other Municipalities. There are 9 Upper Primary schools in Mandals (Chilmatturu,

Gorantla, Lepakshi, Kanekal, Kottacheruvu, Melapur, Parigi, Madagasira and Talapula) and 6 Upper Primary schools in Municipalities (one each in Anantapur, Kadiri,

Dharmavaram, Rayadrug and two schools in Hindupur). Apart from this, there is a Zilla

69 Parishad High school in Gooty and 2 High schools in Municipalities of Rayadrug and

Hindupur. There are 2 Urdu parallel sections in the High schools of Anantapur and

Kadiri. There are 4 Oriental Schools in the district of which 3 are aided (Guntakal Arabic

High school, Arabic High school in Uravakonda, Arabic High school in Rayadrug) and 1 is unaided (Arabic High school in Kanekal). There were only 107 Urdu-medium Primary schools in the district in 2001. Twenty more Urdu-medium primary schools have been opened under the government’s Roshni scheme. But there are still no Urdu-medium

Primary schools in as many as 7 Mandals in the district. (C.K. Palli, Kanaganapalli,

Garladinne, Brahma Samudram, K.K.Samudram, Kuderu). In the whole of the

Rayalaseema region, Anantapur district has the least number of Urdu-medium schools while Kurnool district has the most.

The Inspector of Schools, Urdu-medium, has stated that he has proposed nearly 81 more primary schools in the district as there is a serious lack of sufficient schools amidst an increasing demand for Urdu-medium schools. According to the official, there is a lack of sufficient staff in the Municipalities in Urdu-medium High Schools, which has to be filled up as early as possible. There are no “School Assistant” cadre staffs in the

Municipal schools; the last time the posts were filled up was in 1999. In Upper Primary schools, Secondary Grade teachers work to fill for “School Assistant” cadre staff.

Moreover, basic infrastructure in the schools is conspicuously absent. Facilities for drinking water, toilets, chairs, desks and even blackboards are found woefully wanting.

Urdu has been accorded the status of the second official language in 12 districts in

Andhra Pradesh, but, without integrating it with vital institutions of educational administration. A number of academies were created, commissions set up and

70 institutions opened to facilitate and develop Urdu Language but all of this created a negligible impact on the state of the language so far. In fact, Andhra Pradesh has the distinction of opening more Urdu-medium Primary schools in this decade than any other

State, but the proliferation of Urdu-medium schools has, unfortunately, created more problems than solutions for Urdu. This is because students study in Urdu-medium schools up to the primary level but as there are very few high schools to accommodate them, they are forced to shift to Telugu- or English-medium schools. Since they do have not been trained in these languages thus far, they face difficulties in keeping pace with

Telugu- and English-medium education at higher levels. Consequently, they score less marks or fail or drop out of school itself.

It has been suggested that setting up an Urdu section in a Telugu-medium school, where

Urdu would be compulsory for those whose mother tongue is Urdu, would be a more efficient use of resources than establishing an Urdu-medium school. The dilemma of

Urdu has been summed up thus by Yogendra Singh:

The crisis confronting Urdu is an outcome of the failure of the state to implement the language policy at the primary and secondary levels of education. The effective role could ensure that Urdu-speaking community has a sizeable student population to join collages and universities to pursue higher-level studies of Urdu language and literature, and as effective medium to study other subjects with proficiency. Without such back-up from students graduating through high school or secondary level education, enrolment of students in the Urdu departments in colleges and universities has shrunk forcing them to waive the requirement of having leant Urdu for university level studies in the subject.

This policy has two negative consequences for the growth of Urdu. First, de-linking of

Urdu qualification as prerequisite for higher studies took away the pressure from the

71 state governments to effectively implement the policy of teaching Urdu at the primary and secondary levels, and secondly, it produced undergraduates and graduates with degree in Urdu language who in most cares here below standard. This substandard population of Urdu graduates interestingly perpetuates of vicious cycle of deteriorating standards of Urdu teaching and research. 29

Given the above, parents as well as students prefer Telugu or English as their medium of instruction, as it helps them in higher studies of their choice and in employment. In government-run Urdu-medium schools, textbooks are not available in time for the students to use. A major problem they face is the shortage of standard textbooks in

Urdu. During the survey, Urdu-medium schools generally wore a deserted look, with their dilapidated school buildings and lack of infrastructure. The problem of lack of suitable educational facilities by the State has taken another shift—individuals and voluntary initiatives have established private English-medium schools with Urdu as a compulsory subject for students from the Muslim communities. This dovetails neatly with a shift in the perception of most members of the community, especially the middle class, about education through English. The move, in some ways, has worked therefore to simultaneously promote Urdu and a cultural awareness about the language alongside education through a contemporary system.

The state’s response towards the development of Urdu is described, at best, as half- hearted. This is evident in the financial and institutional support extended to the schools.

Concurrently, there is a lack of strong mobilization in the community for the cause of

Urdu. The extent of such a mobilization depends upon the intensity of identity

29 Yogendra Singh, Culture Change in India: Identity and Globalization (Jaipur: Rawat, 2000) p. 154.

72 consciousness, social mobility and the political empowerment of a community. Before harking on the status of Urdu alone, its link to the market and economy has to be re- examined. To quote Yogendra Singh: “There is need for integrative Urdu education with the forces of modernization such as marketability, contribution to Science and

Technology and holistic culture development. As witnessed, the role of state with few exceptions seems to run into serious self limiting conditions on the question of promotion of Urdu.”

The market of Urdu has declined considerably following independence and the partition of the Indian subcontinent. As Hindi acquired the status of official language, new policies were introduced in education, economy and social structures which meant that

Urdu systematically lost ground and was pushed to the margins. Earlier, graduates or professionals trained through Urdu could earn their livelihood and contribute to society in government services, either in civil, judicial, revenue or in other fields apart, of course, from teaching. At present, Urdu graduates can only hope to secure a job as a teacher, or perhaps as a journalist. Needless to add, both have are limited avenues.

This problem cannot be examined in terms of culture alone. The pressures of employment, job opportunities, economy and market govern educational and career choices. The dictates of a global market on educational and linguistic choices is sharper and harsher in social systems with a “lower” level of economic development. In societies with sound economic structures in place, such displacement effects are absorbed by the policy of social welfare and a relative flexibility of options in education and job opportunities. A similar range of options is hardly available in developing societies.

73 To sum up, a large number of people from the Muslim communities do send their children to schools. But the enrolment of Muslim girls is very low on account, largely, of extreme segregation through the purdah system which de-emphasizes formal education for girls. The number of school/college going children is higher in higher income groups.

However, while boys attend English- or Telugu-medium schools in order to have an edge for the job market, girls are encouraged to take up an Urdu-medium education supposedly for the preservation of “Muslim” identity and culture. More accurately, it would be the allocation of resources within a family that will devalue a girl’s educational choices. This would also be complemented by social mores prevalent to a large extent among the communities about husbands, who have a superior status, which would include an English-medium education, in comparison to their wives.

Policies for Urdu Language

A systematic policy needs to be evolved and enforced for the promotion of Urdu:

 Prepare measures for enhancing its marketability by incorporating an element of

techno-managerial skills and mass media utility; this would help increase the

legitimacy of the language.

 Elicit active support from the Muslim elite as well as from the Muslim middle

classes.

 The Muslim elite should promote and popularize the concept of preservation of

the language and help by building public opinion on the promotion of Urdu

through democratic movements.

 There is a need to mobilize the community and its leadership to promote Urdu

education in a comprehensive manner with cultural, financial and professional

mobilization of resources now available within Muslim communities.

74  Such voluntary effort, with social and cultural mobilization, should be integrated

with institutional and political movements for education in Urdu.

 Innovative institutional and pedagogic alternatives for Urdu education, which

respond to the emergent demands of market and culture, are urgently required.

 Voluntary efforts by institutions have a very crucial role to perform in this

context.

Muslim education will lag behind unless

i) Economic and living conditions are improved.

ii) Education through mother tongue, particularly Urdu, is made available, with

recognition of Maktabs and Madrasas as aided primary schools by inducting

them into the mainstream school systems.

iii) Madrasa teachers are trained in modern methods of teaching; more primary

schools are set up and Urdu teachers are appointed, with educational

inspectors and administrators, who know Urdu and can supervise the

schools.

iv) Muslim communities must improve their own management systems. More

than numbers, it is factors such as the quality of education available to

students from Muslim communities in minority-run institutions,

accountability of the teachers, provision of subject experts for various

streams of teaching and enforcement of discipline and attendance that will

determine the output.

v) More girls’ high schools and junior colleges through Urdu and English media

must be set up; funds need to be allocated for education of Muslim

communities by the State and the community.

75 These measures also call for a committed, grassroots leadership from within the community to strengthen and supervise educational institutions. Local leaders would have to be trained in management techniques by organizing orientation and refresher course and seminars for them in order to enable awareness of contemporary district and state academics. Technical and technological education should be given more emphasis.

A definite plan of action to set up new institutions, to improve and expand older ones must be chalked out at a war footing. National, state and regional monitoring cells may have to assess and evaluate Muslim institutions and organizational plans. This would make for better coordination and results.

 The Constitutional commitment of universalisation of elementary education

should be introduced effectively.

 The government should establish primary, Middle and High schools in all areas

with a high density of the Muslim community.

 The government should establish ITIs, VTCs (vocational training centers),

Polytechnics, etc. in order to train youth for employment.

 The school’s environment must be religiously neutral and special care should be

taken to keep school textbooks free of all controversial, ideological or

objectionable material.

 In order to encourage and support self-employment and entrepreneurial

ventures, governmental and other agencies need to look at the availability of

credit, even if meager, so that such initiatives have an environment in which to

take off. Experience with such initiatives by various organizations has shown, as

is well known, that small creditors are more diligent in their repayment.

76  There is a serious and widespread fallacy that education of the male child has to

be encouraged and that of the female child can be discouraged or is not necessary

to begin with. Such an outlook needs to be tackled on various fronts.

 Every Urdu-medium school should have Telugu as a compulsory language, so

that if and when students switch their medium of instruction at the high school

level, they are not completely lost.

77 CHAPTER IV

Political conditions of Muslims

It might be a repetition to state at the outset that the problems of minority communities, especially the Muslim community in India, are complex and multi-faceted, requiring ameliorative measures on a number of fronts simultaneously. Bearing in mind that a

“minority” is not just a statistical or numerical formation, but includes economic, social, legal and psychological deprivation along multiple axes of religion, region, gender, caste and so on, it can be stated that the crises facing the Muslim communities in contemporary

India include a crisis of leadership.

Within the Indian Muslim communities, leadership is said to be based on certain values, such as gender, age, wealth, familial status, education, and personal integrity and reputation. Since most of these values can be characterized as feudal and patriarchal and are community-oriented, they are not quite in consonance with the twentieth century’s individual-oriented liberal democratic norms of state politics. The latter originated through certain specific historical socio-political tensions of Europe and therefore, it is easy to dismiss the former, rooted in a dissimilar structure of socio-political organization, as “primitive” or “fundamentalist.” It is thus argued, time and again, that Muslims lack political acumen or have not utilized numbers to their advantage in the political arena even though their population is more in certain areas in the district. This last is an easy dismissal of a community and norms that do not “fit in” with the “mainstream” political thought. The sharp tensions between a community-based socio-political composition and an individual-based configuration are bound to throw up several disjunctures that require open-mindedness and sustained discussions from both sides.

78 On the other hand, a people nurtured in such a “communal” (as in “commune”) tradition are suspicious of the “secular” framework that theoretically underpins the social and political functioning of the nation. Since “secularism” is generally understood as a positive value, with its implicit connotations largely unexamined within mainstream discussions of the term, it is easy to link the welfare of a community with a “secular” State. A concept adopted/adapted from elsewhere, secularism of the Nehruvian era is a concept in which, therefore, the citizens of India have made a heavy emotional investment. Consequently, any breach of this promise by the State to its citizens results in serious emotional anguish and political despair.

However, this belief in secularism, it is often argued, is confined to a very small segment of society. On another plane, there are many others who oppose the idea of secularism and have a “communal,” right-wing, agenda of their own. Over the years, various factors

(outside the scope of this Report) have contributed to the strengthening of these forces.

Among the Muslim communities, extreme right-wing leaders have vague notions of

Muslim “power” hundreds of years back. Much along the same lines, Hindu right-wing forces argue that “Hindu” (read, Brahmin) values and beliefs are the true and the only standard ones and that these have to be accepted by all Indians if they wish to be considered as Indians.

In a democratic political structure where sheer numbers alone determine issues, a minority cannot hold out hopes of making their voices heard, let alone making it prevail. Such an atmosphere suggests that the term “minority” carries with it the idea of a contagious unhealthy segment in society that is detrimental to the health of the larger body politic.

Yet, minorities are essential to hold the larger community together, if only to give it a sense of “us” versus “them.” It is also easy to blame a minority community for an almost

79 paranoiac obsession with defending a distinctive identity, of not joining the “national” mainstream. It is often argued, for instance, that the Muslim community does not keep pace with the rest of society (read, Brahminical Hindu) and respond “positively” to processes of social transformation.

It is also argued that the community is too preoccupied with religion that it drags religion into all spheres of life and that Islamic interpretations are not in consonance with ground realities. On the other hand Muslims feel that they are targeted and labeled as suffering from a “siege mentality.” This vicious circle of (mis)understandings goads both sides into retrogressive hardenings of stances.

In any pluralistic society, it is held, that the burden of promoting secularism falls on the dominant group, i.e. the majority community. Furthermore, a fraternal attitude of understanding and dialogue will go a long way in healthier relations between communities.

While it is incumbent upon the numerically larger community to accommodate and understand its numerically smaller brethren, it is also up to the minority community to work its way out of an isolationist attitude. The community and its leaders have to work with prevailing socio-political mores of the nation, and work to bring succor—economic, educational and otherwise—as legitimate citizens of the nation, with rights as well as duties. Crucially, it is vital that primary issues are not sacrificed over secondary, short-lived ones.

This brings out the fact that political unity and a sense of nationhood are not contingent on religion but on a shared history of languages, culture and politics. Religion, it should be remembered, is but one category of shared-ness, whereas a nation is built around a collective territory, social and cultural forms of being, and common forms of political

80 thought. Second, any political organization and agitation by a minority requires a cohesive association and dialogue within the community in order to bring out the multiplicity of concerns within it to a platform outside the community. Such a strategy will yield rich political dividends in terms of both addressing the issues raised by various constituencies of the community as well as engaging in meaningful political interaction with various other communities and the State. Third, a politics of powerlessness has led the leadership within the community to think out new ways to negotiate with existing political structures and systems, which in turn has produced new sets of goals, strategies and tactics.

THE Muslim representation in Indian politics, a foremost contested political question, has become very relevant in recent years primarily because of two important, yet distinct, reasons. The publication of the Sachar Committee report30 is the first reason behind the apparent revival of this debate. Although, the Sachar Committee was not asked to collect data/information on the ‘political backwardness’ of Indian Muslims, the main finding of the report and its various recommendations establish a clear link between various forms of Muslim backwardness and the discourse of political representation. In examining the question of political empowerment of Muslims the committee underlines the problems with the present delimitation of parliamentary and assembly constituencies as a result of which Muslims do not have adequate political representation in legislative bodies.

Recent developments in Anantapur district has taken new kind of Muslim politics which goes beyond the conventional Muslim political concerns – protection of wakf lands, protection of Urdu, and the protection of Muslim Personal Law – by challenging the notion of a single homogeneous Indian Muslim community, Muslim Dalits and Muslim

OBCs are demanding caste-based reservation for them. Such rights based assertions seem

81 to propose that the notion of ‘Muslim representation’ needs to be observed critically,

particularly from the perspective of marginalized Muslim groups. This has indicated that

Muslims participate in political processes as Muslims, as citizens of India, as workers, as

peasants, as marginalised people and so on. We need to recognize a mode by which the

complex modern Indo-Islamic identity and its various political manifestations could be

understood. The political secular perspective, it could be argued, has the required potential

to develop such a methodology, primarily because it acknowledges the intricacies of the

political identity of Indian Muslims and their political representation

In a study on political representation of Indian Muslims in post-colonial India31, Iqbal

Ansari has argued that Muslims are not adequately represented in the legislative bodies.

This study, for instance, reveals that Muslim representation has not been satisfactory in

the Parliament (see Table). Except for the 1980 and 1984 Lok Sabhas, Muslim under-

representation, or what Ansari calls Muslim political deprivation, remains around 50%.

Muslims in Lok Sabha

No. Year Total elected Muslims elected Expected representation on Deprivation %

members population basis

I 1952 489 21 49 57.14

II 1957 494 24 49 51.02

III 1962 494 23 53 56.60

30 The report of the Prime Minister’s High Level Committee on Social, Economic and Educational Status of Muslims in India – PMHLC 2006 31 http://www.india-seminar.com/2008/586/586_hilal_ahmed.htm

82 IV 1967 520 29 56 48.21

V 1971 518 30 58 48.28

VI 1977 542 34** 61 44.26

VII 1980 529*1 49** 59 16.95

VIII 1984 542 46** 62 25.81

IX 1989 529*2 33 60 45.00

X 1991 534*3 28 65 56.92

XI 1996 543 28 66 57.56

XII 1998 543 29 66 56.06

XIII 1999 543 32 66 51.52

XIV 2004 543 36 66 45.45

XV32 2009 543 30 66 48.28

Total 442 836 47.12

Notes: *1: Elections were not held in Assam (12) and Meghalaya (1); 2: Elections were not held in Assam (14); 3: Elections were not held in J&K (6) and countermanded in two seats in

Bihar and one in UP.

** Including Muslims elected in bye-elections.

Source: Ansari 2006, p. 64.

32 Added the 2009 election results

83

Representation of Muslims33 in the Legislative Assembly of Andhra Pradesh

Legislative Muslims Muslim Women

Assembly

First 10 2

Second 8 Nil

Third 5 Nil

Fourth NA NA

Fifth 7 Nil

Sixth 7 Nil

Seventh 10 Nil

Eighth 9 Nil

Ninth 10 Nil

Tenth 11 Nil

Eleventh 11 Nil

Twelfth 11 Nil

Total 99 2

Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly has a total strength of 295 members including one nominated member from the Anglo Indian Community. For the period from 1957 to

2009 data is available for eleven assemblies in which there were 3245 members. The percentage of all women including two Muslim women is just 5.95. The percentage of

Muslim as a whole was only 3.05 whereas the Muslim women representation is negligible.

33Source: List of MLAs, the A.P. Legislative Assembly Secretariat, Hyderabad.

84 The two Muslim women MLAs, Masooma Begum and Shahjahan Begum were elected for the first Assembly in 1957 from Pathergatti and Shadnagar Assembly constituencies respectively. Masooma Begum was also inducted into the cabinet of Neelam Sanjiva

Reddy, the first chief minister of Andhra Pradesh.

The dismal performance of Muslims in the popular houses both at the centre and state legislatures indicates the need for corrective measure to make our legislatures representative in true sense. Women Reservation Bill which is aimed addressing the low representation of women should also take into consideration the under representation of doubly deprived groups like Muslim women.

** The following are the lists of different political positions and the share and presence of members of the Muslim community in public political activities.

ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS in RAYALASEEMA (2009) & Muslim representation

Sl.No. District M.L.A. No. Of Muslim No. Of Muslim

No. Of seats M.L.A in 2004. M.L.A in 2009

1. Anantapur 14 0 1

2. Chittoor 14 0 1

3. Kadapa 11 1 1

4. Kurnool 14 1 0

**There are 42 Members of Parliament in Andhra Pradesh of which, only one is from

Muslim community.

Municipalities in Anantapur District

Sl.No. Municipality Wards No. of Muslim

85 Councillors

1. Anantapur 36 4

2. Kadiri 32 16

3. Hindupur 32 7

4. Guntakal 32 4

5. Dharmavaram 32 5

6. Rayadrug 24 2

7. Tadipatri 33 5

Mandal Presidents in Rayalaseema

Sl.No. District Mandals No. Of Muslim

Mandal Presidents

1. Anantapur 63 0

2. Chittoor 65 0

3. Kadapa 51 1

4. Kurnool 52 0

Representation of Muslims in Local level bodies/positions in Anantapur district

S.No Local body Total No. of Muslims

number

1 Gram Panchayat Sarpanches 1005 6

2 Gram Panchayat Presidents 1005 87

3 Zilla Parishad Presidents 22 0

4 Zilla Parishad Vice-Presidents 22 0

5 Total Municipal Commissioners (1974-2008) 45 1

86 Conclusion

The political participation of Muslims in terms of party membership, holding office in a party, contesting elections, canvassing, as elected members, attendance in meetings, participating actively in the debates, is low in India. Even though the participation level of

Muslims in voting is in consonance with the average India level, their political representation is very low. While the socio-economic and educational status of Muslims also plays a major role, The lack of effective Muslim leadership is yet another reason for low representation. There is also a preconceived notion in political parties, which believe the electability of Muslims is too low for them to be fielded as viable candidates. They think that the non-Muslims electorate will not vote for them because of their religious identity. There are other factors such as affirmative actions in favor of Scheduled

Castes/Tribes (SC/ST), which have lessend the prospects of a significant portion, roughly

26% of the state assembly seats, 20% of the parliamentary seats from Muslim candidates.

The Muslims, being nearly excluded from SC/STs, cannot even compete in the election in the reserved seats.

Further, it has been observed by Sachar committee that on the one hand, many constituencies where SC/STs comprise the majority of electorates are not reserved for them. On the other hand, there are a large number of constituencies where a significant fraction of the electorate is from the Muslim community and a small population of the

SCs but the seats have been reserved for SCs. There have been many fruitless attempts to form Muslim political parties in independent India. Muslim leadership, even though somewhat successful in some states, has been a failure at the national level. The diverse nature of Indian Muslim community which is subdivided into sects, ideologies, linguistic, and regional groups, regional priorities etc may be some of the reasons.

87 The issue of the low political participation of deprived sections like Scheduled Castes and

Scheduled Tribes in India was addressed by providing quotas in proportion to their population at the State and the Centre. Similar quota for religious minorities was discussed elaborately in the Constituent Assembly and the members expressed their apprehensions of ‘denial of right to representation of all smaller political groups as well as permanent minorities in a democracy governed by the majority which single member constituency under First Past the Post System ensures, disenfranchising almost 49 per cent of the electorate. But the notion of pure undiluted nationalism and the vision of homogeneous, secular democratic India combined with the benign paternalism that made the founding fathers of the Republic dismiss all proposals regarding electoral systems based on proportional representation, multimember constituencies and cumulative voting which ensure due representation of minorities without reservations34

Eligible Muslim candidates need and deserve an equitable share in the election. The fact that given a chance, Muslim candidates can do well in the election has been proven by the

Trinamool Congress in West Bengal. This is an example which other mainstream parties can emulate. Indian Muslims deserve more affirmative actions as mentioned by Ranganath

Mishra Commission, which has recommended that the status of SC should be made religion neutral. This implies that those lower classes or occupational caste like groups among Muslims, whose Hindus /Sikhs counterparts are SC should be included in SC list.

This will vastly enhance the socioeconomic conditions as well as political representation of Indian Muslims.

34 Iqbal A. Ansari, Minorities Representation in Indian Legislature in Akther Majeed (ed) Nation and Minorities, Kanishka Publishers and Disributors, New Delhi, 2002, p. 139-41

88 CHAPTER IV.

Political Aspects

It might be a repetition to state at the outset that the problems of minority communities, especially the Muslim community in India, are complex and multi-faceted, requiring ameliorative measures on a number of fronts simultaneously. Bearing in mind that a

“minority” is not just a statistical or numerical formation, but includes economic, social, legal and psychological deprivation along multiple axes of religion, region, gender, caste and so on, it can be stated that the crises facing the Muslim communities in contemporary India include a crisis of leadership.

Within the Indian Muslim communities, leadership is said to be based on certain values, such as gender, age, wealth, familial status, education, and personal integrity and reputation. Since most of these values can be characterized as feudal and patriarchal and are community-oriented, they are not quite in consonance with the twentieth century’s individual-oriented liberal democratic norms of state politics. The latter originated through certain specific historical socio-political tensions of Europe and therefore, it is easy to dismiss the former, rooted in a dissimilar structure of socio-political organization, as “primitive” or “fundamentalist.” It is thus argued, time and again, that Muslims lack political acumen or have not utilized numbers to their advantage in the political arena even though their population is more in certain areas in the district. This last is an easy dismissal of a community and norms that do not “fit in” with the “mainstream” political thought. The sharp tensions between a community-based socio-political composition and an individual-based configuration are bound to throw up several disjunctures that require open-mindedness and sustained discussions from both sides.

89

On the other hand, a people nurtured in such a “communal” (as in “commune”) tradition are suspicious of the “secular” framework that theoretically underpins the social and political functioning of the nation. Since “secularism” is generally understood as a positive value, with its implicit connotations largely unexamined within mainstream discussions of the term, it is easy to link the welfare of a community with a “secular”

State. A concept adopted/adapted from elsewhere, secularism of the Nehruvian era is a concept in which, therefore, the citizens of India have made a heavy emotional investment. Consequently, any breach of this promise by the State to its citizens results in serious emotional anguish and political despair.

However, this belief in secularism, it is often argued, is confined to a very small segment of society. On another plane, there are many others who oppose the idea of secularism and have a “communal,” right-wing, agenda of their own. Over the years, various factors

(outside the scope of this Report) have contributed to the strengthening of these forces.

Among the Muslim communities, extreme right-wing leaders have vague notions of

Muslim “power” hundreds of years back. Much along the same lines, Hindu right-wing forces argue that “Hindu” (read, Brahmin) values and beliefs are the true and the only standard ones and that these have to be accepted by all Indians if they wish to be considered as Indians.

In a democratic political structure where sheer numbers alone determine issues, a minority cannot hold out hopes of making their voices heard, let alone making it prevail.

Such an atmosphere suggests that the term “minority” carries with it the idea of a contagious unhealthy segment in society that is detrimental to the health of the larger

90 body politic. Yet, minorities are essential to hold the larger community together, if only to give it a sense of “us” versus “them.” It is also easy to blame a minority community for an almost paranoiac obsession with defending a distinctive identity, of not joining the

“national” mainstream. It is often argued, for instance, that the Muslim community does not keep pace with the rest of society (read, Brahminical Hindu) and respond

“positively” to processes of social transformation.

It is also argued that the community is too preoccupied with religion that it drags religion into all spheres of life and that Islamic interpretations are not in consonance with ground realities. On the other hand Muslims feel that they are targeted and labeled as suffering from a “siege mentality.” This vicious circle of (mis)understandings goads both sides into retrogressive hardenings of stances.

In any pluralistic society, it is held, that the burden of promoting secularism falls on the dominant group, i.e. the majority community. Furthermore, a fraternal attitude of understanding and dialogue will go a long way in healthier relations between communities. While it is incumbent upon the numerically larger community to accommodate and understand its numerically smaller brethren, it is also up to the minority community to work its way out of an isolationist attitude. The community and its leaders have to work with prevailing socio-political mores of the nation, and work to bring succor—economic, educational and otherwise—as legitimate citizens of the nation, with rights as well as duties. Crucially, it is vital that primary issues are not sacrificed over secondary, short-lived ones.

91 This brings out the fact that political unity and a sense of nationhood are not contingent on religion but on a shared history of languages, culture and politics. Religion, it should be remembered, is but one category of shared-ness, whereas a nation is built around a collective territory, social and cultural forms of being, and common forms of political thought. Second, any political organization and agitation by a minority requires a cohesive association and dialogue within the community in order to bring out the multiplicity of concerns within it to a platform outside the community. Such a strategy will yield rich political dividends in terms of both addressing the issues raised by various constituencies of the community as well as engaging in meaningful political interaction with various other communities and the State. Third, a politics of powerlessness has led the leadership within the community to think out new ways to negotiate with existing political structures and systems, which in turn has produced new sets of goals, strategies and tactics.

** The following are the lists of different political positions and the share and presence of members of the Muslim community in public political activities.

RAYALASEEMA 2004--ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS

Sl.No. District M.L.A. No. Of Muslim

No. Of seats M.L.A.

1. Anantapur 14 0

2. Chittoor 15 0

3. Kadapa 11 1

4. Kurnool 13 1

**There are 42 Members of Parliament in Andhra Pradesh of which, only two are

Muslims.

92

Mayors in Andhra Pradesh

Sl.No. Corporations Mayors Muslim Mayor

1 7 7 1 (Kurnool)

93 Chairmen of Municipalities in Rayalaseema

Sl.No. District No. of No. Of

Municipalities Muslim

Chairmen

1. Anantapur 7 3

2. Chittoor 5 1

3. Kadapa 2 0

4. Kurnool 3 0

Municipalities in Anantapur District

Sl.No. Municipality Wards No. of Muslim

Councillors

1. Anantapur 36 4

2. Kadiri 32 16

3. Hindupur 32 7

4. Guntakal 32 4

5. Dharmavaram 32 5

6. Rayadrug 24 2

7. Tadipatri 33 5

94 CHAPTER VI EMPOWERING MUSLIM WOMEN

Since 1980’s the world has witnessed a change in terms of rapid globalization, which has also directly or indirectly increased activism by the women in the third world countries. One such activism can be identified is empowerment, i.e., the efforts towards the empowerment of marginalized sections which includes most of the denied, deprived and disadvantaged groups. The process has earlier started at grass root level in various countries. Both the concepts of empowerment and globalization brought together a change in the nature of society in most of the Third World countries for the advancement and development of the marginalised.

Contemporary Muslim women in India are facing many stark political, economic and social challenges. As the Muslim community is undergoing educational and economic transition since a decade, the dynamics and the mechanisms through which such transformations are taking place are little understood. A section of community which is as large as half of the Muslim population in India, which is for long confronting with a myriad of social, political and economic problems require dynamic long term development solutions.

This chapter reflects on the conditions of Muslim women in Anantapur as well as in India, and it has been divided into three different parts. Firstly it deals with the status of Muslim women in India in general, secondly it speaks about the plight of Muslim women in Anantapur, and the interventions done by an NGO with a considerable outcome and the impact it created in the lives of marginalised women. Finally it concludes and suggests the need for the intervention in the livelihood promotion of the Muslim women in the context of Globalization, from the gender perspective.

I. INTRODUCTION

In recent years there has been a significant public debate on the conditions and issues regarding Muslim women in India. Muslim women constitute 7.5% of Indian (Total Muslims constitute 15%) population35, which amounts to nearly 75 millions.

35 Estimates of census of India, 2011.

95

The Indian Constitution is committed to the equality of citizens and the responsibility of the State to preserve, protect and assure the rights of minorities in matters of language, religion and culture. In the absence of any systematic analysis of available data, the debate largely revolves around perceptions and rhetoric. A wide variety of policy initiatives and programmes have been launched by successive governments to promote the economic, social and educational development of the minority communities in India. However, while the Muslims have no doubt made some visible progress, the recent reports, and empirical data clearly shows that the economic and educational gap between the Community and the rest of the Socio-Religious groups has been widening. It is imperative that the ‘development deficit’ among Muslims is assessed, and policy interventions will be needed to review in the context of available evidence, and new initiatives launched to grapple with the marginalization of Muslim women in the socio- economic and political spheres.

Like women from other communities, Muslim women are segregated across community, class and gender, and are subject to the interface between gender and community in Anantapur district. Their setting also derives from their status as a minority within the minorities which influence their life experience and self-perception in divergent ways, and in this respect they differ from women belonging to other communities. On an objective note, if one can travel in Muslim majority areas in the Mohallas, streets and slums in the district, one can realize the majority of Muslim women are among the most disadvantaged, economically impoverished, and doubly marginalised sections of the society. The social and economic issues confronting women in Muslim communities mandate attention as does the violation of their rights as citizens of India. To hasten the process of Muslim community's integration in India's modernization efforts, effective strategies have to be adapted to improve the status of Muslims to the present day needs.

II. STATUS OF MUSLIM WOMEN

Women in India do not constitute an undifferentiated, homogenous category, yet, little information exists on Indian Muslim women. However, the perception that Muslim women's social status in India can be ascribed to a certain intrinsic, immutable feature of Islam or that their legal status derives solely from reference to Muslim laws is widely

96 prevalent. As a result of this misconception, Muslim women are often considered as 'separate' or 'different' from Indian society, reinforcing cultural stereotypes and obscuring their contemporary realities. Mainstream historical narrative with its emphasis on the rise and fall of the Muslim empire excludes Muslim women. Although Muslim women were generally absent from public life during this period, several women from royalty were authors and poets - or even a Sultan as in the case of Raziya Sultana.

At the turn of the twentieth century the topic of female education was taken up by Muslim communities. Several Muslim women made pioneering contributions to female education. Figures for Muslim girls' participation in educational institutions during the early decades of the twentieth century surpassed the figures for the national average. Muslim women also participated in campaigns against female seclusion and legal discrimination, and played an active part in the emerging women's movement. This trend suffered a setback due to the social, political and economic upheavals in, during and after the partition of India in 1947. In the wake of the trauma and large-scale migrations during 1947, and a subsequent lack of political presence, it was extremely difficult for Muslim women to articulate their concerns, both within the community and as citizens of India.

Stereotyping is usually a necessary precondition for social discrimination, and all the more so when various social and cultural realities are sought to be hardened into "identities". That is probably why, over the past decade especially, certain stereotypes have been systematically developed about the minority communities (especially Muslims, but also Christians). Before going into the discussion on empowerment of women, we would at first like to clear some misconceptions that exist about the status of the Muslim women in India. It is widely believed that the average Muslim woman is at a greater disadvantage in her community than women of other communities in India.

According to the government reports, Muslim women are among the poorest, educationally disenfranchised, economically vulnerable, politically marginalized group in the country. In 1983, the Gopal Singh Committee instituted by the government declared Muslims as a backward community in India. A central feature of this ˜backwardness” is their exceedingly poor socio-economic status, particularly of Muslim women. Most Muslim women remain invisible workers in the informal economy. The Muslim share in

97 public employment is less than 3 per cent. Within this picture of marginalization, it is a predictable certainty that the corresponding figures for Muslim women are further skewed towards the bottom. A lack of information on Muslim women contributes to the reinforcement of cultural stereotypes, serving to obfuscate their life experiences and struggles. Consequently, the notion that Muslim women’s status in India is attributable to certain intrinsic, immutable Islamic features or that their social status derives solely from Muslim laws is widely prevalent. The lack of social opportunities for Muslim women is a crucial issue needing urgent action. An improvement in literacy rates would directly influence Muslim women’s socio-economic and political status as citizens of India.

Issues confronting Muslim Women in Anantapur district One vital issue, but very less talked about, facing the Minorities today is that Muslims, when encountered by non-Muslims about the status of Muslim women, generally boast about the ideal. It is often heard that, they keep the issue straight and clean by replying, "That's the cultural connotation, and not what Islam stands for," and then proceed to lecture people about the (ideal) status of women in Islamic law.

Enlightening non-Muslims (and Muslims) about Gender sensitivities and rights and duties in Islam is an outstanding thing. But, it does nothing to assuage the genuine suffering of real Muslim women. It is time for us to think about doing something rather than turning a blind eye to their reality. After all, Allah commands us in Qur'an to "stand out for justice, even if it is against yourselves." One can see the issues discussed below as a list of some of the issues facing Muslim women in the district today.

The blessedness of her life is less valued. In most of the places in the district one can observe, (probably in the sub-continent also) the lives of girls are simply not considered as blessed as those of boys. For example, the status meted out to most of the girls in freedom for choosing one’s occupation, one’s interest or disinterest in marriage etc says a lot about the value specified to her.

Her educational right is not respected. regarding literacy rate of Muslim women, the fact is that in many places, one can observe that the education of girls and women is seen as unnecessary, or even an evil thing (if she becomes highly qualified, she will not get good boy, so the "reasoning" goes). Prophet Muhammad, (peace and blessings be upon

98 him), commanded his followers, men and women alike, to seek knowledge. It is an obligatory action incumbent upon men and women alike.

Her right to a life of dignity is violated. In Anantapur district, it is seen that Muslim men are asking for dowry which was not the case some 2 decades ago. Earlier it was not ‘asked’ like what is happening now. And there are also lots of cases of Dowry harassments and the fact is that there are Muslim women suffering domestic violence. Many ‘Learned’ people misinterpret a passage in the Qur'an and believe this gives them license to humiliate and can also ‘mildly beat’ their wives. It is time we need to stand up and protect women while educating them about the Sunnah of the Prophet, (pbuh), which was to be gentle with women, and never raise a hand to them in anger.

Community Considerations The leadership void in the Muslim community even at local level is very acute. The dominant Muslim organization in most areas are the mosques, but there are also problems galore. They are often occupied by an older first-generation management, which suppresses any kind of change or innovation. A new generation of well-educated Muslims is forced out. Disputes between mosques and within mosque committees are frequent. These are not institutions that can sponsor the kind of community-wide engagement needed, let alone bring the alienated youth back on track.

Capacity and perspective building in the Muslim community is a gigantic task, which has to be done regularly and timely. It requires models of community development and conflict resolution. It will certainly require a huge amount of hard local work of doggedly building relations across communities, and its success. The issues facing the majority of Muslim women in the sub-continent are those facing the majority of women in Anantapur district: poverty, illiteracy, political repression, and patriarchy. At the same time, there are now and always have been elite Muslim women, with wealth and clout, who have exercised some power and autonomy within social and economic networks. No one can argue that these women all share a "status." For this reason, stereotypes of Muslim women as uniquely oppressed bear little resemblance to reality. Yet the attempt to define “women’s status in Islam” persists.

99 The recent comparative report on Muslims, Dalits and other OBCs groups by Rajinder Sachar Committee, National Sample Survey, Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD) and a sub group on education in the working group on the Empowerment of the Minorities in the Eleventh plan on Muslims, show that the bulk of Indian Muslims suffer grave deprivation in socio-economic opportunities because of lack of access to education, health care, public services, employment and loan facilities. The Sachar report is the first one of this magnitude, covering the whole country, and obviously therefore, the findings deserve attention. But perhaps even more interesting than the results themselves are the insights that are drawn into the interplay of various factors that determine the conditions of Muslim women's lives.

 The empirical data shows that Muslim men’s work participation rate (48%) is lower than dalit (53%) males. For Muslim women it is just 9.6%, less than half the dalit women’s 23%. Muslims are less likely to use the public distribution system for food (22%) than dalits (32%) or vaccinate their children (40%) than dalits (47%).36  The literacy rate among Muslims is 59%, which is below the national average of 65%. Half of the rural Muslim children are illiterate, as are third of urban Muslim children. One-eighth of Muslim children aged between 6-13 do not attend school. Only about 65%of Muslim children in the 6-10 age group are enrolled. In the age group of 11-14, only 35% children are enrolled. An abysmal 1.3% Muslim men in rural areas, and even lower 0.3% of women reach the graduate level.  Nearly half of Muslim men between the ages 25-45 are self employed. Compared to 28% dalits and 40% of Hindus. Only 18% are in regular employment (Hindus 25%).

Of course, there are some easily predictable conclusions, especially with respect to economic status. The low socio-economic status of Muslims is now well-known; like the Scheduled Castes, they are disproportionately represented among the poor and have the lowest per capita income indicators. This is ascribed not only to the lack of access to asset ownership, but also to poor educational attainment and occupational patterns,

36 Praful Bidwai, “Combating Muslim Exclusion”, Frontline, December 1 2006, p.106.

100 which show clustering in low-paid activities, as well as the concentration of the Muslim population in the economically backward regions of the country.

This economic differentiation constitutes probably the primary source of differentiation in status between Muslim and Hindu women in the aggregate, since the household's level of assets ownership, occupation and income possibilities critically determine the basic conditions of life of the women. However, there are significant regional differences in this: Muslims are generally poor in the north (especially rural areas) and the east, but less so in the south. But other findings of the study are much less predictable, and do much to demolish the damaging stereotypes that are so widely purveyed about Muslim women.

Equally significant, it is crucial for members of Muslim communities - Muslim women and men - to introspect and debate among themselves as to the reasons and remedies for their economic vulnerability and poor educational and employment status, and to consider possible remedies. There is also a need for debate and mobilization by Muslim women on legal reform in order to overcome patriarchal structures with Muslim communities. The debate on legal reform is linked to debates on women and Islam. Muslim women in India need to participate in the contemporary debate on Islam and women's rights. It is imperative for Indian Muslim women to reclaim their right to religious knowledge, enter the discourse on the Shari'a and challenge their historic marginalization from religious knowledge as well as its discriminatory interpretations.

The health of Muslims, especially women, is directly linked to poverty and the absence of basic services like clean drinking water and sanitation - leading to malnutrition, anemia, a variety of diseases and poor life expectancy.37 In conflict prone areas there is alarming evidence of a host of psychosocial problems including stress, depression, and post- traumatic disorders among women. Health services for women living in Muslim concentration areas are much worse than for women from other SRCs. Even primary health facilities are available only at long distances. Unacceptable behavior that many Muslim women encounter at public health centres discourages them from going there.

37 In some areas, higher than average incidence of TB was reported amongst Muslim women. This was partly due to the nature of their work but largely owing to poor sanitation. TB amongst Muslim women affects the entire family as there is no awareness amongst them regarding the disease. Measures for prevention are taken rarely.(p.23 in the Sachar report)

101 They prefer local health care providers from their own community, particularly for gynecological problems, even though they may not be as qualified. This hesitation on the part of the Muslim women to access public health facilities often leads to their exploitation by private doctors. The few health care centres staffed by women doctors are concentrated in urban areas, forcing rural populations to survive with virtually no public health care. The poor quality of drinking water and sanitation in areas of Muslim concentration is another concern expressed.

Muslims, especially women, have virtually no access to government development schemes. They experience discrimination in getting loans from the Jawahar Rozgaar Yojana for Below Poverty Line (BPL) beneficiaries, in getting loans for housing, in procuring widow pensions etc. Muslims are often not able to avail of the reservation benefits available to OBCs as the officials do not issue the requisite caste certificates. It was also alleged that many eligible Muslim OBCs were not included in the official list which results in denial of several benefits to the Community. Many Muslim women experience ill-treatment at the hands of authorities when they apply for new ration cards. So deep is their alienation from state services that a large number of poor Muslims do not even have BPL cards. They are unable to avail of free uniforms in schools, or college scholarships for want of appropriate caste and income certificates. In the context of increasing ghettoization, the absence of social services (health, schooling, ration, municipal/government offices) impacts women the most because they are reluctant to venture beyond the confines of ‘safe’ neighborhoods to access these facilities elsewhere. Muslim women have almost no presence in decision-making positions — from gram panchayats to the parliament. They even fail to find a place in minority welfare institutions set up by the Government.

Muslims in Anantapur are concentrated in locations with poor infrastructural facilities. This affects their access to basic services like education, health facilities, transport, etc. In both urban and rural areas, the proportion of Muslim households living in pucca houses is lower than the total population. It seems the availability of piped water, electricity and modern fuel (LPG/electricity) is lower among Muslims.

102

NGO Interventions on improving livelihoods among Muslim women

There are several Organisations in Andhra Pradesh working with women co-operatives and revitalizing them with access to credit and livelihood support. An important area of their work is to provide market access to the group members once they are trained on a particular skill. Some Organisations are working on forming SHGs and providing linkages to banks and other resources. some are adding value dimension to the livelihood programmes by including training, capacity building, livelihood development and empowerment of women also. But there are few of them working on Muslim women and very few who are working successfully.

Development Action for Marginalised Muslims (DAMM) is one such network initiated by Centre for World Solidarity (CWS), a national level Organisation head quartered in

Secunderabad. DAMM works with the poor Muslim women in Anantapur district of

Andhra Pradesh. It has nearly 400 SHG groups in its operational area. Apart from formation of SHGs, they also strengthen them by training and capacity building in various vocations, creating awareness on government schemes, accessing them to market linkages.

Operational strategies for improving Muslim women's status and productivity a) Education and skill development

Provide basic education (both formal and Vocational) and Skill cum training development programmes to adolescent girl child labour, which will eventually be undertaken to build the capacities and livelihood opportunities of the target groups. b) Mobilize poor women in rural and urban areas

103 The strategy should be to adopt an approach, where a minimum one woman member

from each identified rural and urban poor household, should be brought under the

Self Help Group (SHG) network in a fixed time frame. The Task should espouse

differential strategies for mobilisation of all households into functionally effective

and self-managed institutions. Women from identified households would be

organized into institutions of the poor (including farmers' Organisations, producers'

cooperatives etc.) for addressing livelihood issues. c) Formation of women Networks

Women must collaborate with various stakeholders who are committed to the realization of women's human rights. The alliance of women for secularism, democracy and human rights, are crucial for forging a common front against forces opposed to women's self- determination. We have to form and strengthen women networks with SHG groups involving Muslim women and work on to promote existing livelihoods through linkages to banks, government schemes, and impart them training, know-how and financial inputs so that rural and urban households can improve household incomes and raise their standard of living.

d) Improving livelihood opportunities by market linkages

Programmes involving Identification and promotion of sustainable livelihood options by creating awareness and providing linkages to market etc with a promising commercial value will have to be designed to contribute to a livelihood improvement of poorer households.

Developing Market Linkages to enable rural households to market their produce directly to the target segments and markets with better packages and direct linkages with buyers

104 helping them command better prices and margins and enabling them to find and develop a regular market for their produce.

Introduction of new and alternative livelihoods that can be adopted by rural households which will help them smoothen income cycles from traditional livelihoods and also help supplement household income through use of existing resources of land and manpower time.

e) Linkages with government schemes

Programmes that will help the targeted groups find government Schemes / benefits that they may be eligible to receive. Awareness programmes by comprehensive listing of all

Schemes / programs for which they are eligible. The programme will also provide improved, personalized access to government assistance Schemes / programs.

f) Rural development programmes must address gender discrimination in wages

and access to livelihood assets

Economic globalization has linked even isolated rural areas in a chain that connects local, national, regional and international markets. Value chains are evolving rapidly with the expansion of supermarkets and of the demand in industrialized countries for fresh produce year round. For millions of agricultural producers, agro-processors and rural workers, globalization offers increased employment and income opportunities. But improvements in livelihoods will depend on how effectively one can participate in markets g) Opportunities for improving and diversifying livelihoods in coastal fishing

communities

105 In fishing communities we can expand the fisherwomen self-help group movement by measures aiming at strengthening their capacities. At the same time we have to promote employment and the development of fisheries related and non-fisheries micro-enterprises and to provide training and small-scale business development support to women SHGs;

We have to link fisherwomen SHGs and associations to financial institutions for the purpose of accessing credit for capital, working capital and other requirements;

h) Alternative income generating activities and micro-enterprises

. Based on an assessment of locally available raw materials and existing practices,

resources and skills, support from training and extension agencies and financial

institutions, existing market demand and opportunities for the development of

new markets and other factors, the studies identified a number of fisheries related

and non-fisheries micro-enterprises and income generating activities, which can

be taken up by women in coastal fishing communities

. In the field of coastal horticulture and forestry, three activities were found

suitable to be undertaken by women in coastal villages, i.e. the cultivation of

coconuts, the cultivation of cashew nuts and the cultivation of casuarina trees.

The latter activity also helps to protect seashores from soil erosion and coastal

settlements from cyclones, tsunamis and other natural disasters.

. We can promote SHGs and train them in different occupations like Cashew nut

processing, agro-tourism, or operation of food stalls and small village restaurants

and various types of retail activities. i) Promotion of inclusive growth

106

It is a fact that except the right to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice, there is no other “exclusive” right that minorities seem to enjoy under the Constitution of India. Article 14, 15 and 16 prohibit any discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth by the state. In the light of Muslim women facing discrimination on account of their low position in society on number of counts as mentioned earlier, the welfare programmes should not overlook the most deprived section of the society. Muslim women constitute nearly 7% of the population of India (census 2001). No country can boast of becoming a developed one, when such a large section of the population is living a deplorable and prejudiced life. The greatest drawback of gender inequality needs to be erased from its roots-to reap the benefits of prosperity. j) Micro studies on Muslim communities What we need today is a series of studies on Muslim communities from different parts of the country covering their divergent ethos and socio economic conditions. This is because the Sachar committee also noted that there is lack of authentic information about the social, educational and economic status of the Muslim community, which comes in the way of planning, formulating and implementing specific interventions. there is a felt need for community studies in contemporary India and its emphasis is also seen in the enquiries of subaltern studies38 at the micro level. The Micro studies regarding socio-economic conditions of the Muslim women would help in getting a clear perspective of the problems and potential of the community. It could also give insights into development patterns and needs of the community. It is with the help of such type of studies that informed social planning becomes possible. k) Legislative Mechanism for the marginalised States can introduce legislative measures with the help of the findings of the social researchers to initiate affirmative actions to bring the Muslim community socially, educationally and economically on par with rest of the country – specially attention will be required for the under privileged women amongst Muslims. At least 5% of all plan expenditure must be set aside for women among the minorities, who comprise 10% of the total population. Make a policy to include Muslim girls in providing Hostel facilities on par with other backward sections in proportionate representation. The welfare measures should aim at providing special attention to the Muslim women in the following way: i) Accord the Muslim women a quota in the welfare activities with regard to economic empowerment sponsored by the government to make themselves self- reliant.

38 Ranajit Guha, ed., Sub Altern Studies: Writings on South Asian History and Society, Vol.I, (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1982), Shahid Amin and Dipesh Chakrabarthy, ed., Sub Altern Studies: Writings on South Asian History and Society, Vol.IX, (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996).

107 ii) Involve them in participatory development in various welfare measures. iii) The 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Constitution of India is a milestone in the process of establishing democratic decentralized administration through local bodies and taking administration to the doorsteps of the people to ensure economic and social justice. 74th Amendment of the constitution states that 33 percent of the local panchayat seats are to be reserved for women, but even after more than a decade the representation of Muslim women remains negligible when compared to their proportion. The government can consider allotting a quota for their active participation. iv) The government should give orders to the effect that a sizeable portion is to be allocated to Muslim women in its various schemes and welfare measures pertaining to women regarding health, education and socio- economic upliftment.

l) Role of civil Society Organisation Civil society organisations must take proactive measures to involve the Muslim community, especially women, in their programs and ensure that adequate numbers of Muslims are not only enlisted for receiving the benefits of implementation but are also involved at the organizational and managerial levels. Civil society organisations should not work with specific communities only (like with the Dalits, Tribals, Muslims etc,) but must bring different communities together to achieve social integration and generate collective strength. Voluntary organisations must positively make efforts to involve minority headed organisations in all their activities and action plans. Voluntary organisations (NGOs) that work for social justice must also focus on the deprivation and discrimination of the minority and marginalised communities.

Policy Recommendations

Without women’s active engagement in economic activity, economic equality is not be attained, and we should see to it that the economic gender equality should support:

. Improvements in access to paid economic activity for women and their control of

the resultant income;

. Improvements in the returns to such activity to the point of equality with the returns

that men attain;

108 . Elimination of gender discrimination and by improvements in women's access to the

complementary resources (such as education and good health) which determine the

rate of return to the application of men and women’s labour.

. Macro policies need to be oriented towards labour absorption. There is a need for

more number of jobs for women to counteract the trend towards deterioration in

quality, standards and conditions of jobs on offer.

. In relation to the informal sector and self-employment, credit and micro-

enterprise schemes should aim to promote activities where women can develop

market knowledge and are able to exercise it.

. The projects and policies for empowering women should go beyond the NRM

sphere into activities offer solution from a gender perspective. Women’s access to

resources, their weaker property rights, and use of entitlements should not hinder

their progress. To empower them in a real sense placement of women in authority in

project management structures and in technical positions with real responsibility in

project operations will give benefit to them.

. What we need today is a series of studies on Muslim communities from different

parts of the country covering their divergent ethos and socio economic conditions.

This is because the almost all the committees also noted that there is lack of

authentic information about the social, educational and economic status of the

Muslim community, which comes in the way of planning, formulating and

implementing specific interventions. It is with the help of such type of studies that

informed social planning becomes possible.

109 . There is an urgent need to recognise diversity in residential, work and educational

spaces, apart from enhancing inclusion of the really deprived SRCs in 'spaces' created

by public programmes and policy interventions. The need for equity and inclusion in

a pluralistic society can never be overemphasized. But the mechanisms to ensure

equity and equality of opportunity to bring about inclusion should be such that

diversity is achieved and at the same time the perception of discrimination is

eliminated. This is only possible when the importance of Muslims as an intrinsic part

of the diverse Indian social mosaic is squarely recognized.

. States can introduce legislative measures with the help of the findings of the social

researchers to initiate affirmative actions to bring the Muslim community socially,

educationally and economically on par with rest of the country – specially attention

will be required for the under privileged women amongst Muslims.

. At least 5% of all plan expenditure must be set aside for women among the

minorities, who comprise 10% of the total population.

. NGO pressure could be effective in this process. Civil society Organisations must

take proactive measures to involve the Muslim community, especially women, in their

programs and ensure that adequate numbers of Muslims are not only enlisted for

receiving the benefits of implementation but are also involved at the organizational

and managerial levels.

. Civil society organisations should not work with specific communities only (like with

the Dalits, Tribals, Muslims etc,) but must bring different communities together to

achieve social integration and generate collective strength.

110

. Voluntary organisations (NGOs) must positively make efforts to involve minority

headed Organisations in all their activities and action plans. Voluntary Organisations

that work for social justice must also focus on the deprivation and discrimination of

the minority and marginalised communities.

Conclusion

It is seen that equity in education and livelihoods help in building an inclusive society. We should endeavor to create quality opportunities in those thrust areas, with particular focus on economically disadvantaged Women and youth. We should work in partnership mode with other developmental organizations and individual stakeholders concerned. We should provide sustainable livelihoods with various training programmes for Muslim women. In these programmes we have to identify women from lower income groups and marginalized sections with basic education, and provide necessary skills for advancement.

Recently there is a shift from a focus on particular agricultural employment or livestock production activities to the idea of ‘farming systems', which include diverse activities such as cultivation, herding, hunting, gathering and trading, which go beyond agricultural production per se. For the poor and deprived rural women there is a need to provide alternate livelihood to widen skill development programs by setting up Coir Yarn Training Centers, Sewing

Centers, and Fashion Designing Training Centers for their economic empowerment.

For the educated, we should have to train youth and students in communication and personality development skills. These programmes have to create behavioral, attitudinal changes towards life. The confidence and positive values that were fed into each of these

111 youngsters would go a long way in helping them choose careers of their choice and lead a contented life.

Our aims should identify alternative livelihoods that can be promoted among rural households as it caters to and help them adopt alternate vocations to supplement their income. It will also help to promote their existing livelihoods with the objective of making these vocations into sustainable livelihoods and thus helping them to improve their standard of living and quality of life.

The Sachar committee in its recommendations, asserted that it is of utmost importance to provide for atleast two women each in the Central Wakf Council and each state Wakf Board. Besides providing gender equity this will help in improving direct access to welfare measures for women and children. There is an urgent need to recognise diversity in residential, work and educational spaces, apart from enhancing inclusion of the really deprived SRCs in 'spaces' created by public programmes and policy interventions. The need for equity and inclusion in a pluralistic society can never be overemphasized. But the mechanisms to ensure equity and equality of opportunity to bring about inclusion should be such that diversity is achieved and at the same time the perception of discrimination is eliminated. This is only possible when the importance of Muslims as an intrinsic part of the diverse Indian social mosaic is squarely recognized.

The Programmes that should be initiated for Muslim women should focus on the rights, development and their integration. The objectives should be to prevent a sense of alienation among them and ensure their equal status by providing full scope for their identities. The interventions should aim to enable the Muslim women to exercise their constitutionally guaranteed rights and freedom. It should work towards promoting livelihoods among them.

It should also engage in research studies so as to make objective assessment of their living

112 conditions and suggest appropriate policy interventions for their socio economic development.

CHAPTER V.

Muslim Welfare and Minority Institutions

Anantapur district is the largest district in terms of area in the state of Andhra Pradesh,

which consists of 63 Revenue Mandals, 8 Municipalities and 3 Revenue divisions.

Welfare Institutions

I. District Minorities Welfare Office – Anantapur

The District Minorities Welfare Officer’s Office at Anantapur is one of such office, out

of the 12 in the state of Andhra Pradesh, and was established on 23 June 1997. It is

located in the compound of the district collectorate and was initiated with the following

aims and objects.

a) For the Welfare of Minorities, i.e., Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists and

Parsis.

b) To create access to the benefits of development schemes and the resources

controlled by the Government.

c) To remove illiteracy and economic backwardness.

d) To promote the preservation of the cultural heritage of minorities.

e) To remove a sense of discrimination against minorities

113 The District Minorities Welfare Officer is the administrative controlling authority over the duties of the supervising, monitoring and reviewing the following corporations /

Boards / Institutions controlled by various minorities in addition to his normal duties.

1. A.P. State Minorities Finance Corporation

2. A.P. State Wakf Board

3. A.P. Urdu Academy

4. Janasikshana Samsthan

5. Center for Educational Development for Minorities

1. Andhra Pradesh State Minorities Finance Corporation Ltd (APSMFC) –

Anantapur

The Andhra Pradesh State Minorities Finance Corporation Ltd., Anantapur, registered under the Companies Act 1956, was established in 1985 to extend financial support to the weaker sections of minority communities such as Muslims, Christians, Sikhs,

Buddhists and Parsis for their socio-economic development. The main objectives of the corporation are to extend financial assistance to weaker sections among the minorities for their economic development by providing margin money loans and direct loans with the assistance of the government of Andhra Pradesh and the National Development and

Finance Corporation for setting up of businesses, industrial and service Units. The

Source of funding for the corporate is from Government of Andhra Pradesh and

National Minorities Development and Finance Corporation, New Delhi.

i) Economic Assistance39 (Bankable Scheme): Individual Assistance for Activities

like Agriculture Allied, Industries, Small Business, Services, Transport etc can be

39 The Detailed guidelines are available in G.O.Ms.No.30,Dt.23-07-2008 and G.O.Rt.No.273, Dt.04-10- 2012 at downloads (Government Orders)

114 taken up in collaboration with Banks at cheaper rate of Interest for Bank Share of

loans ii) Minority Artisans Development Scheme in Clusters (MADSC): Minority

Artisans Development Scheme in Cluster essentially loans Minority Artisans in

Cluster approaches by providing loan through Banks for purchase of improved food

kits & Small equipment to enhance productivity.

iii) Interest Subsidy On Bankable Schemes: To encourage for prompt payment of

Bank loan, interest subsidy will be provided to the beneficiaries to reduce interest

burden by subsiding the interest over and above 3% charged by the Bank.

iv) Micro Credit to Self Help Groups: Scheme to be implemented through Bank. The

SHGs provided Revolving fund / Grant with regularly savings over a period of 6

months based on Credit rating can avail Micro Credit.

115 Pattern of Assistance40: In the First phase each member of the Group will be

provided Rs.10,000/- for viable economic activity. In the Second phase further

Credit facility of Rs.20,000/- to each member of the group (i.e. double the earlier

loan) subject to regular & full payment of Bank Loan availed. Subsequently last phase

credit facility of Rs. 30,000/- to each member of the group subject to regular & full

payment of Bank Loan availed.

Note: Self-help Groups who are having accounts in Mutually Aided Co-Operative

Societies (MACS) successfully operating are also eligible for Micro Credit loan

subject to their operation in accordance to the MACs act. v) Interest Subsidy: (Pavala Vaddi):

To ensure fiscal discipline and prompt repayment of Bank loan by each member of the group interest subsidy to reduce interest burden by subsiding the interest over and above

3% charged by bank. vi) DOMWUA (Development of Minority Women in Urban and Rural Areas)

On the lines of DWACRA, the Corporation also provide Revolving Fund equivalent to their savings subject to a maximum of Rs 10,000/- to each group with condition that the all the group members should have regular saving and maintain required books. The

Revolving Fund to the group is a grant. vii)Training & Employment

To empower minority youths for their economic development, the Corporation is arranges to impart training under various trades like Asst. Emergency, Home Patient

40 The Detailed guidelines are available in G.O.Ms.No.30,Dt.23-07-2008 at downloads (Government

116 Care Service, Hospital Data Entry Operator, Physiotherapy Assistant, Operation Theater

Assistant, Asst. Dialysis Technician, Heavy Motor Vehicle Driving, Technician (Operator

Excavating Machinery), Technician (Masonry), Technician (Painting and Decoration),

Technician (Bar Bending and Steel Fixing), Technician (Electrical House Wiring),

Technician (Plumbing & Sanitation and other demand oriented traders to the minorities

so as to become self employable.

Entire Institutional training cost will be born by the Corporation besides Stipend of Rs

350/- and Rs 1,000/- respectively to Local and Non-Local will be paid to the Minority

Youth under going Training Programme. i. Educational assistance for students belonging to Minorities

There are 2 types of schemes available for Minorities

State Government schemes and Central Government schemes.

State Government schemes include

Pre Metric Scholarship

Pre Metric scholarship will be sanctioned to the economically backward minority

students studying in class 6th to 10th whose parent/guardian income is below Rs.1.00

lakh per annum. The rates of Scholarship are as follows

VI to VIII Class Rs 600/- per annum

IX to X Class Rs 800/- per annum

Post Metric Scholarship

Orders)

117 Post Metric Scholarship41 will be sanctioned to the Economically Backward Minority students whose parents/guardians annual income does not exceeds Rs.1.00 lakh per annum. The post metric scholarship will be sanctioned to the minority students of

Intermediate, Graduation, Post- Graduation and Professional Courses.

Course Scholarship Amount

Hosteller (Attached Students Day

Hostel)(CMH) Managed Scholars

Hostel

(SMH)

Professional Courses Rs 962/- per month Rs 442/- per Rs 429/- per

for 10 months month for 10 month for

months 10 Months

Post Graduation Rs 682/- per month Rs 442/- per Rs 429/- per

for 10 months month for 10 month for

months 10 Months

Graduation/Diploma courses Rs 520/- per month Rs 325/- per Rs 240/- per

for 10 months month for 10 month for

months 10 Months

Intermediate Rs 520/- per month Rs 325/- per Rs 240/- per

for 10 months month for 10 month for

months 10 Months

41 The amount has to be increased considerably as the prices of essential commodities are sky rocketing day by day.

118 GOVERNMENT OF INDIA:

Pre Metric Scholarships42

Pre Matric Scholarship will be awarded for students studying in a Government or

Recognized Private Schools from Class I to Class X.

RATE OF SCHOLARSHIP

S.No Item Hostellers* Day Scholar

1 Admission fee from class Rs.500/-p.a Subject to Rs.500/- p.a.

VI to X actual Subject to actual.

2 Tuition fee from class VI Rs.350/- p.m. Subject to Rs.350/- p.m.

to X actual Subject to actual

Maintenance allowance will

be payable for a period not

exceeding 10 months in an

academic year.

(i) Class I to V Nil Rs.100/-p.m.

(ii) Class Vi to X Rs.600/-p.m. Subject to Rs.100/- p.m.

actual.

Post Metric Scholarship Government of India

42 The students must submit their application in prescribed Application form available in web site www.apsmfc.com,www.momascholarship.gov.in. And also can obtain Application Form from our District Offices. The application form along with required documents shall be submitted to

119 Post Matric Scholarships will be awarded to the students, pursuing studies from Class XI to PhD from Government/Recognized private Colleges/including technical and

Vocational Courses of Courses of Class XI and XII level in Industrial Training

Institutes/Industrial Training Centers affiliated with National Council for Vocational

Training. And those courses which are not covered in Merit cum Means Based

Scholarship

Rate of Scholarship

S. Item Hosteller* Day Scholar No

Actual subject Actual subject to a Admission and Tuition fee for classes to a maximum 1 maximum ceiling of XI and XIII ceiling of Rs.7,000 p.a. Rs.7,000 p.a.

Admission and course/tuition fee for Actual subject Actual subject to a technical and vocational courses of XI to a maximum 2 maximum ceiling of and XII level.(Includes fee/charges for ceiling of Rs.10,000 p.a. raw materials, etc.) Rs.10,000 p.a.

Actual subject Actual subject to a Admission and Tuition fee for to a maximum 3 maximum ceiling of undergraduate, post graduate ceiling of Rs.3,000 p.a. Rs.3,000 p.a.

the District Minorities Welfare Officer / Executive Directors Office of the concerned Districts through the Head Master of the concerned School.

120 Maintenance allowance for 10 months Rs.380/- p.m. Rs.230/- p.m.

4 only in an academic year (Include

expenses for study material, etc.,)

(i) Courses XI and XII including

technical and vocational courses of this

level.

(ii) Courses other than technical and

professional courses at undergraduate Rs.570/- p.m. Rs.300/- p.m.

and post graduate level

(iii) M.Phil and Ph.D. (For those

researchers who are not awarded any Rs.1200/- p.m. Rs.550/- p.m. fellowship by university or any other

authority)

Merit cum Means Based Scholarship for Students Belonging to the Minority

Communities

Merit cum Means based scholarships will be awarded to the students pursuing technical or professional courses at Under Graduate/Post graduate level in an Institution recognized by an appropriate authority. The Student must fulfill all the norms and conditions of Government of India. The selection will be on the basis of Marks obtained in the previous year and as per the target allocated by the Government of India (For

Andhra Pradesh the target is 867 Fresh Students and all eligible Renewal Students who have got Scholarship in previous year).

121 Rate of Scholarship:

Sl.No Type of Financial Rate for hostler Rate for Day

Assistance Scholar

1. Maintenance Rs.10,000/-per Rs.5,000/- per annum

Allowance (for 10 annum (Rs.1000/- (Rs.500/- p.m)

months) p.m)

2. Course Fee Rs. 20,000/ per Rs.20,000/-per

annum or Actual annum or Actual

whichever is less whichever is less

Total Rs.30,000/- Rs.25,000/-

Pre-Metric Hostels

Pre-Metric Hostel facilities for Minority students are established by Government of

Andhra Pradesh with an objective to provide improved access to school education to those minority children who are denied or who have difficulties in accessing school education. Government has sanctioned (12) Pre Metric Hostels vide GOMs No 18,

Minorities Welfare (MFC) Department, dated 11/07/2007 at the following districts with an intake of 100 candidates.

A pre-Metric Hostel for girls is located at Govt. Minorities Pre Matric Hostel For Girls,

Door No 6-3-132, Opp: Sub Registrar Office, Ramnagar, Anantapur

Post-Metric Hostels

Government have issued orders for establishment of 16 Post Matric Hostels vide (1)

G.O.Ms. No.19, Minorities Welfare (MFC) Department, Dt. 16-07-2007 (14 Hostels) and

122 G.O.Ms. No. 23, Minorities Welfare (MFC) Department, Dt. 04-08-2007 (2 Hostels) in the Districts where the Minorities Population is substantial. The Post Matric Hostel facilities for Minority Students are established an objective to provide improved access to quality Higher Education to those Minority Children who are denied or who have difficulty in accessing such quality higher education.

The Boys Post Matric Hostel with an intake of 50 Boarders is at Govt. Minorities Post

Matric Hostel for Boys, Door No 2-62, Opp: JNTU College of Engineering, Anantapur.

Residential Schools

Keeping in view to provide access to quality school education Government of Andhra

Pradesh has decided to establish (12) English Medium Residential Schools for Minority students in the Districts where the minority population is substantial.

The Government accorded permission to establish English Medium Residential schools vide GOMs No:20 by Minorities Welfare (MFC) Department, dated 17/07/2007 with

Urdu as 2nd language for Minorities in Anantapur.

2) A.P. State Wakf Board

The Central Wakf Act 1954 was approved by the Parliament on 31st May,1954 and

the said Act was extended to Hyderabad on 15th January,1955and to the whole of

A.P. on 1st April,1955. The then Raj Pramukh (Nizam) established a Board to look

after exclusively the affairs of Wakf under the name and style of Muslim Wakf

Board by notification No:90 dated: 13-1-1955 published in Hyderabad Gazette

which became effective from 15th January,1955.

Wakf Act 1995 came into force from 1-1-1996 replacing the old Wakf Act 1954.

123 A.P.State Wakf Board was constituted under provisions of Wakf Act in July1996.

Andhra Pradesh has the distinction of being the first State in the country to have

framed elections rules under this Act and conducted elections and thus the

A.P.S.Wakf Board has the distinction of being a 1st Board in the country to have

been constituted under the provisions of the new Act Under the provisions of

Wakf Act 1995 the Wakf Board is a corporate body having perpetual succession

The 1st Survey of the Wakf property was taken up during 1955 to 1965 under Sec.4

of the Wakf Act 1954 and according to that Survey 35,703 wakf institutions were

identified.

The area wise and nature wise break up of the Wakf Institutions are as follows:

Sl No. Of Region Area in Acres no. Institutions

1. Telangana 32,157(90%) 77,538 (53.3%)

2. Rayalaseema 1,616 (4.5%) 27,044 (18.6%)

3. Andhra 1,930 (5.4%) 40,929 (28.1%)

Total 35,703 4,45,511

During last more than 40 years from 1st survey, many Wakf Institutions have either

(been registered or have been identified) and to cover all these properties a 2nd survey

has been started from the year

Welfare activities

The Muslim Wakf Board of A.P. looks after the benefits of Muslim residents of Hyderabad and in general Andhra Pradesh. They organize mass marriages of Muslims

124 communities' poor people. They provide or sponsor vocational technical training for

Muslim youths43.[4]

The Muslim Wakf Board sponsors orphanages in many cities of A.P. The most famous

one is Anees-ul-Gurba, an orphanage at Nampally, Hyderabad

WAKF PROPERTIES IN ANANTAPUR DISTRICT

The Wakf Properties are governed by the General Wakf Act 1984 as amended in 1984 and 1995. There is a District Wakf Committee Constituted by the Wakf Board headed by president and 10 Members. The District Wakf Office is situated in the A.N.S.E.T. Office

Building, Anantapur. The Staff include One Inspector–Auditor of Wakfs, One Junior

Clerk-Cum-Typist and two Attenders working under the supervision of the District

Revenue Officer, Anantapur.

About Wakf Institutions and its Attached Properties

According to the first Survey of Wakfs as published in the A.P. Gazette dated 28 June

1962 and thereafter, there are 114 Mosques, 36 Dargahs, 154 Ashoorkhanas, 3 Idgahs, 4

Burial grounds, 4 Takiya Services, 3 Arabic Madrasas, 2 Anjumans, and 10 other

properties in the form of land. The total extent of the landed properties of these

institutions is 10,339-24 Ac. The property taken over by the government under the Jagir

and Estate Abolition Act is 7414-32 Ac. Land Acquired by the Government for house

sites etc. is 86-00 Ac. An extent of 96-12 Ac. are under illegal occupation against which

necessary action is being taken for its retrieval under Wakf Act 1954, 1995 and the A.P.

Land Grabbing (P) Act 1982.

43 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki, andhra_pradesh_state_wakf_board

125 Brief Notes on Wakf Properties in Anantapur District

The following are the details according to the first survey of Wakf properties as published in the A.P. Gazette of 28 June 1992 and thereafter.

1) Mosques … …. 114

2) Dargahs … …. 36

3) Ashoorkhanas … …. 154

4) Idgas … …. 3

5) Burial Grounds … …. 4

6) Takiya Service … …. 4

7) Arabic Madrasa … …. 3

8) Anjuman … …. 2

9) Other form of landed property …. 10

10) Other new added by 2013 8

------

Total Institutions: - 338

------

With reference to the Inam lands of Darga Hazrat Babafakruddin, Penukonda town,

Jagir of Nadimpalli (Village), with an extent of about Ac. 500. 00 Cts., the Settlement

Officer, Nellore in his order has confirmed that the lands claimed by the Darga belonged to the Darga itself, that the pattas in favour of Darga are issued.

IV. ANDHRA PRADESH URDU ACADEMY

The Urdu Academy is an autonomous body, constituted by the Govt. of Andhra

Pradesh vide G.O.Ms. No. 1466, Dt. 31-12-1975, registered under A.P. (Telangana Area)

Public Societies Registration Act. 1350 Fasli for Promotion, Protection & Development

126 of Urdu Language & Literature. As per the bye-laws of the academy, the policies &

projects of the Academy to fulfill the aims & objects of the Academy are determined by

the Board of Governors of the Academy.

The area of activity of the Urdu Academy is limited to the Poets, Writers, Linguists, Urdu

organisations, Urdu Students, Urdu Journals, Urdu Newspapers, Urdu News Agencies.

Basically Urdu Academy’s functioning, its schemes & projects mean for the promotion &

protection of Urdu Language & Literature, its nothing to do with only the minorities &

its activities are basically literary & academic not pertaining to the welfare

All the schemes implemented by the Academy are annual schemes such as

. Awards . Financial Assistance . Vocational courses . Scholarships . Fee reimbursement

It is to be seen that implementation of all these schemes should be very transparent &

the process to be decentralized. In the implementation of the schemes notifications

should be issued to the media. All the schemes should be referred to the sub-committees

for recommendation. Their recommendations are to be finalised by the Board of

Governors.

Schemes implemented by Urdu academy Andhra Pradesh

. Preserving/promotion of Urdu language

. Pre & post-matric scholarships to Urdu medium students

. Fees reimbursement to Urdu medium students

. vocational training in Urdu computer education by Urdu academy

127 . Generating awareness about plan schemes of minorities welfare department and other

institutions among minorities

V. CENTRE FOR EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF MINORITIES

The Centre for Educational Development of Minorities Hyderabad is imparting free

coaching classes to students of minority communities from time to time in order to

appear for the staff selection commission (Preliminary) and in civil services examinations

while providing stipend etc., to the non-local candidates. The District Minorities Welfare

Officer at the district level will also issue the press-note for the same for the benefit of

the Minority students in the district and suitable guidelines are also being issued to the

needy students.

Minority Welfare: Steps Undertaken by the Government

Anantapur district is the largest district in terms of area in the state of Andhra Pradesh,

which consists of 63 Revenue Mandals, 7 Municipalities and 3 Revenue divisions. The

total population of the District as per the 1991 census is 31, 83, 814. The population

figures for the Muslim minority community are 3, 74, 492 (statement enclosed, which

comes to 12%). The following are the most populated towns in terms of the Muslim

minority community in Anantapur district.

1. Anantapur : 49, 257 2. Hindupur : 40, 002

3. Guntakal : 34, 517 4. Kadiri : 32, 561

5. Tadipatri : 23, 773

128 The Mandal-wise details of population of the Muslim community have been mentioned earlier.

There are 114 mosques in Anantapur district. Historical places include Lepakshi,

Puttaparthy, Kadiri (Thimmamarrimanu). Holy places include Hazrat Syed-Baba

Fakhruddin Dargah at Penukonda, Hazrat Honnur Vali Dargah at Honnur, Hazrat

Masthanvali Dargah at Guntakal, Hazrat Syed-Masoodvali Dargah at Singanamala and

Kullaiswamy Ashoorkhana at Gugudu. Ramagiri is famous for goldmines and Vajrakarur is famous for diamond mines in this district.

I. District Minorities Welfare Office – Anantapur

The District Minorities Welfare Officer’s Office at Anantapur is one of such offices, out of the 12 in the state of Andhra Pradesh, and was established on 23 June 1997. It is located in the compound of the district collectorate and was launched with the following aims and objects.

f) For the Welfare of Minorities, i.e., Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists and

Parsis.

g) To create access to the benefits of development schemes and the resources

controlled by the Government.

h) To remove illiteracy and economic backwardness.

i) To promote the preservation of the cultural heritage of minorities.

j) To remove a sense of discrimination against minorities

129 The District Minorities Welfare Officer is the administrative controlling authority over the duties of the supervising, monitoring and reviewing the following corporations /

Boards / Institutions controlled by various minorities in addition to his normal duties.

1. A.P. State Minorities Finance Corporation

2. A.P. State Wakf Board

3. A.P. Urdu Academy

4. Janasikshana Samsthan

5. Center for Educational Development for Minorities

a) Shadi-Khanas

The Government of Andhra Pradesh has sanctioned 26 Urdu Ghar-cum-Shadikhanas in

Anantapur District with an administrative sanction of Rs. 204. 50 lakhs and released Rs.

156. 75 lakhs for taking up of construction work of the above 20 Shadikhanas. Out of the above, 4 Shadikhanas located at Hindupur, Parigi, Lepakshi and Dharmavarm

(Anjuman) are complete. In respect of 15 Shadikhanas, work is under progress at:

1. Anantapur

2. Uravakonda

3. Vidapanakal

4. Tadiparti

5. Narpala

6. Dharmavarm (Madeena)

7. Kadiri

8. Gorantla

9. Nallamanda

10. Talapula

130 11. Mudigubba

12.

13. Kothacheruvu

14. Madakasira, and

15. Rayadurg

In respect of the following 7 Shadikhanas, work has not yet commenced due to various reasons.

1. Kalyandurg : Site dispute.

2. Gooty : Identification of existing Shadikhanas.

3. Vajrakarur : Alternative site yet to be identified.

4. Guntakal : Site yet to be identified.

5. Hindupur (Dharampuram) : To commence shortly.

6. O.D. Cheruvu : Tenders yet to be finalized.

(7) Tadipatri (Wakf Board) : Funds not released by the Government.

A sum of Rs. 41. 95 lakhs is due from the Government and as soon as the amount is released, the incomplete work of Shadikhanas will be completed. Further Shadikhana- wise details are provided in Annexure II & III.

II. Andhra Pradesh State Minorities Finance Corporation Ltd – Anantapur

The Andhra Pradesh State Minorities Finance Corporation Ltd., Anantapur, registered under the Companies Act 1956, was established in 1985 to extend financial support to the weaker sections of minority communities such as Muslims, Christians, Sikhs,

Buddhists and Parsis for their socio-economic development. The main objectives of the corporation are to extend financial assistance to weaker sections among the minorities for their economic development by providing margin money loans and direct loans with

131 the assistance of the government of Andhra Pradesh and the National Development and

Finance Corporation for setting up of businesses, industrial and service Units. a) Margin Money Loan Scheme

Under this scheme, assistance is rendered through two programmes, namely

1. Anti Poverty Programme (APP)

2. Self Employment Programme (SEP) and NMDFC’s Margin Money Loan

Programme.

Under APP the maximum unit cost allowed is up to Rs. 25, 000/- of which the corporation provides a margin money share @25% of the total cost of unit with interest

@ 4% P.A. with a repayment period of 20 months. Under SEP, the maximum unit cost allowed is up to Rs.1, 00, 000/- of which the corporation provides a margin money share of 20%; however, the margin money loan limit is Rs. 20, 000/- with the bank share consisting of 70% and the beneficiary’s contribution 10% with interest @6.5% P.A., with a repayment period of 30 months. During the current financial year, under the APP, 515 cases were the target with margin money of Rs. 25.75 lakhs. So far, about 234 cases have been assisted with margin money of Rs. 11.18 lakh.

Under NMDFC’s assistance programme of Margin Money Loan scheme, the maximum unit cost funded is Rs.1, 00, 000/- of which the corporation provides its share @10%.

NMDFC’s share is 25%, the bank’s share is 55% and the beneficiary’s contribution is

10%. As against the target of 157 cases with margin money of Rs. 31.40 lakhs, 190 cases were assisted with an amount of Rs. 18 lakhs and 39 cases are still in being processed. So far, a sum of Rs. 12.63 lakhs towards margin money has been released for grounding 190 units; Rs. 4.49 lakhs are yet to be received from VCMB for grounding 54 units. 200 units

132 are being documented for which an approximate amount of Rs. 9 lakhs has been received.

b) C.M.E.Y. Programme

The corporation is implementing the CMEY programme based on a group strategy. A group of 5 to 15 members, each of whose family’s annual income is below Rs. 24, 000 per year and who belong to minority communities in the age group of 18-35 years, may form a Youth Association. Under this scheme the corporation provides margin money loan @20% subject to a maximum of Rs. 0.20 lakh. The ANSET Anantapur is finalizing groups as per revised guidelines and will soon release the margin money for grounding the schemes.

c) DOMWUA for Weaker Sections

The corporation provides a revolving fund to the Self Help Groups of women from minority communities exclusively in slum areas on similar baselines as the DWCRA programme implemented by DRDA in rural areas under which each matured Self Help

Group is entitled for a one-time revolving fund equivalent to their savings, subject to a maximum of Rs.15, 000. From 2000-01, a revolving fund has been provided to 31 groups. During the current financial year, 6 groups have received assistance with a revolving fund of Rs. 0.90 lakhs as against the target of 24 groups. 16 proposals have been submitted to the V.C. and M. D. for which an amount of Rs. 2.4 lakhs is required and are under processing.

d) Tatkal Scheme

133 This scheme lays emphasis on the development of women, particularly widows, divorcees, physically handicapped women, orphans and victims of atrocities who deserve not only social encouragement but also financial support to earn their livelihood. Under this scheme, a loan of Rs.10, 000/- is provided out of which the corporation provides a loan of Rs. 9, 500/- and the beneficiaries are required to contribute Rs.500/-. There are about 717 applications pending in the office and selection of deserving candidates is under process. An amount Rs. 71.71 lakhs is required in the matter. The documentation of 300 cases is being processed.

e) Scholarships

Besides the above scheme, the corporation awards scholarships to post-Matriculate students. The scholarship and reimbursement of tuition fee are sanctioned to students from minority communities whose parents’/guardian’s annual income does not exceed

Rs. 45, 000/- per year.

During the year 2001-02, a sum of Rs. 11.26 lakhs was released to 717 students pursuing studies in different colleges in Anantapur District, as against the target of 520 students. A further sum of Rs. 3.52 lakhs is required to cover 318 students. Proposals have already been sent to V.C. and M.D., A.P.S.M.F.C. Ltd., Hyderabad, for release of funds.

f) Health Camps

Three Free Eye Camps were conducted during the 15th round of the voluntary social service drive of Janma Bhoomi when 617 patients attended the camp. Of these, 349 patients were given free spectacles. 174 cases were identified for free surgery, for which an amount of Rs. 74, 800/- is required from the Head Office. Another 3 free eye camps were conducted at Rayadurg, Tadipatri and Guntakal during the 16th round of the Janma

134 Bhoomi programme held recently. The Medical Officers have identified and recommended 26 cases for cataract operations and 634 cases are recommended for spectacles. Proposals have already been sent to the V.C. and M.D., A.P.S.M.F.C. Ltd.,

Hyderabad for supply of spectacles.

g) Computer Training

50 unemployed undergraduates are to be imparted free training in the use of Computers in Anantapur district. Interviews are being conducted for selection and short-listing. (A statement is enclosed vide Annexure – IV).

III. ANDHRA PRADESH STATE WAKF BOARD

NOTE ON WAKF PROPERTIES IN ANANTAPUR DISTRICT

The Wakf Properties are governed by the General Wakf Act 1984 as amended in

1984 and 1995. There is a District Wakf Committee Constituted by the Wakf Board

headed by president and 10 Members. The District Wakf Office is situated in the

A.N.S.E.T. Office Building, Anantapur. The Staff include One Inspector–Auditor of

Wakfs, One Junior Clerk-Cum-Typist and two Attenders working under the

supervision of the District Revenue Officer, Anantapur.

About Wakf Institutions and its Attached Properties

According to the first Survey of Wakfs as published in the A.P. Gazette dated 28

June 1962 and thereafter, there are 114 Mosques, 36 Dargahs, 154 Ashoorkhanas, 3

Idgahs, 4 Burial grounds, 4 Takiya Services, 3 Arabic Madrasas, 2 Anjumans, and 10

other properties in the form of land. The total extent of the landed properties of

these institutions is 10,339-24 Ac. The property taken over by the government under

135 the Jagir and Estate Abolition Act is 7414-32 Ac. Land Acquired by the Government

for house sites etc. is 86-00 Ac. An extent of 96-12 Ac. are under illegal occupation

against which necessary action is being taken for its retrieval under Wakf Act 1954,

1995 and the A.P. Land Grabbing (P) Act 1982.

Brief Notes on Wakf Properties in Anantapur District

The following are the details according to the first survey of Wakf properties as published in the A.P. Gazette of 28 June 1992 and thereafter.

1) Mosques … …. 114

2) Dargahs … …. 36

3) Ashoorkhanas … …. 154

4) Idgas … …. 3

5) Burial Grounds … …. 4

6) Takiya Service … …. 4

7) Arabic Madrasa … …. 3

8) Anjuman … …. 2

9) Other form of landed property …. 10

------

Total Institutions: - 330

------

With reference to the Inam lands of Darga Hazrat Babafakruddin, Penukonda town,

Jagir of Nadimpalli (Village), with an extent of about Ac. 500. 00 Cts., the Settlement

Officer, Nellore in his order has confirmed that the lands claimed by the Darga belonged to the Darga itself, that the pattas in favour of Darga to be issued.

136

Demand (in Rupees) of the Wakf Fund in the district for the year 2001-2002

------

Arrears Current Total Collection Balance

(2001-02) till to this date to be collected

------

5, 81, 833 3, 54, 022 9, 35, 855 3, 80, 990 5, 54, 865

------

1. DETAILS OF WAKF INSTITUTIONS

a. No. of Notified Wakf institutions : 330

b. No. of Institutions having Properties : 154

c. No. of institutions having NIL properties : 176

d. Inam Lands attached : Ac. 10. 339. 24 Cts.

e. Taken over by Govt. under Estate and

Jagir Abolition Act, 1948. Ac. : Ac. 7414. 32 Cts.

f. Taken over by Govt. under Land Acquisition Act.

: Ac. 129. 80 Cts.

2. WAKF COMPLEXES IN ANANTAPUR DISTRICT:

a. For improving the finances of the Wakf institutions, some Muthawallis /

Managing Committees have constructed shopping complexes on Wakf

lands at Anantapur, Tadipatri, Kothacheruvu, Hindupur, Kadiri and

Dharmavaram towns.

b. In Anantapur town, the expansion of the shopping complex (first floor)

of the Namaz Katta Mosque has been completed. The Wakf Board has

137 advanced an amount of Rs. 19.00 lakhs from the revolving fund in the

year 1999-2000.

c. The construction of a shopping complex of 10 shops on the Idgah land,

Tadipatri town, has been completed with an advance of Rs. 7.00 lakhs

from the revolving fund released in the year 1999-2000.

d. For construction of Shamsheer Dargah and for the establishment of a

Tailoring Centre at Anantapur town, a revolving fund of Rs. 2.50 lakhs in

the year 1999-2000 was sanctioned. The construction has been completed

and a Tailoring Centre for ladies operates from the premises.

e. No revolving fund was released during the year 2001-02.

3.

a. The total extent under encroachment / illegal occupations

: Ac. 196.12 cts.

b. Action taken under Wakf Act 1954 and 1995 and land grabbing (P) Act

for its retrieval : Ac. 60.49 cts.

c. Enquiry pending : Ac. 135.63 cts.

4. DEMAND OF THE WAKF FUND IN THE DISTRICT FOR THE

YEAR 2001-02.

Collections Till Current (2001- Balance to be Arrears in Rs. Total in Rs. to this date in 2002) in Rs. collected in Rs. Rs.

138 5, 81, 833.00 3, 54, 022.00 9, 35, 855.00 3, 68, 446.00 5, 67, 408.00

5. The details regarding Grant-in-Aid released to the Execution Agencies in the

district for repairs and renovations of Wakf institutions by the A.P. State

Government through the Wakf Board are as follows:

Year No. of Institutions Amount released in Rs. (lakhs)

1996-97 19 3.85

1997-98 155 27.70

1998-99 88 21.85

1999-00 140 38.25

2000.01 15 5.25

2001-02 15 5.25

Total 432 102.68

6. IMPLEMENTATION OF FOOD FOR WORK PROGRAMME IN

WAKF INSTITUTIONS:

The District Collector, Anantapur, has released 159 quintals of rice under 100% wage component to the Wakf Board for taking up whitewashing of 124 Mosques in 42

Mandals during Ramzan. Accordingly, all the mosques were whitewashed.

IV. ANDHRA PRADESH URDU ACADEMY

The Andhra Pradesh Urdu Academy, Hyderabad, has sanctioned 8 Urdu open schools vide D.O. Lr. No. 2428/MFC/A2/2001, dt. 8-05- 2001 in the district for the

139 year 2001-2002. These are proposed to be opened in 7 Municipalities in the district as follows:

1) Anantapur : 2

2) Tadipatri : 1

3) Guntakal : 1

4) Rayadurg : 1

5) Dharmavaram : 1

6) Hindupur : 1

7) Kadiri : 1

Proposals from the Municipal Commissioners are pending for opening of Urdu

Open Schools soon. As soon as the proposals are received from the Municipal

Commissioners, the same will be submitted to the Government for further action.

V. JANASIKSHANA SAMSTHAN

During this year 2001-2002 the Janasikshana Samsthan at Tirupati took up the following Vocational Training programmes as follows:

140 1. Light Vehicle Driving:

60 beneficiaries of which 20 at Guntakal, 20 at Dharmavaram and 20 at

Anantapur are being trained to for light driving for a period of forty days;

training has commenced.

2. T. V. Mechanical Repair:

T.V. & Radio Mechanism Training has been started for 10 students at Anantapur

town for a period of 6 months.

3. Agarbatti-making:

This Training is under progress at Hindupur for 20 beneficiaries. The duration

of training is for one month.

4. Papad-making:

This programme is taken-up at Rayadurg town for 20 beneficiaries for a period of

one week.

5. Candle-making:

20 beneficiaries have been imparted training in this trade for a period of four

days.

6. Tailoring, Fashion designing and dress-making:

40 beneficiaries for a period of 5 months--20 at Hindupur and 20 at Kadiri town-

-are being given training in the above trade.

VI. CENTRE FOR EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF MINORITIES

The Centre for Educational Development of Minorities Hyderabad is imparting free coaching classes to students of minority communities from time to time in order to appear for the staff selection commission (Preliminary) and in civil services examinations while providing stipend etc., to the non-local candidates. The District

141 Minorities Welfare Officer at the district level will also issue the press-note for the

same for the benefit of the Minority students, in the district and suitable guidelines

are also being issued to the needy students.

Conclusion

Some of the foremost demands of the Muslim community in Anantapur district are:

1. Protection and proper usage of Wakf properties.

2. Reservations for Muslims in education and employment.

3. Non-interference in Muslim Personal Laws.

4. Protection and promotion of Urdu.

5. Allocation of separate funds for the development of neglected Muslim areas.

6. Proportionate representation of Muslims in Government services and in

legislative bodies.

142 CHAPTER-VI.

CASE STUDIES

1) Center for World Solidarity (CWS) Report on the Muslims of Anantapur District

The Center for World Solidarity (CWS) recently released its Annual Report, 2003-2004.

The report deals with a Study on facts related to the social, economic and political status of Muslim communities of Anantapur district. A comparative socio-economic survey jointly conducted by CWS and its partners, Mass Education & Organization society

(Mass Education), Anantapur, Samatha and Saraswathi Mahila Mandali (SMM) of

Penukonda, Rural Education and Development Society (REDS) of Kadiri and Rural development Society (RDS) of Chalakur studied 1879 families (Muslim: 1198, S.C.: 325 and B.C.: 357) from 22 villages and 4 urban habitations in Anantapur district. The study revealed that Muslim communities lag behind the Scheduled Caste and the Backward

Class communities in a majority of the indicators of human development.

The network focused mainly on rural women from Muslim communities, and the project reached out to 2000 women through SHGs within a year. According to the report

Many poor Muslim women are working in the lowest paid hazardous occupations

like bangle making, Beedi making, Agarbatti making, domestic work, construction

work, silk twisting factories etc. It is a well-known fact that thousands of poor

Muslim women are working as maid servants for very low wages and most of

them are unorganized. CWS effort has been to understand the lives of these

women, issues they face and support Programme implemented by two partners.

143 The report further notes: “The process of working with Muslims was encouraging. It has shattered the normal apprehension that Muslim women are unapproachable because of their social conditions and religious customs or practices. Interestingly, women were enthusiastic to participate not only in thrift and credit programmes but also to participate in the training courses and meetings.”

A good response from the youth was also observed, who actively participated in the study survey, compilation of data and in meeting different government officials.

Salient Features of the Work and Broad Outcome

Status of Muslim communities in Anantapur District, Andhra Pradesh

The practice of polygyny Muslim: 2.3% , S.C.: 2.3%, B.C.: 1.7%

Family Planning practiced by Muslim: 50.58%, S.C.: 52.52%, B.C.:61.13%

Rate of Literacy Muslim: 47%, S.C.: 49%, B.C.: 59%

Government Jobs Muslim: 2.45%, S.C.: 6.5%, B.C.: 3.1%

House sites Muslim: 6.2%, S.C.: 20.1%. B. C.: 22.53%

Government Houses Muslim: 6.8%, S.C.: 37%, B.C.: 28%

Toilets Muslim: 18%, S.C.: 39%, B.C.: 33%

Child Labour Muslim: 28%, S.C.: 15%, B.C.: 12%

School dropouts Muslim: 17%, S.C.: 18%, B.C.: 13%

In addition, the survey also highlighted:

a) Low literacy rate, particularly among Muslim women.

b) Low accessibility to government welfare schemes, Government Houses,

House sites, Individual toilets, etc.

c) Low access to institutional credit.

144 d) Negligible participation in representative bodies like Gram Panchayats,

Mandal Praja Parishads, Zilla Parishads, etc.

The main activity of livelihood from which Muslim communities earned more than 50 % of the total income was found to be unskilled labour for 37 % families (72.5 SCs; 45.36

BCs), petty business for 28 % families (5.55; 21.41), agriculture 3.59% (1.23; 14.1), technical work 15.44 % (4; 3.65) and artisans 11 % (5.55; 7.9). Only 1.42 % among

Muslims had Government employment (2.8; 1.98).

Though the school dropout rate was found to be almost equal among the three communities at 17, 18 and 13%, respectively, the incidence of child labour was higher among Muslims with 28 per cent as against 15 and 12% in the other two communities.

Interestingly, 50.58% families among the Muslim communities were found to have adopted family planning measures as against 52.78 and 61.13% among SC and BC communities. Polygamy was also quite low with 2.36 % as against 2.5 and 1.7% among

SC and BC communities.

The average family size was found to be 4.6 among Muslim communities as against 4.35 among SC and 4.54 among BC communities. Regarding government welfare and development schemes, only 6.2% families of the Muslim communities got house sites as against 20.1% and 22.53% among SC and BC communities. Only 6.8% of the Muslim communities had Government constructed houses (37; 28). However, 10.7% families among the Muslim communities were given bank loans as against 5.5 among SC and 5.6 among BC communities.

145 The surveys conducted by UNICEF also highlighted high prevalence of child labour, school dropout rate and low literacy rate particularly among women. Many commissions appointed by the central and state governments and surveys have repeatedly confirmed the economic backwardness of Muslim communities. The message is that the population growth rate is more defined by socio-economic status rather than religion. Muslim communities are the most backward communities, with fewer opportunities of support from government. The demand from Muslims peasants is for a timely action by the government, to device support mechanisms for enhancing their livelihoods, education, institutional credit and physical assets like houses.

*Case Study—2) NSSO Reports No. 438 and 468.

The differences in socio-economic development between Hindus and Muslims did not narrow during the 1990s. In at least one important respect the Muslim Indian on the average was worse off at the end of the decade than s/he was at the beginning. The

National Sample Survey Organisation made estimates of a few indicators in 1987-88 and many more for 1993-94 and 1999-2000. The results of a comparison across these three time points:

*Literacy rates for both Hindus and Muslims improved, albeit slowly, between 1993-94 and 1999-2000. But the gap between the two religious groups remained where it was in the rural areas, while it narrowed marginally in the towns and cities. The illiteracy rate for

Hindus in the rural areas was 50 per cent in 1993-94 (Muslims: 54 %) and it had come down by the end of the decade to 44 % (Muslims: 48 %): a difference of 6 percentage points at both time points. But in urban India, the Muslim illiteracy rate that was as much

146 as 14 percentage points higher in 1993-94 had narrowed a bit to 11 percentage points by the end of the decade.

*In rural India, Muslims seemed to be further marginalized with respect to access to land during the course of the 1990s. In 1987-88, 40 % of rural Muslim households cultivated little or no land, compared to 34 % among Hindus. By 1999-2000 the proportion of households in both religious groups in this situation had risen, but the increase was much faster among the minority community: 51 % among Muslims and 40 % among the

Hindus.

*The relative position of the members of the two main religious groups in employment status followed an unusual trend. In 1987-88, in the towns and cities, Muslims in the work force experienced lower unemployment rates than the Hindus (4 % versus 5.5 %), a situation that continued in 1993-94, but by 1999-2000, there was a reversal. Muslims on the average had by the end of the decade a slightly higher level of unemployment (5 % versus 4.7 %). This change was largely but not entirely on account of deterioration in the position of working Muslim women. In the villages, however, Muslims who in 1987-88 suffered from a higher unemployment rate continued to do so in 1999-2000. The disadvantages that Muslims suffered in work, literacy and access to land was reflected in the relative levels of monthly per capita expenditure on items of consumption.

Percentage of population in Bottom 20% according to Monthly

Consumption Expenditure

(As % of population of each religious group)

Hindus Muslims All Religions

Rural:

147 1993-94 19 20 19

1999-2000 26 20 26

Urban

1993-1994 17 30 19

1999-2000 22 40 16

Source: National Sample Survey Organisation Reports No. 438 and 468

Compared to 1993-94, the proportion of both Hindus and Muslims who were at the bottom 20% of the population was greater in 1999-2000 in both rural and urban India.

But as the accompanying Table shows, a substantially larger proportion of Muslims fell in this class by the end of the decade. The deterioration in status was especially marked in urban India. The NSSO has made estimates for a number of other indicators (for example, worker participation and kind of employment) and has also presented information for individual states and according to gender.

But whichever group of indicators one looks at and whatever level of detail of the comparison, the story is the same. Muslims are on the average on lower rungs of the socio-economic ladder than Hindus and the differences either remained the same or widened during the 1991s.

148 (As per cent of total in each religion)

Sl.No. Hindus Muslims All

Religions

Bottom 20%

1. Rural (less than Rs. 300) 26 29 26

2. Urban (less than Rs. 425) 22 40 25

Top 20%

1. Rural (more than Rs. 14 12 15 615)

2. Urban (more than Rs. 1, 17 6 16 120)

Source: “Employment and Unemployment among Religious Groups in India”

(NSSO Report No.468, Government of India).

Muslims in India suffer from substantially greater economic deprivation than Hindus.

The divide is far greater in urban India, where a proportionately larger number of

Muslims reside.

This is the portrait of India’s two main religious groups as revealed in the results of the

55th round of a countrywide survey conducted in 1999-2000 by the National Sample

Survey Organisation (NSSO), the autonomous body of the Ministry of Statistics and

Programme Implementation. It is the same “official” NSSO surveys which yield usually reliable estimates of consumption expenditure, employment and other characteristics that are routinely used as inputs for policy-making by the Government.

149 Some of the main findings of the survey are:

*The NSSO estimates show that a larger proportion of Muslims than Hindus suffer from low levels of consumption. The best summary of economic measure is how much a person spends on food, clothing, entertainment and other items of consumption.

Average consumption expenditure by each member of a family was less than Rs. 300 a month in 29% of rural Muslims, while the corresponding proportion for rural Hindus was 26%. (These are people who belong to the bottom 20%, grouped according to consumption.)

*The difference is much wider in towns and cities where as many as 40% of Muslims belong to the bottom 20%, nearly double the 22% figure for Hindus. In other words, poverty must be much higher among Muslim communities. Correspondingly, at the higher end of the economic scale, the proportion of Hindu communities belonging to the top 20% of consumption expenditure was higher than Muslim communities in the villages, and thrice as many in the towns. Since more than a third of India’s Muslim communities live in urban centres, compared to less than a quarter of the Hindu communities, the average level of consumption in Muslim households is obviously much lower than for the Hindus.

*If cultivation of land still decides economic status in rural India, then Muslims remain at a disadvantage. Of the Muslim households with access to land, 51% cultivate very little or no land while for Hindu households it was 40%. If a regular salaried job in urban

India makes it more likely that households will enjoy a better economic position, then here again the Muslim communities are at a disadvantage. Only 27 % of Muslim households in the towns and cities had a working member with a regular salaried job

150 (43% per cent in Hindu homes); 52% were self-employed and 15% worked as casual labourers.

*Unemployment among Muslim communities was higher in the rural areas but only marginally more so than in the towns. Unemployment rates among members of both sexes in the workforce, measured according to the “usual status,” were 2.1% and 1.4% for the Muslims and Hindus rural India), while the corresponding figures for urban India were 5 and 4.7%.

*Illiteracy rates are also higher among the Muslim communities. In rural areas, 48% of

Muslims above the age of 7 could not read or write, while 44% among the Hindu communities were in the same situation. In the urban areas, the gap is much wider: 30% among the Muslims and only 19% among the Hindus.

*If the Muslim Indian in 1999-2000 did more poorly in consumption, education, employment and land holding, the changes over time do not indicate that the gap between the two main religious groups is closing. The NSSO surveys show that during the 1990s the divide was either constant or growing wider.

The National Sample Survey of 1988 provides the following figures:

(1) A total of 52.3% Muslims are below the poverty line (BPL): (2) the monthly

income of Muslims is only Rs. 150; (3) 50.5% Muslims are illiterate; (4) Muslims

educated up to high school are 4%; (5) in government services their share is

4.4%; (6) for starting any business enterprise 3.7% Muslims got financial loan; (7)

5% of Muslims got bank loans from the scheduled banks; (8)among Indian

151 entrepreneurs who get industrial loans, only 2% are Muslims. Male illiteracy among Muslims is 42.4% compared to 25.3% among the Hindus. The corresponding figures of female illiteracy are 59.5 and 45.2, respectively. Less than 1% (0.8) Muslims are graduates while 4.5 % Hindus are.

152 CHAPTER VII

APPENDIX-I

** Muslim Personalities of Anantapur

Apart from organizations such as the Jamaat-e-Islami, Jamaat-e-Ulema-i-Hind and the

Tableeghi Jamat, the Muslim Welfare Society operates from the Idgah Masjid and helps the poor and the needy in establishing small businesses, gives grants for marriages of poor girls, etc. The Hyderabad-based Hyderabad Zakat and Charitable Trust of Mr.

Ghayasuddin Babu Khan helps poor and meritorious Muslim students through financial aid.

There are some prominent Muslims in Anantapur district who have left their mark in society and are highly spoken of for their dedication in their concerned sphere of activity.

The names are listed in alphabetical order.

*Mr. Abdul Lateef Kazmi, an Urdu writer who also teaches Arabic, is the President of the Anjuman Taraqqi-e-Urdu, also conducts Urdu Mushairas and Urdu conferences.

*Ms. Ameena is a CPI activist from Muslim community; her husband is a writer.

*Mr. Ayub Khan, English lecturer from Rayadurg, is founder-chairman of the Islamic bank “Bait-un-Nasr” along with an NGO. He is working for the economic empowerment of Muslims.

*Mr. G. Azeemuddin, former Director, Oil Technological Research Institute (OTRI)

Anantapur, is a scientist of repute and also writes articles in newspapers.

*Ms. Banuja a young woman from Kadiri, is an active social worker.

*S. M. Basha is a civil rights activist and a writer from Anantapur.

153 *Mr. Imam is editor of “Kadalika,” a Telugu journal publishing from Anantapur, and a prolific writer.

*Mr. Khaja Hussain Saab, an intellectual retired from the Meteorological Department has worked on cloud seeding and artificial rainfall. He also campaigned extensively for artificial rain in the drought-prone areas of Anantapur district. He is a social activist of high repute.

*Mr. Khasim Peeran, Director of an NGO “Mass Education and Organisation

Society,” has been working in as a social activist for the past fifteen years.

*Mr. Nabi Rasool, a native of Kambadur, now settled in Anantapur, is a Telugu writer, earlier working in Electricity Department.

*Mr. G. Nizamuddin, a Congress MP from Hindupur constituency is the first Muslim to become an MP from this constituency since independence.

*Mr. Rasool, an advocate from Anantapur, is a human rights activist.

*Mr. Rawoof, a criminal lawyer and a State-level revolutionary leader of a Marxist orientation, is from Kadiri. He is also an ex-chairman of the Kadiri Municipality.

*Mr. Saddam Basha runs an “Islamic blood bank” in Anantapur and works in the social sector. He voluntarily worked in Gujarat for five months to rehabilitate the riot- affected victims. He also works for the rights of the Beedi workers and women. He also runs “Aman Parirakshana Vedika,” an organization affiliated to Aman Trust, a Delhi based N.G.O. that works for communal harmony among communities.

*Mr. K. M. Safiullah, from Anantapur, is a Mutavalli, Wakf board member, educationist and businessman.

*Mr. K. M. Saifullah, from Anantapur, is a T.D.P. leader and former MP of the Rajya

Sabha, and also a social worker.

154 *Mr. Imtiyaz Ahmed, from Anantapur, is a District convener “Awaaz,” a state-level organization working for the upliftment of the Muslim community and CPM party leader. His wife is also a social activist.

*Mr. Shakir, an ex-MLA of Kadiri constituency, both from T.D.P. and Congress, he also served as a Minister in the Congress Government. His wife Mrs. Moin Shakir is now the chairman of Kadiri municipality.

APPENDIX-II

Copy of the letter of Smt. Indira Gandhi,44 the then

Prime Minister of India, spelling out the Government’s

15-Point Programme

for dealing with the problems of religious minorities

The increase of communalism in recent months and the large number of attacks on the on the lives and properties of minorities is cause for deep sorrow. These incidents are a blot on the good name of our country. They have been deliberately created by militant communal elements who do not hesitate to sacrifice the strength and security of the country for their own narrow, nefarious ends.

From my earliest childhood, I have been committed to the secular ideal. The India of our dreams can survive and prosper only if Muslims and other minorities can live in absolute safety and confidence. Since the meeting of the Integration Council in Srinagar, several measures have been suggested from time to time. But perhaps because the situation had improved, some slackness crept in and there is need to take new initiatives

155 to combat this growth of communalism and to prevent and deal promptly and firmly with communal tension. We must devise mechanisms by which the conscience and political power of the entire nation are enlisted to deal with such situations.

I have met several delegations of Members of Parliament and other representatives of

Muslim and other minority groups and have discussed measures to prevent the recurrence of communal violence and to improve the economic conditions of minorities.

After careful consideration of the suggestions which emerged, I have decided that immediate action should be taken as indicated below:

I Communal Riots:

1. The State Governments are being advised that in the areas which have been

identified as communally sensitive and riot prone, District and Police officials of

the highest known efficiency, impartiality and secular record must be posted. In

such areas and even elsewhere, the prevention of communal tension should be one

of the primary duties of DM and SP. Their performance in this regard should be

an important factor in determining their promotion prospects.

2. Good work done in this regard by District and Police officials should be rewarded.

3. Severe action should be taken against all those who incite communal tensions or

take part in violence.

4. Special courts or courts specifically earmarked to try communal offences should be

set up so that offenders are brought to book speedily.

5. Victims of communal riots should be given immediate relief and provided prompt

and adequate financial assistance for their rehabilitation.

44 Reproduced from the Annual General Report 1993-94, p. xviii, in Annexure-XVIII, Prepared and submitted by Abdul Kareem Khan, Chairman, Andhra Pradesh

156 6. Radio and TV must also help in restoring confidence, communal harmony and

peace in such affected areas.

7. It is unfortunate that certain sections of the press sometimes indulge in

tendentious reporting and publication of objectionable and inflammatory material,

which may incite communal tension. I hope that editors, printers, publishers and

other concerned will co-operate in finding a way to avoid publication of such

material.

II Recruitment of State and Central Services:

1. In the recruitment of police personnel, State Governments should be advised to

give special consideration to minorities. For this purpose, the composition of

selection Committees should be representative.

2. The Central Government should take similar action in the recruitment of

personnel to the Central Police forces.

3. Large-scale employment opportunities are provided by the Railways, Nationalized

Banks and Public Sector Enterprises. In these cases also, the concerned

departments should ensure that special consideration is given to recruitment from

minority communities.

4. In many areas recruitment is done through competitive examinations. Often

minority groups have been handicapped in taking advantage of the educational

system to compete on equal terms in such examinations. To help them to

overcome these handicaps, steps should be taken to encourage the starting of

coaching classes in minority educational institutions to train persons to compete

successfully in these examinations.

Minorities Commission.

157 5. The acquisition of technical skills by those minorities who are today lagging behind

would also help in national development. Arrangements should be made to set up

ITI s and Polytechnics by government or private agencies in predominantly

minority areas, to encourage admission in such institutions of adequate number of

persons belonging to these communities.

III. Other Measures:

1. In various development programmes, including the 20–Point Programme, care

should be taken to see that minorities secure in a fair and adequate measure, the

benefits flowing there from. In the various committees, which are set up to

oversee the implementation of such programmes, members of those communities

should be actively involved.

2. Apart from the general issues to which I have referred, there are various local

problems, which develop into needless irritants to minorities. For instance,

encroachments of Wakf properties and on graveyards have led to protest and

grievances in some places. Suitable steps should be taken to deal with such

problems on an expeditious and satisfactory basis.

3. Problems relating to minorities need to be attended to on a continuing basis so

that apprehensions are allayed and genuine grievances redressed. To facilitate

this, a special cell will be created in the Ministry of Home Affairs to deal with

matters relating to minorities.

Some other measures are also under consideration. Decisions on them will be announced as early as possible. I am sure that the measures that I have indicated above and others, which will be announced shortly, will facilitate the full participation of

158 Muslims and other community groups in all aspects of national life and thus promote the cause of national integration.

Sd /-

INDIRA GANDHI

11.05.1983.

159

APPENDIX-III

Manual on Minority Welfare

The minorities welfare department is working through three Organizations:

1. Andhra Pradesh State Minorities Finance Corpportion

2. Urdu Acadamy

3. Wakf Board.

The Andhra Pradesh State Minorities Finance Corporation Limited was incorporated under the Companies act 1956, in the year 1985 to assist the weaker sections of

Minorities viz: Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists & Parsis for their socio-economic development by providing margin money loans with the assistance of Govt. of A.P.&

N.M.D.F.C for setting up of businesses, Industrial, service, agricultural & allied viable activities & Grant-in-Aid for Welfare scheme.

Objective:

To assist weaker sections of minorities viz, muslims, sikhs, christians, buddhists & parsis for their socio-economic development by providing margin money loans, direct loans and trainings with the assistance of government of andhra pradesh and national minorities development & finance corporation (NMDFC) for setting up of businesses, industrial and service unit and impart training programme for income generation.

Activities of APSMFC:

160 To provide margin money loan, direct loan & group loans to minorities.

To provide ‘pre’ and ‘post-Matric’ scholarships to minority students.

To impart training for minorities.

To organize health camps.

To create awareness among minorities through awareness camps.

161

FINANCIAL ASSISTANCE

Corporation provides financial assistance to the minorities by way of:

Share Capital & Loans Grant-IN-Aid

Indira Mahila Abhivruddhi Yojana (Tatkal) DOMWUA (Development of

Minority Women in Urban &

Rural areas).

Economic Assistance (Bankable Scheme) Pre Metric Scholarships

Micro Credit (Self Help Groups) Post Metric Scholarship

Construction of work shed in Training & Employment

Auto Nagar (Training Programme)

Rajeev Sanatkar Yojana Awareness Camps (Health

(Direct Loan) camps)

Educational Loan

162

163 Target groups of APSMFC's assistance

Muslims, sikhs, christians, buddhists & parsis who are below the poverty line for their

socio-economic development by providing margin money loans, direct loans.

Interest structure for APSMFC's schemes

S. Scheme Maximum Income M.M.I M.M.I Banks Bene- Inte- Loan Repa- yment

Unit Cost eligiblity from from NM- Share ficiary rest no Allowed NM- DFC Share Rate

DFC

APP Up to Rs. 25% - 75% -NIL- 4% 20 Months 01. Rs.25,000 11,000/- P.A

P.A

SEP * Up to Rs. Rs. 20% - 70% 10% 6.5% 30 Months 02. 2,50,000/- 11,001/- P.A

(To To

3,00,000/- 24,000/-

for P.A

Transp-

ortation

only)

03. NMDFC Up to Rs. Rs. 10% 25% 55% 10% 6.5% 50 Months

MM 1,00,000/- 11,000 /- P.A

Loan To APS-

164 22,000 /- MFC

P.A 3%

P.A.

NM-

DFC

04. TATKAL Up to Rs. Rs. - 95% - 5% 6% 50 Months LOAN 10,000/- 11,000 /- P.A

P.A

05. Auto Up to Rs. Rs. - 90% - 10% 9% 50 Months Nagars 50,000/- 11,001 /- P.A

to 24,000

/- P.A

06. DOW- Grant Rs. 100% - - - - - MUA Rs.15,000/- 11,000 /-

P.A

07. CMEY Up to Rs. Rs. 20% - - 25% 6.5% 12 Quart- erly 2,00,000/- 11,001 /- P.A

(50% to

Revolving 24,000/-

Grant) P.A

08. Reh. Of Up to Rs. Rs. 90% 10% - - 6% 50 Months Depen- 10,000/- 11,000 /- P.A

dent per

Convi- annum

165 cted

Victims

09. Reh. Up to Rs. Age 100% - - - 4% 50 Months Dest- 10,000/- Limit 10 P.A

itude & to 14

Street Years

Children

(Through

NGO)

* Margin Money Loan limit is Rs. 50,000/-

Security needed for loan

S.No Loan Scheme Type of Security

01. APP One Surety Government employer/ One Surety Tax payee.

02. SEP* Two Surety Government employer/ Two Surety Tax payee.

03. NMDFC MM Two Surety Government employer/ Two Surety Tax payee.

04. TATKAL LOAN One Surety Government employer/ One Surety Tax payee.

166 Schemes - Programmes and Employment generation

MARGIN MONEY WELFARE EMPLOYMENT

LOAN SCHEMES PROGRAMMES GENERATION

PROGRAMMES

Anti Poverty Programme Scholarship (Post APPARAL PARK

(APP) metric)

Self Employment Economic support Maruthi 4 Wheelers Service programme (SEP) scheme (Subsidy) Training

NMDFC Margin Money Rehabilitation of Security Guards scheme Destitute / Orphans,

PHs & Women

Tatkal Scheme Health Camps Vocational Training in

Computers

CMEY Programme - Construction Workers Training

Programme

DOMWUA - -

Small Direct Loans - -

Construction of work sheds - - in Auto naga

Assistance to the - -

167 Dependents of Convicted

Minorities

Rehabilitation of Street - -

Children

Micro Credit - -

168 Whom to contact incase of Scholarship ?

In case of Scholarship

The District Minorities welfare officer c/o Collectorate. All DMWO's AP State

01. Hyderabad : Opposite Sahifa Masjid, Malakpet, Hyderabad.

02. R.R District : The District Minorities welfare officer c/o

Collectorate, R.R District, AP

03. Adilabad : The District Minorities welfare officer c/o

Collectorate, Adilabad, AP.

04. Mahaboobnagar : The District Minorities welfare officer c/o

Collectorate, Mahaboobnagar, AP.

05. Medak : The District Minorities welfare officer c/o

Collectorate, Medak, AP.

06. Nizambad : The District Minorities welfare officer c/o

Collectorate, Nizambad AP.

07. Kurnool : The District Minorities welfare officer c/o

Collectorate, Kurnool AP.

08. Chittoor : The District Minorities welfare officer c/o

Collectorate, Chittoor AP.

09. Anantapur : The District Minorities welfare officer c/o

Collectorate, Anantapur. AP.

10. Cuddapah : The District Minorities welfare officer c/o

Collectorate, Cuddapah. AP.

11. Krishna : DMWO, Eastern block of Documentary building

State Guest house, Vijayawada 169

12. Guntur : The District Minorities welfare officer c/o Anti Poverty Programme ( Under APP Scheme )

Self Employment programme (SEP)

ECONOMIC ASSISTANCE (BANKABLE SCHEMES)

Under this scheme the maximum unit cost allowed is upto Rs.3,00,000/- of which the corporation’s margin money share is 20% (subject to maximum of Rs. 50,000/-) @6.5% interest, beneficiary contribution 10% and the rest i.e. 70% bank share. For small unit upto Rs. 10,000/- and upto Rs. 25,000/- corporation provides margin money @ 50% &

40% respectively @ 4% interest p.a. and the rest i.e., 50% and 60% is bank share.

Repayment in 20/30 months.

In collaboration with Banks the Corporation arrange financial assistance to setup viable

Self Employment schemes.

Eligible Criteria

01. Beneficiary should belong to minority community.

02. Educational Qualification is not necessary for loan upto Rs. 25,000/-. For loan

above Rs. 25,000/- minimum 8th class is required. Certificate to be enclosed.

170

03. Age 18 to 50 years

04. Family status, from Economically Backward class and should have an annual

income of less than Rs. 11,000/- for units upto Rs. 25,000 and Rs. 18,000/- for

units above Rs. 25,000/- respectively. (certificate should be obtained from

MRO/MLA).

05. Experience in the concerned field/profession.

06. Should have regular residence/ration card holder.

07. Rental Agreement of the proposed unit should be enclosed for units above Rs.

25,000/-.

INTEGRATED DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME

IN OLD CITY OF HYDERABAD

(TRAINING & EMPLOYMENT) :

171 To empower minority youth for their economic development the Corporation is arranging to impart training to unemployed minority youth in various trades like Security

Guards, Maruthi 4 Wheeler Service, Plastic processing machine operator, Heavy

Construction Equipment Operator (NAC), Hospital Data Entry Operator, Tailoring ,

Beautician, Nursery, Teacher training, Lab Technical Attender, Physiotherapy Assistant,

Water Treatment Technician, Ward Clerk, Home Patient Care Service, Assistant

Emergency Technician, House Keeping, Cell Phone Repairing, Heavy Motor Driving and other demand oriented traders to the minorities so as to become self employable. At present these trainings are arranged through Jan Sikshan Sansthan, Central Institute of

Plastic EngineeringandTechnologyetc.,

Under vocational training programme, total Institutional training fee will be paid by the

Corporation besides Stipend of Rs.250/- and Rs.1000/- respectively to local and Non- local minority youth.

172 DOMWUA

(DEVELOPMENT OF MINORITY WOMEN IN URBAN AND RURAL

AREAS):

On the lines of DWCRA, the. Corporation also provide Revolving Fund equivalent to their savings subject to a maximum of Rs. 10,000/- to each group with condition that the all the group members should have regular saving and maintain required books. The

Revolving Fund sanctioned to group is grant and need not be repaid.

Eligible Criteria

01. Minority Women

02. Age should be between 15 to 50 years

03. Annual Income of each member should be less than Rs.11,000/- per annum.

04. Each group should consists of 10 to 15 members.

05. At least two members of the group should be literate, who may be elected as

President and Secretary.

06. After completion of one year of savings, revolving fund of Rs.10,000/- will be

given to the group subject to regular savings, internal lending and maintenance of

173 proper books of accounts, ledgers and minutes book.

07. The group should be introduced to the E.D of the concerned district from whom

DOMWUA recognition certificate should be obtained.

MICRO CREDIT TO DOMWUA GROUP MEMBERS

To bring Minority women in to main stream the Government of Andhra Pradesh already extended DOMWUA scheme to Minority women on the lines of DWACRA. To empower financially these DOMWUA groups MICRO CREDIT scheme is proposed in which each member of the good working group based on merit rating will be given a direct loan of Rs. 5,000/-.

DOMWUA groups availed revolving fund from the Corporation and working well are eligible for Direct loan upto Rs. 50,000/- subject to a maximum of Rs. 75,000/- . The rate of interest will be charged @ 4% p.a. and the repayment period is 30 monthly installments.

174 Eligible Criteria

 Minority Women

 Must be a member in DOMWUA

 Annual income below poverty line i.e. (Rural Rs.11,000/-p.a. and Urban

Rs.24,000/-p.a.)

Necessary Documents and Registration

175 S.no Scheme Documents Stamp duty Adhesive Stamp

Loan Agreement Rs.10/- (upto Rs.5001), Rs 20/- (from 5001 to

Rs 20,000),Rs 50/- (from 20,001 to Rs 50,000)

Letter of Rs.10/- (upto Rs.5001), Rs 20/- (from 5001 to

Guarantee Rs 20,000), Rs 50/- (from 20,001 to Rs 50,000)

Promissory Note Rs 5/- worth of revenue stamp to be affixed

Loan Agreement Rs.10/- (upto Rs.5000), Rs 20/- (from 5000 to

Rs 20,000), Rs 50/- (from 20,000to Rs 50,000),

Rs 100/-(Exceed Rs 50,000/-)

Letter of Rs.10/- (upto Rs.5000), Rs 20/- (from 5000 to

Guarantee Rs 20,000), Rs 50/- (from 20,000 to Rs 50,000),

Rs 100/-(Exceed Rs 50,000/-)Promissory Note

Rs 5/- worth of revenue stamp to be affixed

176 03. TATKAL Loan Agreement Rs.10/- (upto Rs.5000), Rs 20/- (from 5000 to

Rs 20,000), Rs 50/- (from 20,000to Rs. 50,000),

Rs 100/-(Exceed Rs 50,000/-)

Letter of Rs.10/- (upto Rs.5000), Rs 20/- (from 5000 to

Guarantee Rs 20,000), Rs 50/- (from 20,000 to Rs 50,000),

Rs 100/-(Exceed Rs 50,000/-)

Promissory Note Rs 5/- worth of revenue stamp to be affixed

TATKAL SCHEME (DIRECT LOAN)

This scheme emphasis on the development of women particularly widows, divorcees, physically handicapped and victims of any atrocities who deserve not only encouragement but also financial support to earn their livelihood. Under this scheme a direct loan up to Rs.10,000/- will be provided of which Corporation loan is Rs.9500/- and beneficiaries contribution is Rs.500/-. The rate of interest is @ 6% and repayment period 50 months.

Eligible Criteria

177 1. Beneficiary should belong to Minority Community

2. Annual Income should be less than Rs.11,000/-certified by MRO/MLA.

3. Age should be between 18 to 55 years

4. Two passport size photographs.

5. Ration Card for verification/Nativity Certificate

6. Declaration by widows, Divorcees, Destitutes, Orphans certified by concerned MRO.

7. In case of physical Handicapped certificate issued by Competent Authority. (Disability should be more than 40%).

8. Salary Certificate/Tax Receipt along with Guarantor (the original property

document must be produced for verification. In case of non payment of any tax

on property obtain a xerox copy of the property document).

9. No due certificate from the concerned Area Bank.

AWARENESS CAMPS (HEALTH CAMPS)

For maintaining good health and obtain necessary medical treatment, the Corporation has launched a scheme 'FREE-EYE-CAMP' for the poor Minority Children, Women &

178 Men, through out the state.

The eye camps will be conducted with the assistance of Government Eye Specialist in consultation with the Superintendents of District Head Quarters Hospitals. For each Eye

Camp average expenditure including Medicines does not exceed Rs.10,000/- During

Camps patients will be provided Medicines and spectacles free of cost. Wherever necessary operations will be conducted at the cost of Corporation (Transportation etc).

Construction of Work Sheds in Auto Nagar

Most of the Muslim minorities are in automobile field. Their Work sheds are presently located in thickly populated traffic congested areas which are causing pollution as well as traffic problems. To overcome this problem Government of Andhra Pradesh allotted sites to these workers in industrial areas on nominal cost. Since minorities are economically poor they could not construct sheds in the sites allotted to them and move on. As result the very purpose of allotting sites in auto nagar to these workers has been defeated. To over come this problem Minorities Finance Corporation designed a scheme for unit cost Rs.50,000/- of which Corporation provides direct loan Rs. 45,000/- as Loan and Rs. 5,000/- (10%) is beneficiary contribution to minorities who are having plots in

Auto Nagar for construction of work sheds.

The loan will be recovered in 50 monthly installments @ 9% interest.

RAJEEV SANATKAR YOJANA (DIRECT LOAN)

179

Under this scheme the maximum unit cost allowed is upto Rs.10,000/- of which the corporation’s margin money share is 90% @4% interest, beneficiary contribution 10% for purchase of sewing machines, Tool kits, Petty Business etc.,

Eligible Criteria

 Beneficiary should belong to minority community.

 Educational Qualification is not necessary

 Age 18 to 50 years

 Family status, from Economically Backward class and should have an annual

income of less than Rs. 11,000/- (certificate should be obtained from MRO /

MLA).

 Experience in the concerned field/profession.

 Should have regular residence/ration card holder.

EDUCATIONAL LOAN

The Educational Loan Scheme is being introduced by Andhra Pradesh State Minorities

Finance Corporation with the objective of facilitate job-oriented & professional courses among the weaker sections of Minorities. The scheme will be implemented through out the State with NDMFC Funds. The maximum loan limit is Rs. 2,50,000/- only for course

180 upto 5 year duration of which NMDFC share 90% and 10% APSMFC contribution. The loan has to be repaid in 60 monthly installments after 6 months of completion of the course.

181

Eligible Criteria

 The applicant should belong to the notified minority communities i.e. Muslim, Sikh,

Christian, Buddhist or Parsis.

 The annual income of the parent/guardian should be Rs.40,000/- p.a. in Rural and

Rs.55,000/-p.a. in Urban.

 The applicant should be in the age group of 16-32 years

 Confirmed admission in the intended course is the basic requirement for availing

the loan. However, application for loan can be made in anticipation of admission.

Similarly, loan can also be sanctioned in anticipation of admission.

 Women and Physically challenged candidates would be given preference.

 Selection out of the eligible candidates will strictly be on merit.

PRE METRIC SCHOLARSHIPS

Pre matric scholarship will be sanctioned to the economically backward minority

students studying in class VI to X whose parent/guardian income is below

Rs.12,000/- per annum. The rates of Scholarship are (a) from Class VI.

182 Class Scholarship Amount

6th to 8th Class Rs. 400 pa

IX to X Class Rs. 500 pa

POST METRIC SCHOLARSHIP

Post matric Scholarship and reimbursement of tuition fee will be sanctioned to the

Economically Backward Minority students whose parents/guardians annual income does not exceeds Rs.33,500/- per annum for general courses and Rs.44,500/- per annum for professional courses. The post metric scholarship will be sanctioned to the minority students of Intermediate, Graduation, post Graduation and Professional courses on the lines of B.Cs.

183 Course Scholarship Amount

Boarders Non Boarders

Diploma courses --- Rs. 500 pa

Intermediate Rs. 3,200 pa (College attached Hostel)

Intermediate Rs. 2,000 pa (Student managed Hostel)

Graduation Rs. 3,200 pa (College attached Hostel)

Graduation Rs. 2,000 pa (Student managed Hostel)

Post Graduation Rs. 3,700 pa

(College attached hostel) Rs. 500/- pa

(pocket expenses)

Post Graduation Rs. 2,000 pa

(Student managed hostel) Rs. 500/- pa

(pocket expenses)

Professional Courses Rs. 3,700 pa

(College attached Hostel) Rs. 500/- pa

(pocket expenses)

Professional Courses Rs. 2,000 pa

(Student managed Hostel) Rs. 500/- pa

(pocket expenses)

184  Revised in the 86th Board meeting

M. Phil Fellowship Rs. 500/- p.a.

Contingent charges Rs. 1,000/- p.a.

Ph.D Fellowship Rs. 600/- p.a.

Contingent charges Rs. 1,500/- p.a.

District wise Budget allocation

S.No District Name Minority Economic Indira Mahila Micro Credit

Popul- Assistance Abhir- uddhi (Self Help

ation (Bankable) Yogana Groups)

2001 (TATKAL)

census Phy. Fin. Phy. Fin. Phy. Fin.

in lakhs

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

185 1 Adilabad 2.77 246 23.86 67 5.03 101 5.05

2 Anant apur 4.1 365 35.41 100 7.5 149 7.45

3 Chittoor 3.72 331 32.11 90 6.75 136 6.8

4 Cudda pah 4.16 370 35.89 101 7.58 152 7.6

5 East Godavari 1.41 125 12.1 34 2.55 51 2.55

6 Guntur 6.2 551 53.45 152 11.4 228 11.4

7 Hydera bad 16.81 1495 145 408 30.54 613 30.65

8 Karimnagar 2.36 210 20.35 57 4.28 86 4.3

9 Khammam 1.69 150 114.55 41 3.08 62 3.1

10 Krishna 4.49 399 38.7 109 8.18 164 8.2

11 Kurnool 6.13 545 52.87 149 11.18 223 11.15

12 Mahaboobnagar 3.16 281 27.26 77 5.78 115 5.75

13 Medak 3.33 296 28.71 81 6.08 121 6.05

14 Nalgonda 2.04 181 17.56 50 3.75 74 3.7

15 Nellore 2.81 250 24.25 68 5.1 102 5.1

16 Nizamabad 3.59 319 30.94 87 6.53 131 6.55

17 Praksam 2.29 204 19.79 56 4.2 83 4.15

18 Rangareddy 5.04 448 43.46 122 9.15 184 9.2

19 Srikakulam 0.22 20 1.94 5 0.38 8 0.4

20 Visakhapatnam 1.38 123 11.93 34 2.55 50 2.5

21 Vizianagaram 0.31 28 2.72 8 0.6 11 0.55

22 Warangal 2.12 189 18.33 51 3.83 77 3.85

186

187 Rajeev DOMWUA Pre Post Aware- Total

Sanatkar (Self Help Matric Schola- Matric ness

Yogana Groups) rships Camps

(Direct Schola- (Health

Loan) rships Camps)

Phy. Fin. Phy. Fin. Phy. Fin. Phy. Fin. Fin. Phy. Fin.

10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

135 13.5 37 3.7 2244 10.1 1515 22.73 0.5 4345 84. 47

199 19.9 55 5.5 3321 14.94 2242 33.63 0.75 6431 125. 08

181 18.1 50 5 3013 13.56 2034 30.51 0.68 5835 113. 51

202 20.2 56 5.6 3369 15.16 2274 34.11 0.76 6524 126. 90

69 6.9 19 1.9 1142 5.14 771 11.57 0.26 2211 42.97

301 30.1 83 8.3 5022 22.6 3390 50.85 1.13 9727 189.23

817 81.70 225 22.5 13615 61.25 9190 137.8 3.04 26363 512.48

115 11.50 32 3.2 1911 8.6 1290 19. 35 0.43 3701 72.01

82 8.2 23 2.3 1369 6.16 924 13. 86 0.31 2651 51.56

218 21.8 60 6 3637 16.37 2455 36. 83 0.82 7042 136.9

298 29.8 82 8.2 4965 22.34 3351 50. 27 1.12 9613 186.93

154 15.4 42 4.2 2559 11.52 1728 25. 92 0.58 4956 96.41

162 16.2 44 4.4 2697 12.14 1821 27. 32 0.61 5222 101.51

99 9.9 27 2.7 1652 7.43 1115 16. 73 0.37 3198 62.14

137 13.7 38 3.8 2276 10.24 1536 23. 04 0.51 4407 85.74

174 17.4 48 4.8 2908 13.09 1963 29. 45 0.65 5630 109.41

111 11.1 31 3.1 1855 8.35 1252 18. 78 0.42 3592 69.89

245 24.5 67 6.7 4082 18.37 2755 41. 33 0.92 7903 153.63

10 1 2 0.2 178 0.8 120 1.8 0.04 343 6.56

67 6.7 18 1.8 1118 5.03 754 11. 31 0.25 2164 42. 07

15 1.5 4 0.4 250 1.13 169 2.54 0.06 485 9.5 188 103 10.3 28 2.80 1717 7.73 1159 17. 39 0.39 3324 64. 62

189 A.P. State Wakf Board:

This Institution is established to:

1. To develop wakf properties.

2. Maintenance of Haj House at Hyderabad

3. Preparing plans and schemes for developing wakf institutions.

4. Assistance to Muslim Divorced Women.

URDU ACADEMY OF ANDHRA PRADESH

The basic objective are:

1. Scholarships to Urdu Medium Students

2. Publication of Urdu Journal (Qaumi Zaban)

3. Awarding best Urdu Teachers

4. Awarding best Urdu Students

5. Financial Assistance to Urdu Libraries

6. Assistance to Publish writings of Urdu

7. Life time achievement Award

Other than this Minorities welfare Department

1. Granting aid to Organizations working for Cultural development of Minorities

190 2. Granting aid to Urdu open schools

3. Grant-in aid to Urdu medium schools for infrastructural facilities.

4. Grant for creating awareness on minorities’ welfare schemes and programs.

5. Vocational training in Urdu computer programming.

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