Hearing Order OH-001-2014 Trans Mountain Pipeline ULC (Trans Mountain) Application for the Trans Mountain Expansion Project (Project)

Written Evidence

Name of intervenor: Métis Nation

Authors: Christopher Gall B.A., M.A., J.D. Candidate, Brodie Douglas B.A., and Richard Borthwick M.Sc., R.P.Bio.

Table of contents

1 1. Introduction ...... 2 2 2. Métis Historical Background in the Project Footprint ...... 3 3 3. The Environment ...... 15 4 3.1 Volume 5A – Executive Summary, Issues from Landowners, pg. iv, pp. 2&3 ...... 16 5 3.2 Volume 5A – Design of Aboriginal Engagement Program, Pg. 3-46 & 3-47 ...... 17 6 3.3 Air Emissions ...... 17 7 3.4 Wetland Loss or Alteration ...... 18 8 3.4.1 Wetland Vegetation ...... 19 9 3.5 Vegetation ...... 19 10 3.5.1 Rare Plants ...... 20 11 3.6 Fisheries ...... 20 12 3.7 Wildlife ...... 20 13 3.8 Marine Animals ...... 21 14 3.9 Additional Notes ...... 22 15 3.10 Conclusion ...... 22 16 3.11 References ...... 24 17 4. Summary ...... 24 18 5. Endnotes ...... 25

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1 1. Introduction

2 Métis Nation British Columbia (MNBC) is a non-profit organization that is recognized by both 3 the provincial and federal government and the Métis National Council, as the official governing 4 organization for Métis in the province of British Columbia. MNBC signed the historic “Metis 5 Nation Relationship Accord” with the province of BC in 2006. MNBC represents the interests of 6 nearly 70,000 Metis in British Columbia including more than 11,000 Metis Citizens who are 7 registered with MNBC. There are thirty-five (35) Métis Chartered Communities in British 8 Columbia and MNBC is mandated to develop and enhance opportunities for Métis communities 9 by implementing culturally relevant social and economic programs and services. 10 11 Métis citizens of British Columbia desire sustainable use of their natural resources which 12 includes: managing natural resources to meet present needs without compromising the needs of 13 future generations; providing stewardship of natural resources based on an ethic of respect for 14 the land; balancing economic, productive, spiritual, ecological and traditional values of natural 15 resources to meet the economic, social and cultural needs of the Métis peoples and other 16 aboriginal and non-aboriginal communities; conserving biological diversity, soil, water, fish, 17 wildlife, scenic diversity, and other natural resources; and restoring damaged ecologies. All of 18 these may be significantly impacted by the proposed project. 19 20 Some Métis citizens are opposed to the project and some support it. Concerns and comments 21 were raised about; land use activities, environmental concerns, economic concerns, technical 22 concerns, social concerns, and concerns about the consultation process. 23 24 Land Use Activities occurring in the proposed project area: 25 • Hunting 26 • Trapping 27 • Fishing 28 • Harvesting shellfish 29 • Gathering plants/berries for food 30 • Gathering plants/berries for medicine

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1 • Gathering of firewood 2 • Cultural sites 3 • Spiritual practices 4 • Camping 5 • Hiking 6 • Drinking from water aquifer 7 • End use from hunters/trappers – use of hair, hide, and bones

8 2. Métis Historical Background in the Project Footprint

9 Excerpt from “The Fur Hunters of the Far West,” by Alexander Ross: 10 11 Half-breeds, or as they are more generally styled, brules, from the peculiar colour of 12 their skin...are indolent, thoughtless, and improvident. Licentious in their habits, 13 unbounded in their desires, sullen in their disposition. Proud, restless, and clannish, fond 14 of flattery. They alternately associate with the whites and the Indians, and thus become 15 fatally enlightened. They form a composition of all the bad qualities of both... 16 ...Halfbreed children, instructed in the principles of religion and morality, and taught at 17 an early age some useful trade, would doubtless prove an ornament to society. They are 18 frequently endued with the most lively apprehension, naturally ingenious, hardy and 19 enterprising. They are by far the fittest persons for the Indian countries, the best 20 calculated by nature for going among Indians: they are insinuating and not unfit 21 instruments to mollify their countrymen and teach them the great end of civilization. They 22 are naturally of an acute understanding, are expert horsemen, active woodsmen, noted 23 marksmen, able hunters. They surpass all Indian at the Chase. They are vigorous, brave; 24 and while they posses the shrewdness and sagacity of the whites, they inherit the agility 25 and expertness of the savage...Children from the Indian countries do not generally turn 26 out well in civilized society.i 27 28 Credit for fur trade interest in the Pacific slopes must be given to Sir Alexander McKenzie of the 29 whose explorations in and subsequent publications of his journey to the 30 Pacific drew the attention of American interests and further prioritized the need for access into

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1 the fur territory of the Pacific far west. The Fur Trade on the western slopes of the Pacific 2 generally begins with the narrative of two Eastern fur enterprises and concludes with one 3 transnational corporation. The Pacific Fur Company, founded by New York financier, J.J. Astor 4 was the first company to successfully commercialize the Pacific and Interior. Whereas 5 Montreal’s North West Company successfully penetrated the Rockies at the Peace River and the 6 Athabasca-Columbia. Under the Hudson’s Bay Company’s governor George Simpson, the 7 infrastructure for successive governments was established and the mechanisms of control were 8 institutionalized. 9 10 These two major fur companies opened the corridors of communication into what would become 11 British Columbia. More often than not the relationship between these two corporate bodies 12 remained amicable yet fiercely competitive. In 1813, the Pacific Fur Company was purchased by 13 the North West Company and the logistics of intercontinental trade were implemented for the 14 first time. Following the purchase, the North West Company geographically controlled what 15 would become British Columbia, Washington, and Oregon, from the McKenzie drainage to the 16 mouth of the Columbia. In 1821, the North West Company and the Hudson’s Bay Company 17 merged; this resulted in the HBC reorganizing existing infrastructure to operate on an 18 economically efficient matter. This was formalized shortly after the amalgamation and again 19 during the 1840s – prior to the Oregon settlement of 1846. Ironically, earlier trade routes gained 20 greater significance and new routes were established to support an all British Route to the 21 Pacific. In 1858, when the gold rush began in earnest along the Fraser, communication corridors 22 existed from Victoria through to Ft. John. 23 24 The above description of events is meant to provide a brief contextual backdrop to historical 25 impact of Métis within the Peace, Athabasca, Pacific, and the Interior. This area was known by 26 Fur Traders as New Caledonia (Northern BC) and the Columbia (Middle of BC south to San 27 Francisco, California.) However, it is not the corporate history that concerns this study, although 28 it must necessarily be taken into account, rather it is the people whose efforts made the corporate 29 endeavors successful that will be regarded. Specifically, it is Métis that will be the focus of our 30 observations and analysis. While this study is meant to provide insight into Métis activity within 31 the Athabasca, Pacific, and Interior regions of British Columbia, it is admittedly a desktop study

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1 based on an initial assessment of available sources. Furthermore, this study will be organized 2 geographically which will allow the author to emphasize the continuity of Métis occupation and 3 mobility. 4 5 The following paragraphs will examine Métis activity within the proposed Kinder Morgan 6 Pipeline route. Specifically this section will advance understanding of Métis occupancy within 7 the Athabasca, the Thompson-Okanagan, and the coast of the Pacific. Methodologically, this 8 section will take from prior research into the Athabasca and the Pacific Métis communities, and 9 will advance Métis occupancy in the Thompson-Okanagan region. As such, we utilize primary 10 Fur Trade records and secondary sources regarding Fur Trade activity within the above 11 mentioned region. Ultimately, MNBC hopes to further understanding of Métis involvement on 12 the western slopes of the Pacific during the Fur Trade regime and into the contemporary time 13 period. To accomplish this, a detailed desktop review of primary sources within the Thompson- 14 Okanagan was undertaken and was coupled with previous research into the Athabasca and 15 Pacific Métis communities. 16 17 Athabasca: 18 Within the Athabasca region exists three areas of Métis historical significance to Métis Nation 19 British Columbia. In order of discovery they are as follows: , ; the 20 to , BC; and the to Tete Jaune Cache, BC. 21 The above areas have been utilized significantly and nearly continually by Métis beginning 1810, 22 1811, and 1816 respectively. This section of the study will examine the Athabasca region’s role 23 within the Métis historical narrative by examining significant locations and the Métis who were 24 historically associated with the sites. 25 26 Jasper House had continual Métis occupation from at least David Thompson’s initial exploration 27 through the early 1900s. According to most sources of the region there were three mixed 28 aboriginal groups who primarily resided within the region. According to Joachim Fromhold there 29 was the Tekkankalt Shuswap, the Cree Indians Jasper Shuswap, and the Jasper Iroquois Métis.ii 30 These three groups of mixed aboriginals occupied the Athabasca region extending into the 31 Edmonton – Lac Ste. Anne region of Alberta and extending into British Columbia in the Tete

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1 Jaune Cache area on the Fraser River and north of Golden, “on both sides of the Columbia.”iii 2 Despite their seasonal sojourns, these groups formed the nucleus of the Jasper House Métis 3 community. One of the main reasons that the community diverged seasonally was due to the lack 4 of provisions within the area and to reengage social connections. 5 6 The Tekkankalt Shuswap hunted throughout the Yellowhead Pass and nomadically occupied 7 territory along the Brigade Trail between Tete Jaune Cache and Fort George. This group 8 wintered primarily at Pesskala’lten [Salmon Place] on the Fraser River. The Cree Indians Jasper 9 Shuswap “had seasonal camps along the Columbia between Boat Encampment and Lake 10 Windermere” where they fished will “Small parties of Stonies” and harvested game across the 11 Rockies in traditional Stoney territory. iv The Jasper Iroquois Métis travelled to Edmonton and 12 Lac Ste. Anne but also harvested “the resources available on the western side of the Rockies.” As 13 one elder from the Grand Cache (Historic Jasper House) region stated, “families would travel to 14 visit the Secwepemc [Shuswap.] Families used to go to Tete Jaune Cache for salmon and berries. 15 The Trips to Tete Jaune Cache were made in June for salmon fishing and berry harvesting.” v 16 The Métis community of Jasper House (with three identifiable groups) is often described in 17 historical documentation as the Iroquois Cree Halfbreeds or Iroquois Halfbreeds of the Rocky 18 Mountains. Teit remarked that “the Iroquois and Cree of that region must largely be Shuswap in 19 blood...but that Cree is probably the language most spoken.” vi Furthermore, population estimates 20 for the regions suggests that they were a significant and influential community. vii These three 21 groups formed a distinct community; the recognizable division was largely the result of 22 genealogical/tribal considerations, which were solidified through hostile government regimes. 23 Outside acknowledgement of the community’s activity in British Columbia can be found within 24 the historical record. Following his 1823-24 tour of New Caledonia and the Columbia, HBC 25 governor Simpson encouraged the Shuswap of the Thompson to conduct trade at Rocky 26 Mountain Post along the Saskatchewan River rather than at Kamloops. However, “due to attacks 27 by the Assiniboine, Iroquois and Métis...[the Shuswap] preferred the Fort at Kamloops.” viii 28 According to Teit, the Secwepemc referred to the community as “Le’matcif or Le’matcip.” ix In 29 1909, the territory of “Le’matcif” was regarded as being the Tete Jaune Cache area and 30 historically included territory northwest along the Fraser River towards Prince George. x

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1 Further support for the traditional territory of the Métis within the historic record exists in the 2 context of biographical information on Tete Jaune himself. For example, Tete Jaune is 3 acknowledged to be an Iroquois halfbreed “who was in the west by 1816, and probably at least as 4 early as 1804.” xi He was James McMillan’s guide through the pass that would come to be 5 known by his name -the Yellow Head Pass. However, both his and his brother’s families were 6 “were murdered west of the Rockies in the Upper Peace...in the fall of 1827.” xii This supports 7 the 1909 observation by Teit on the territory of the Métis as being “temporarily occupied by the 8 Sekanai.” xiii 9 10 In addition to the Tete Jaune Cache-Yellowhead Pass, Métis also consider the Boat 11 Encampment-Athabasca Pass route to hold considerable historic significance. For example, the 12 site of Boat Encampment served as an early meeting site for Brigades entering and exiting the 13 Columbia. Despite the appearance of a singular corporate event, records suggest that the routine 14 meetings provided opportunity for social correspondence among communities east of the 15 Rockies, New Caledonia and within the Columbia. Boat Encampment is often noted within fur 16 trade sources alongside the Dalles des Morts or Rapids of Death. This site holds significance as, 17 the name implies, many-a-fur trader lost their lives and their goods at that place. Subsequently, 18 those who perished during the 1838 voyage were interned at the Hudson’s Bay Company’s Fort 19 of the Lakes (Upper Arrow Lakes). xiv 20 21 Furthermore, during the mid-1840’s, father Pierre De Smet recorded the mosaic of mixed 22 aboriginal living within the Columbia. In fact De Smet benefited by having “Two half breeds” 23 serving as “guides and escorts,” while he travelled the Columbia. De Smet recorded a Métis 24 women living within a Kootenay village that he described as the “wife of an Iroquois, who had 25 resided for thirty years with this tribe. The Iroquois and Canadian occupy themselves in the 26 absence of a priest...I left the Koetenay [sic.] village about 12 o”clock, accompanied by...some 27 half blood Crees. xv In addition, De Smet commemorated the Métis family of Francois 28 Morigeau’s observance to Catholicism by erecting “a large cross.... in the plain, which from that 29 time is called the Plain of the Nativity.” xvi Two Métis children of Francois Morigeau, Sophia 30 Morigeau (colourful Montana pioneer) and Baptiste Morigeau are credited with naming the 31 community of Golden. The family historically resided along lake Windermere, but is

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1 documented within the historic record in Montana, Lower Kootenays, Golden, Lake 2 Windermere, Jasper House, and at Edmonton. Another Métis family within the area was the 3 family of Jane Klyne, whose father managed Jasper House. Jane was the country wife of 4 Archibald McDonald and the adopted mother of Ranald McDonald. 5 6 Pacific: 7 The Métis community of the Pacific Northwest first took root during the initial incursion into the 8 system. This was not the result of Métis ethnogenesis, rather the Métis who 9 entered the Pacific slope were documented as being Métis east of the Rockies. This is a 10 significant point for several reasons. First, it draws distinction between the mixed-aboriginal 11 community that developed in the area and the Métis community that imposed itself on the region. 12 This is especially true given the presence of Nicolas Montour Jr. in the Columbia. For example, 13 Montour was named along with Cuthbert Grant Jr. as one of four “Chiefs of the half-breeds.” 14 This was part of the North West Company’s effort to build up Métis Nationalism; Cuthbert Grant 15 Jr. first unfurled the Métis Flag during the Battle of Seven Oaks in 1816, and Montour continued 16 to be identified as the “head of the Fort des Prairie half-breeds” nearly 15 years after having 17 crossed the Rockies. xvii 18 19 Additionally, because many of the Métis fur trade employees of early explorers remained on the 20 Pacific slopes, their social status and influence within the corporate structure of the Hudson’s 21 Company became another feature of distinction. Although the Métis Community of the Pacific 22 Northwest initially opposed mass settlement, it was through their influence that British Columbia 23 transitioned from a corporate territory to a settlement capable of governing the wave of 24 immigration brought on the Gold Rush. 25 26 Within five of the leading Métis families of the Pacific Northwest, there are four connections to 27 David Thompson. For example, the following fur traders arrived with David Thompson and 28 remained on the Pacific slopes: Pierre Bercier, Nicolas Montour Jr., Jacques “Jacco” Raphael 29 Finlay, and Finan McDonald. Pierre Bercier married Emily Finlay, the granddaughter of Jacco 30 Finlay; Nicolas Montour Jr. married Susanne Humpherville and their daughter married Thomas 31 McKay [Marguerite McLaughlin’s son]; Finan McDonald’s granddaughter married the Métis

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1 grandson of Marguerite McLaughlin. It is of interest to note that two of the non-Métis mentioned 2 in Thompson’s party, Bercier and McDonald, each had family members marry into the Métis 3 community and produce offspring. 4 5 In addition to the Métis community that came with Thompson, there were Métis who remained 6 in the area following the merger of the Northwest Company and the Pacific Fur Company. For 7 example, Marguerite McKay (McLaughlin, nee Wadin) and her child Thomas McKay both 8 remained following the death of Alexander McKay on aboard the Tonquin. Another Pacific Fur 9 Company employee who stayed behind was Alexander Ross and his Métis Child James Ross; 10 James Ross later served in the Provisional Government of Louis Riel and was also among those 11 who drafted the Métis Bill of Rights. Also documented among the Pacific community, were two 12 Métis daughters of Baptiste “Waccan” Boucher. Boucher arrived in New Caledonia with Simon 13 Fraser and remained in the New Caledonia throughout his life. In addition, the following each 14 espoused Métis and were considered within the Métis community: James Douglas, Pierre 15 Pambrun, William McBean, and W.F. Tolmie. 16 17 The above described community was initially centered at Fort , and extended up the 18 Columbia to Boat and into the Okanagan area. However, following the merger of the North West 19 Company with the Hudson’s Bay Company, emphasis was placed on the development of the 20 recently established Fort Langley. Archibald McDonald expanded the industrial value of Fort 21 Langley during a regional decline in the fur trade. During this time (1830s) McDonald’s time 22 was spent between managing the personnel of the Fort, education his Métis family, and 23 corresponding with colleagues. For example, in an 1833 letter to Edward Ermantiger, McDonald 24 boasts that “Jenny has now her 4th Boy, so that with herself and Tool [Ranald McDonald] at the 25 head...I am in a fair way of having a thriving school...They must all be moved on to Klyne and 26 thence to the Red River new Academy. “ xviii 27 28 Even before the resolution of the 1846 Oregon Boundary Dispute, the Hudson’s Bay Company 29 began a concerted effort to relocate their assets north of the 49th Parallel. In 1842, James Douglas 30 was sent to Vancouver’s Island to establish a Pacific Depot to replace . Sources 31 state that by March of 1843, Fort Victoria was under construction using “the so-called “Poteaux-

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1 sur-sole” method...used for many Hudson’s Bay Company establishments in the Northwest.” xix 2 This method of fort building was also known as the Red River style of construction. Once the 3 fort was complete, it required an imposition of control among the First Nations and social 4 stability within the Fort itself. The Métis were pivotal in achieving the abovementioned goals. 5 For example, at a conservative estimate Métis comprised approximately 16-20% of the total 6 population of Victoria prior to 1855. Furthermore, they largely among the upper class land 7 owners. xx In addition, the first Roman Catholic Bishop of British Columbia, Modeste Demers, 8 brought the Sisters of St. Anne to Victoria “pour evangeliser et alphabetiser les enfant 9 autochtones et Métis.” St. Anne’s Academy was also constructed with the Poteaux-sur-sole 10 technique. 11 12 An interesting fact regarding Métis exertion of influence on Vancouver Island was the initial use 13 of force to ensure the local dominance of the Hudson’s Bay Company and to legitimize regional 14 control from Fort Victoria. For example, in 1853, Douglas enlisted “a body of 11 half-whites” 15 against the Cowichan and Nanaimo, both tribes were suspected of harboring the murderer of 16 Peter Brown. Douglas noted “the half-whites took a principle part.” xxi Additionally, Douglas is 17 credited with creating possibly the earliest police force in British Columbia - The Victoria 18 Voltiguers. According to BC Historian Tina Loo, the Victoria Voltiguer initially consisted 19 “largely of former fur-trading “French Canadian half-breeds” with a taste for sartorial 20 flamboyance...[in the] tradition started by their mainland counterpart, Waccan.” xxii 21 22 Interior: 23 The influence of the Métis in the Interior actually begins near the present town of Helena, 24 Montana, in approximately 1806-07 in following David Thompson’s first incursion into the 25 Columbia. According to George Mercer Dawson, the Spokane Chief Pila-ka-mu-lah-uh, who 26 was connected “through his mother, with the Okanagans of Penticton...and the Shuswaps proper 27 of Spallumsheen,” was engaged in a seasonal inter-tribal buffalo hunt. It was near Helena (Hell’s 28 Gate Pass) that the Spokane Chief and his Kulspelm, and Kootenay allies, and possibly with 29 some Nez Perce and Cour d’Alaines that they “met a party of Canadian trappers or Coureurs des 30 bois.” xxiii Among those identified by Dawson are Finan McDonald and a Legace. The party 31 likely included Jacco Finlay.

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1 2 The reason that this meeting is so important is that the Spokane Chief was murdered by a 3 disbelieving Chief from Fountain, near Lytton B.C., shortly after describing his encounter with 4 non-First Nations. His child and successor Chief Nicola united the Similkameen, Okanagan, and 5 Shuswap in an organized act of revenge against the Thompson people at Fountain after having 6 been given firearms and horses from North West Company employees Ovid Montigny and Louis 7 Pion. Nicola was succeeded by his nephew Chief Johnny Chillihitzia of Douglas Lake; like 8 Nicola and Pila-ka-mu-lah-uh, Chillihitzia maintained friendly relations with fur traders and 9 settlers. In other words, the events described above had immediate impact on the development of 10 the Kamloops-Nicola regions. 11 12 In 1811, Pacific Fur Company employees Alexander Ross and David Stuart, accompanied by 13 then freeman Jacco Finlay, ventured up the Okanagan and continuing north to Shuswap Lake 14 then west along Monte Creek through Grand Prairie (now known as Falkland, BC) and finally 15 into what would become Kamloops. Ross and Finlay returned to the Okanagan and Stuart 16 constructed the Pacific Fur Company’s Thompson’s River Post (1811-12). That year Ross and 17 Finlay travelled west through Nicolas Prairie into the Tulameen (formerly known as Otter Flats,) 18 then they went north to the Nicola Valley. It is likely that they continued north along what would 19 become the Brigade Trail, but they may have returned to the Okanagan the same route, via 20 Nicolas Prairie. Regardless, Finlay and Ross are credited as being the first non-First Nations into 21 the Nicola Valley. Both the Pacific Fur Company and the North West Company operated posts at 22 Thompson’s River. 23 24 In 1825 Archibald McDonald was appointed manager of the Hudson’s Bay post at Kamloops. In 25 addition to McDonald’s family there were approximately seven other families and 10-12 children 26 at Kamloops. xxiv Some of the cultural landscape of what was occurring during this time can be 27 inferred from two maps drawn around this period. One map was produced by Archibald 28 McDonald in 1827 and the other by Samuel Black circa 1835. According to McDonald’s map, 29 the Grand Prairie or was utilized as a “Colt Encampment,” this is the first documentation of 30 Thompson’s River Post being associated with horse management. Second observation regarding 31 McDonald’s map is the foresight to future Brigade logistics. For example, the map shows

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1 features such as “open country...Big Prairie” and “this part of the country has hunting” along the 2 trail “established...[in] 1826” from Kamloops south to the Tulameen and then into the Okanagan, 3 via Nicolas Prairie. xxv 4 5 Sam Black’s map reiterates McDonald’s path to the Nicola Valley from Kamloops crossing 6 between Brigade Lake and Brigade Mountain and continuing south (crossing between Stump 7 Lake and Napier Lake) into the Nicola. Another significant observation regarding some of the 8 landmarks and locations on Black’s map is the further recognition of horses as an important 9 component to the Fort. For example, Black outlines a trail titled “New Caledonia New Route” as 10 well as one called “Projected Route by Deceased River,” and both trails end up at Fort 11 Alexandria. xxvi This is relevant because in later years, horse brigades travelled between New 12 Caledonia and the Columbia via Kamloops. However, following 1849, the Columbia Department 13 (which now included New Caledonia) was logistically supported to carry goods from Fort 14 Connolly in the north to Fort Langley and Fort Victoria in the South. xxvii These corridors of 15 communication facilitated travel of culture, goods, and peoples, by boat, horse, and snowshoe, 16 through the extent of our province. Sam Black was assassinated in 1841 and his body was 17 deposited somewhere along the Monte Creek route to the Okanagan. 18 19 One of the main figures to reside at Thompson River was Jean Baptiste Lolo. By most accounts, 20 Lolo was a mixed Iroquois French half-breed. Officially, Lolo “served as interpreter, tripman, 21 and postmaster, but his real importance was as an unofficial liaison...between the company and 22 the Indians.” xxviii Admittedly, Lolo’s role as middleman was encouraged by Hudson’s Bay 23 Company because he “helped maintain the balance of power...with remarkable dexterity.” 24 However, unlike most company employees, Lolo successfully utilized his perceived worth to 25 negotiate several perks not usually afforded to those outside officer status. For example, 26 according to Mary Balf, in 1841 he was provided the “courtesy title of chief” and by the 1850s, 27 “St. Paul, Mr. and Captain” were amongst his counted titles. xxix 28 29 According to historian Bruce Watson, “when the Kamloops fort was moved in 1843...the 30 Company rewarded Leolo [Lolo] by building him a home on the old fort site...he traded on his 31 own and bred horses” as a free trader. xxx In 1862, Lolo’s property was designated an Indian

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1 reserve “despite protests from the HBC...[Lolo] lived on it in reduced circumstances doing a 2 little trading in loose association with the company until his death.” xxxi Lolo, along with Waccan 3 Boucher and Thomas McKay all serve as the earliest examples of order enforcers within the 4 province; Lolo within the Kamloops area, Waccan in the Ft. St. James and Prince George region, 5 and McKay within the southern Columbia. 6 7 Another influential family within the Kamloops-Nicola district is the Métis family of Donald 8 McLean. McLean served 23 years within New Caledonia, the majority of it spent with his family 9 at Fort Alexandria. Four year after he retired from the Hudson’s Bay Company, he was “Shot 10 and killed in Chilcotin” on the 17th of July 1864.xxxii McLean was survived by his wife, Sophia 11 Grant and his twelve children; he was predeceased by one child. A significant facet of insight 12 into post-Confederation society, specifically as it applied to Métis, can be obtained through a 13 brief examination of the several Métis descendants of Donald McLean: they were social outlaws. 14 That is to suggest that following mass settlement in 1858 and confederation in 1871, the law was 15 applied selectively to Métis. For example, Charles Semlin, who would later become Premier of 16 BC (1898-1900) reported that Annie McLean had been raped by prominent Kamloops resident 17 and MLA, J.A. Mara. xxxiii The only repercussion was that Annie McLean became pregnant with 18 Mara’s child. Despite having Semlin’s support no legal action against Mara was taken. 19 20 The abovementioned event is credited as being among the motivating factors that encouraged 21 Allan, Charley, and Archie McLean along with half-breed Alex Hare to begin a murderous 22 adventure into the Nicola Valley where they “probably hoped to instigate an Indian uprising.” 23 xxxiv However, possibly to avoid any incident similar to that in Red River and because “citizens of 24 Kamloops, already fearing a general rebellion over Indian land grievances, felt decisive action 25 was in order.” xxxv Allan McLean was married to a daughter of Chief Chillihitzia and one of their 26 children, George McLean, was awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal during WWI. 27 According the Kamloops News, McLean “launched a solo attack on a group of enemy soldiers at 28 Vimy Ridge. Armed with about a dozen grenades, he single-handedly captured 19 prisoners and 29 killed almost as many troops...” xxxvi 30

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1 Several examples of external Métis identification are found within the death registrations of two 2 of McLean’s grandchildren (time did not permit a more in depth search). Johnnie McLean was 3 born in Kamloops in 1870, his parents were Donald Jr. and Julia Ann McLean; he was identified 4 by Johnie Zavier, “friend,” as being a ½ breed.xxxvii Whereas his cousin Archie McLean was born 5 in Kamloops in approximately 1879, his parents were Hector McLean and Annie McIver; he was 6 identified by his cousin James McQueen as being a Scotch ½ Breed. xxxviii 7 8 An additional and insidious example of external identification is found within internal 9 correspondence from 1892 between the Kamloops Indian Agent and the Visiting Superintendent 10 of Indian Affairs Powell. This correspondence regards “the presence of half breeds” on the 11 Kamloops Indian Reserve. The Indian Agent was tasked to ascertain the morality of halfbreeds 12 (based primarily on their drinking habits) and if the individuals did not meet the agent’s standard 13 of moral behavior he was to eject them from the reservation. While the majority of halfbreeds on 14 the Kamloops Reserve were, in contemporary terms, non-status Indians; at least four individuals 15 are genealogically connected to historic Métis. Louis Bercier, descendent of Jacco Finlay was 16 described as “drinks hard occasionally, he is not to be admitted a member of the band... [he was] 17 warned...to look out for a home for himself;” Louis and Angelique Fallerdeau, descendents of 18 Michael Fallerdeau – horseman at Fort Alexandria and Kamloops, “Character: good;” and Simon 19 Lamprant, descendent of Antoine Lamprant, “Character: good.” xxxix 20 21 Recent analysis of fur trade biographies west of the Rockies, by historians Kasondra White and 22 Mike Evans have resulted in some interesting data regarding Métis presence west of the divide. 23 For example, while 10.8 percent of fur traders (excluding maritime personnel) were identified as 24 “mixed” aboriginal, 22.8 percent of spouses of fur traders were identified as “mixed” aboriginal. 25 Furthermore, 75.4 percent of children born of the fur trade were identified as “mixed” aboriginal. 26 Of those identified as mixed aboriginals, 7.6 percent were born in the , 13.3 27 percent were born in New Caledonia, 16 percent were born in Red River, and 18.7 percent were 28 born in Rupert’s Land. Whereas, of those identified as mixed aboriginals, 20.9 percent died in 29 the Columbia District, 20 percent died in New Caledonia, 8.9 percent died in Victoria, and 4 30 percent died in the Willamette Valley. xl 31

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1 Excerpt from “Oregon Sovereignty: a Métis Resources Report,” by Abe Bourdon 2 “The Fur traders in Oregon (New Caledonia and Columbia Districts) were not 3 dependent on “host” bands to provide them with protection or to supply them with food. 4 From his first meeting with the Carrier Indians at Stuart Lake, Simon Fraser made a 5 strong impression on them with a display of European firearms before introducing 6 samples of his trade goods; 7 8 The various bands in Oregon Territory, including those in the District of New Caledonia, 9 did not maintain ``political control`` over their resources once the Europeans arrived. 10 Nor did the trading companies consider themselves as “guests” within the jurisdiction of 11 the respective bands. The historical record is replete with examples of local Indians 12 being subjected to the trade`s control over them, and their resources, under British law. 13 This also included what consequences or punishments were administered for incidents of 14 murder, theft, evading debt or even “chastisement” for insolence. “Guests” do not take a 15 stick and beat a local chief for insolence...”xli

16 3. The Environment

17 The primary focus of this section is to highlight environmental issues associated with the Project 18 application that are of interest to MNBC. These concerns may arise due to poor representation of 19 a topic within the application documents, a lack of rigorous or standardized best management 20 practices (BMP) used in the assessment, a lack of clarity, or an issue that may be of particular 21 interest to the MNBC where we have not previously had an opportunity to weigh in. 22 23 The Project includes four major components: new pipeline, reactivated pipeline, pump stations, 24 and marine facility expansion. Many of these components are considered extremely low-risk to 25 the environment. However, due to the size and scale of the project there are some concerns that 26 present themselves immediately. There are a number of watercourses, wetlands, and habitat 27 types to be traversed. With an increase in habitat types disturbed, there is an increase in the 28 likelihood of crossing critical habitat for one or more species. Also, accurately surveying the 29 entire project footprint is unrealistic so indicators and surrogates are necessarily used and they

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1 must be appropriate to their purpose. Pest distribution is also a high risk. This includes 2 invertebrates, vegetation, or soil diseases. 3 4 In the event that a concern of probable interest to MNBC is discovered several target pieces of 5 information are presented including the topic, and, where deemed appropriate, the location of the 6 issue (or lack thereof in a suitable section) in terms of the Volume, Section (or table/figure) 7 number, page (pg) number, paragraph (pp) number, and line number. The nature of the concern 8 will be introduced and discussed, and a recommendation to amend the concern will be 9 incorporated. If BMP and best available science are adhered to, but a matter of interest for 10 MNBC is discovered, it may be flagged for their specific review and information, but no 11 subsequent recommendations will be included. 12 13 To focus the efforts of this review on the most pertinent information for MNBC within the 14 confines of staff expertise, we have limited this review to Volumes 4, 5, and 6 of the Project 15 application pursuant to Section 52 of the National Energy Board (NEB) Act. In this context 16 Volume 4 was read to best understand the proposed project’s scope and scale of impact; Volume 17 4 is not critiqued. Volumes 5 & 6 were critiqued based on study design, predicted impacts, 18 proposed mitigation, proposed monitoring, and classification of predicted impact. 19 20 This should not be considered a comprehensive review of the Project application as there was 21 insufficient time to complete a thorough and detailed dissection of the document. However, it is 22 a targeted review focused on identifying concerns that may apply to the MNBC. 23 24 All language and terminology within this document will defer to the definitions set forth in the 25 Project application, unless otherwise specified.

26 3.1 Volume 5A – Executive Summary, Issues from Landowners, pg. iv, pp. 2&3

27 There is an issue of clarity in the Executive Summary. The Project application states that 28 landowners were met with and given an opportunity to express concerns and ask questions. The 29 application subsequently states that concerns were categorized most frequently by the following: 30 compensation questions, land impacts, land values, site-specific pipeline location and issues 31 related to the existing pipeline. However, the text indicates that the comments and concerns in

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1 both provinces were linked first to the environment and subsequently to land-related issues 2 (Alberta) or compensation (BC). If environment was one of the top concerns for landowners, 3 why was it not a considered category for landowner concerns? There should be a clear category 4 to address environmental concerns, and if that category exists (i.e. embedded in ‘Land Issues’) 5 then the language should be maintained to ensure that needs and concerns of landowners and 6 aboriginal groups are not misrepresented.

7 3.2 Volume 5A – Design of Aboriginal Engagement Program, Pg. 3-46 & 3-47

8 The Métis Nation British Columbia is listed as an engaged community, which is true. However, 9 many of the consultation opportunities were not open to the MNBC. Although they are listed as 10 non-boundary specific, there should be some clarification here as to which areas of consultation 11 they were excluded from. The MNBC should be able to specify the Nation’s needs as appropriate 12 without having to be generalized by other aboriginal communities input. In this project instance 13 it does appear that the needs of the MNBC are mirrored by other local aboriginal communities as 14 pertains to resource use, but future efforts should clarify the limited opportunities presented to 15 some consulted parties.

16 3.3 Air Emissions

17 There are concerns associated with the cumulative impacts to air quality in portions of the 18 Project. Segments of the Project have periodic, annual, baseline air quality levels in excess of 19 quality limits without any additional project impacts. Though Project mitigation measures are 20 strongly believed to limit the added contributions of air contaminants, they will not halt the 21 emissions. If there are already excessive contaminants in the air-sheds the Project will pass 22 through, what is to be done to help restore these levels to acceptable concentrations? Are there 23 long-term objectives in place at a scale beyond this Project to help reduce these emissions from 24 other sources? If so, these should be clarified to justify the new added contribution to poor air 25 quality associated with the project. If not, then additional mitigation measures should be applied 26 to make a long-term positive impact on the air-quality. Is not clearly described and supported 27 that this project will have no net increase on these air emissions or what will be done about the 28 current regular breaches of regulatory air quality objectives. 29

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1 Due to the re-vegetation commitments, best management practices, and restoration 2 commitments, it is not anticipated that these concerns apply to Greenhouse gas (GHG) 3 emissions. Greenhouse gas emissions have long-term management objectives implemented at a 4 larger scale than this project, and it is believed that this application adequately addresses these 5 concerns.

6 3.4 Wetland Loss or Alteration

7 A number of wetland-associated issues were not clearly addressed through the Project 8 application. Section 5.8 of Volume 5A on pg. 5-144, pp. 4, lines 14-15 identifies an “intent to 9 survey all wetlands” to be crossed. However, not all of the wetlands have been surveyed, there is 10 no indication of the success of the remote sensing exercises used to identify and class wetlands 11 as compared with the ground-truthed sites, there is also no clear legal binding for the Project 12 proponent to complete the intended surveys. Currently many wetland types that will be crossed 13 by the Project have not been surveyed for baseline information, and this should be remedied 14 prior to pipeline construction. 15 16 There is a commitment to survey wetlands as the pipeline construction approaches them. 17 However, these surveys may be restricted in their effort or timing due to construction pressures, 18 any identified rare plants or high-risk ecosystems will be unavoidable within construction 19 designs, and any wetlands that were not identified in the remote-sensing aspect of wetland 20 detection may be ignored through construction. The lack of clarity on what legal bind exists with 21 the stated ‘intent’ presents an issue of compliance. There should be a specific commitment to 22 ensure that a minimum acceptable percentage of each wetland type is field-surveyed in a timely 23 fashion that would allow for proper management of rare plants or ecosystems potentially 24 impacted. 25 26 There have currently been enough wetlands surveyed to produce a model of the effectiveness of 27 the desktop classification system. If this system is to be deferred to, then it should be justified by 28 presenting the accuracy of the system when linked to field surveys. This result should play a role 29 on the minimum number of site surveys required per wetland class.

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1 3.4.1 Wetland Vegetation

2 Though vegetation is discussed separately with the application, there are two specific issues that 3 should be addressed in the context of wetlands. First, there is the issue of rare plants within 4 wetlands. Due to physiological and topographical constraints, rare plants in wetlands are 5 particularly susceptible to impacts and particularly poor at re-establishment. At this time it is 6 indicated that supplementary rare plant surveys have been completed. That information should 7 be provided to interested groups including the MNBC for review. Second, there is the issue of 8 seed-spread for short-term erosion control upstream of known wetlands. In disturbed riparian 9 areas, seed spread will be paramount to re-establish vegetation, as noted in the application; 10 however, seed spread in wetlands may lead to the introduction of invasive plants within these 11 ecotypes (also noted in the application). There is no clarifying indication of how sites will be 12 managed when vegetation re-establishment is required upstream and within a close proximity to 13 pooling wetlands. Spread seed may be directly introduced to the wetland through stream flow. In 14 these cases a seed-application mixture with ‘tackifier’ (i.e. hydro-seed) is recommended to help 15 limit this risk.

16 3.5 Vegetation

17 The difference in weeds, invasive plants, and noxious weeds is unclear in the Project application. 18 There is an indication that all weeds observed will be recorded. That is an excessive amount of 19 plant records as many weeds have no negative habitat or ethno-botanical value (i.e. dandelions 20 Taraxacum sp.). Additionally, the list of noxious weeds expected to be present within the Project 21 area does not appear to be entirely inclusive of some of the higher risk noxious plants. Marsh 22 plume thistle (Cirsium palustre) and common tansy (Tancetum vulgare) are not listed within the 23 application as priority species for avoidance or management but they are extremely prevalent and 24 invasive throughout parts of the Project footprint. These species should be added to the 25 documented list of priority species and effort should be made to clarify which weeds will be 26 recorded during vegetation surveys. 27 28 Because the Project application is divided into stand-alone volumes, each volume should contain 29 the Latin names of species presented in that volume for clarity. Because the Project will traverse

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1 provincial boundaries there are different colloquial names for various plants in BC and Alberta, 2 and this may cause confusion.

3 3.5.1 Rare Plants

4 Although addressed in the context of wetlands above, it should be stressed again that the 5 supplemental rare-plant survey results should be made available for review, as there are a limited 6 number of rare plants flagged for this study and the amount of effort previously applied was 7 likely insufficient to adequately detect them.

8 3.6 Fisheries

9 In general, the selected indicator species, best management practices, mitigation and monitoring 10 methods are all appropriate for the study. One area of concern is regarding the Lake Sturgeon 11 (Acipenser fulvescens) in Alberta. Although the habitat that they use will be handled 12 appropriately under the proposed mitigation measures, one outstanding concern is the timing of 13 migration. Auer (1996) found that migration timing and success was important to this species. It 14 should be ensured that potential encounters with migrating sturgeon be avoided where possible 15 by organizing timing of works appropriately.

16 3.7 Wildlife

17 Commitments to best management practices, timing windows, and regional specialist 18 recommendations are expected to offset many wildlife impacts potentially associated with this 19 project. However, karst formations within the pipeline route are poorly studied and weakly 20 assessed (particularly relevant to bats). Section 7.2.1.4 of the Project application identifies some 21 potential karst formations within the lower mainland, and considers them low risk, but it makes 22 no mention of the potential karst formations where the pipeline crosses the and 23 enters BC (Terra Firma Geoscience Services, 1999). These formations are poorly understood, 24 poorly studied, and potentially impacted during any blasting operations in the area. This lack of 25 information within the application requires additional justification or further study, and makes 26 bats an inadequately addressed wildlife group in this application. 27 28 Additionally, bats are relatively diverse, there are some migratory and some resident species (or 29 some that do both) that may be observed within the project area. As a result lumping bats

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1 together as an indicator group is a poor division of potential habitat needs. It will be difficult to 2 categorize the efficacy of preserving old trees (for sloughing bark), versus regulating blasting 3 around potential karst formations without additional information. Though the proposed BMP are 4 suitable in general, they may not be adequate for such a large project footprint with a diversity of 5 bat species along its distance. Further justification for the paucity of bat information or a more 6 rigorous monitoring and mitigation plan should be comprised. There is an indication that 7 discovered hibernacula will be managed, but it is unclear how these hibernacula are to be 8 discovered. Is there a proposed supplementary study? If so, when will it be completed? 9 10 Lastly, the timing of works for bats focuses around hibernation, a highly vulnerable time for bats, 11 but there are no mitigation measures to limit impacts during rearing stages. These are also high- 12 risk time frames when feeding will be paramount to adults restoring reserves after hibernation 13 and to young-of-the-year who will need to add mass. It is unclear if both of these life-history 14 phases are adequately addressed through the accepted BMP.

15 3.8 Marine Animals

16 It is clearly indicated that marine mammals are not likely to be observed in the RSA. However, it 17 would behoove the proponent to have a mitigation plan in place, in case this unlikely event did 18 occur. Are there acoustic management techniques that will be employed if whales are observed 19 within the RSA for example? Or, if Marbled Murrelet and other shorebirds frequently feed in the 20 RSA, and are disturbed by shipping activities will mitigation be implemented, or will scheduling 21 be adjusted? Although these plans are unlikely to be implemented, they should be considered and 22 either developed or justified prior to their exclusion. 23 24 There are a number of marine and migratory birds that will pass through the project area, and 25 many of them may settle in or around the marine facilities. It was indicated in the application that 26 this could happen, however, there is no estimate as to the importance of this habitat. Would 27 migratory or marine birds settle within the Project ZOI more or less often than they utilized 28 surrounding habitat? This information should be considered to better evaluate the potential 29 impact of the marine expansions associated with the Project.

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1 3.9 Additional Notes

2 This section simply highlights additional thoughts associated with the document that have no 3 significant bearing on the Project. 4 • Table 7.2.6-7 has a typo where a value of 14,00 is presented. Presumably it is supposed to 5 be 14,000. 6 • In Table 7.2.10-3 it should be stated, in the “Stream-Dwelling Amphibians” section, that 7 appropriate permits will be acquired as needed. This is mentioned throughout the bulk of 8 the document as appropriate, but is lacking here. 9 • There is no indication of a waste management program for the permanent structures 10 where employees may regularly be located throughout the operations phase of the 11 Project. Poor waste management could draw unwanted wildlife (i.e. bears) to pump 12 stations for example.

13 3.10 Conclusion

14 The proposed Trans Mountain Expansion Project is designed to limit new impacts to surrounding 15 environments. By re-using former sites, and paralleling existing linear disturbances, the impact 16 of the Project is greatly reduced. Additionally, the baseline data collected, the proposed 17 management, mitigation, and monitoring plans adhere to the current BMP and best available 18 knowledge. In many cases topics that were not addressed in detail in the application were 19 identified as having been considered by a panel of specialists and therefore justified in their 20 exclusion. This project has been evaluated by several teams of experienced professionals who 21 have ensured that the concerns generally associated with a project of this nature are appropriately 22 addressed. That being said, there are some minor outstanding concerns, identified above, and 23 these concerns should be addressed. 24 25 Air emissions should be re-evaluated to ensure that contaminant values that exceed agency 26 standards be regulated and mitigated where appropriate for this project. 27 28 Wetland vegetation seems to be separated from wetland management and mitigation and covered 29 through vegetation mitigation and management. Inherently there is nothing wrong with this 30 approach, however, there are some vegetation management objectives that are more appropriate

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1 for terrestrial and riparian habitats than wetland habitats, and it is unclear that the wetland 2 vegetation will be managed appropriately in some instances. 3 4 Rare plant surveys are an important part of a project of this scale and the supplemental study 5 should be made available for review. 6 7 Bats are poorly understood in this project, and where blasting is concerned this may be an issue. 8 Will all blasting throughout the entire project be limited to the low-risk windows for bats? It is 9 recommended that bat needs be re-evaluated or clarified and that karst formations be re-explored 10 in the Rocky Mountains due to their importance for bats. 11 12 Marine wildlife activity in the RSA is highly unlikely, but marine contingency plans should 13 either be developed or justified prior to being left out of this application to ensure that marine 14 mammals, fishes, birds, and benthic communities are managed appropriately throughout the 15 Project.

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1 References 2 Auer, N.A. (1996). Importance of habitat and migration to sturgeons with emphasis on lake 3 sturgeon. Canadian Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences, 53, 152-160. 4 5 Terra Firma Geoscience Services (1999). Reconnaisance karst potential mapping and inventory 6 for British Columbia: Testing of the KISP methodology. Prepared for the BC Minsitry of 7 Forests, Research Branch. 8

9 4. Summary

10 Métis are divided in their stance on the proposed project. Some citizens who are for the project 11 wish to obtain employment for themselves and their family and community members or are 12 looking at providing contract services. They see that the potential benefits of the project 13 outweigh the environmental risks. However, there are also some citizens who are strongly 14 opposed to the proposed project. They do not believe that the benefits outweigh the risks. They 15 believe that the environmental, economic, social and technical risks are too high. 16 17 Métis are stewards of the land and will work cooperatively with Kinder Morgan to ensure that 18 Métis Citizen’s Aboriginal rights are respected and appropriately addressed. MNBC will work 19 diligently and in good faith to protect all the natural resources that Métis people have and 20 continue to rely on as a way of life and cultural connection. MNBC’s vision is to build a proud, 21 self-governing, sustainable Nation for our Métis Citizens. 22 23 24 All of which is respectfully submitted this 27 day of May 2015 by, 25 26

27 28 29 Christopher Gall 30 Director of Natural Resources 31 Métis Nation British Columbia 32 1-604-557-5851 33 [email protected] 34 35 36

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1 5. Endnotes

i Ross, Alexander, “The Fur hunters of the Far West,” ed. Kenneth A. Spaulding, 196-98

ii Teit, James, “The Shuswap,” in The Jesup North Pacific Expeditions: Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History: Volume II: Part VII. New York, 1909. P 454

iii James Teit cited in Bailey, Patricia, “A Home in the Upper Athabasca Valley: The Aboriginal Homesteaders in the Nineteenth Century,” University of Alberta, 2003. P 71

iv De Smet, Pierre, “De Smet’s Letters and Sketches: 1841-1842” (originally published in 1843 under the following title: “Letters and Sketches: with A Narrative of a Year’s Residence among the Indian Tribes of the Rocky Mountains,) 357. http://books.google.ca/books?id=bDhuddD3VCYC&pg=PA357&dq=De+Smet+British+Columbia&hl=en&sa=X&ei=0 eb9UYSlMIbNiwKhq4CYCg&ved=0CDYQ6AEwAQ#v=snippet&q=half%20breeds&f=false Accessed on August 5th, 2013.

v Teit, James, “The Shuswap,” in The Jesup North Pacific Expeditions: Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History: Volume II: Part VII. New York, 1909. P 454-455.

vi Fromhold, Joachim, The Western Cree (Pakisimotan Wi Iniwak) 1590-1890. Lulu.com, 2011. P 173

vii See for example: Nicks, Trudy and Morgan, Kenneth, “Grand Cache: The historic development of an indigenous Alberta Métis population,” in The New Peoples: Being and Becoming Métis in North America, ed. Jacqueline Peterson and Jennifer S.H. Brown, University of Manitoba Press, 1985. P 168-170; Joachim, The Western Cree (Pakisimotan Wi Iniwak) 1590-1890. Lulu.com, 2011. P 63 and 173; and Bailey, Patricia, “A Home in the Upper Athabasca Valley: The Aboriginal Homesteaders in the Nineteenth Century,” University of Alberta, 2003. P 75.

viii An Application by British Columbia Transmission Corporation for a Certificate of Public Convenience and necessity for the Columbia Valley Transmission Project (Project No. 3698591:) Written Evidence of the Ktunaxa Nation Council; Submission Date: May 20, 2010. BCTC Columbia Valley Transmission CPCN: Exhibit C7-4. Accessed January 15, 2015. http://www.bcuc.com/Documents/Proceedings/2010/DOC_25494_C7-4_KNC_Written-Evidence.pdf 52/175

ix Bailey, Patricia, “A Home in the Upper Athabasca Valley: The Aboriginal Homesteaders in the Nineteenth Century,” University of Alberta, 2003. P 73-77 and 130.

x Bailey, Patricia, “A Home in the Upper Athabasca Valley: The Aboriginal Homesteaders in the Nineteenth Century,” University of Alberta, 2003. P 73-77 and 130.

xi Smyth, David, “The Yellowhead Pass and the Fur Trade, in BC Studies Winter 1884-85.” P 51

xii Smyth, David, “The Yellowhead Pass and the Fur Trade, in BC Studies Winter 1884-85.” P 51

xiii , Patricia, “A Home in the Upper Athabasca Valley: The Aboriginal Homesteaders in the Nineteenth Century,” University of Alberta, 2003. P 73-77 and 130

xiv Munnick, Harriet D., “Catholic Church Records of the Pacific Northwest: Vancouver and Stellamaris Mission Vol 1 and 2,” Binford & Mort Pubs. 1972. For example, see 14 S.3, S.4, S.5 – October 24th, 1838, three children were

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“buried close to a cross planted at the Fort of the Lakes.” They died “below the rapids of death” on the 22 of October 1838. xv Terrell, J. U. (1964). Black robe: The life of Pierre-Jean de Smet, missionary, explorer & pioneer. Garden City, N.Y: Doubleday. 202-203. xvi RE Tsqwatstens-kucw ne Csaliken’: Our People Between the Two Mountain Ranges. Shuswap Indian Band Traditional Land Use Study. 2008. http://www.shuswapband.net/traditionallanduse.html Accessed February 28th, 2014. xvii Hudsons Bay Company Biographical Record Sheet: Montour, Nicholas Jr. xviii Watson, Bruce “Lives Lived West of the Divide: A Biographical Dictionary of Fur Traders Working West of the Rockies, 1793-1858.” UBC Okanagan. 2010. 868-869. xix http://bcgenesis.uvic.ca/imageBrowser.htm?image=co_305_06_00270r.jpg xx Morice, A.G. The History of the Northern Interior of British Columbia Formerly New. 1905. Reprint. London: Forgotten Books, 2013. 269-70. xxi James Douglas to Archibald Barclay, Fort Victoria, January 20th, 1853. http://bcgenesis.uvic.ca/imageBrowser.htm?image=co_305_04_00263r.jpg xxii Loo, Tina. “Tonto’s Due: Law, Culture, and Colonization in British Columbia,” in Essays in the History of Canadian Law: British Columbia and the Yukon, ed., Hamar Foster and John McLaren. The Osgoode Society for Canadian Legal History. 1995. 135. xxiii Dawson, George Mercer, “Notes on the Shuswap people of British Columbia.” Transactions of the Royal Societyy of (1891) 26 xxiv McDonald’s Journal of Occurrences at Thompson’s River, 1826-27 (HBCA B.97/a/2) xxv Favorholdt, Kenneth Cornaby, MA Thesis, “The Cordilleran Communication: The Brigade System of the Far Western Fur Trade,” UBC 1997. P 79 xxvi Favorholdt, Kenneth Cornaby, MA Thesis, “The Cordilleran Communication: The Brigade System of the Far Western Fur Trade,” UBC 1997. P 81 xxvii Favorholdt, Kenneth Cornaby, MA Thesis, “The Cordilleran Communication: The Brigade System of the Far Western Fur Trade,” UBC 1997. P 122 xxviii Dictionary of Canadian Biography: Volume IX (1861-1870) http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/lolo_jean_baptiste_9E.html xxix Dictionary of Canadian Biography: Volume IX (1861-1870) http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/lolo_jean_baptiste_9E.html xxx Watson, Bruce “Lives Lived West of the Divide: A Biographical Dictionary of Fur Traders Working West of the Rockies, 1793-1858.” UBC Okanagan. 2010. 607

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xxxi Dictionary of Canadian Biography: Volume IX (1861-1870) http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/lolo_jean_baptiste_9E.html xxxii Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, McLean, Donald 'C' (ca.1800-1864)(fl.1833-1861); CAW 99/December xxxiii Dictioanry of Canadian Biography: Volume IX (1861-1870) http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/mclean_allan_11E.html xxxiv Dictioanry of Canadian Biography: Volume IX (1861-1870) http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/mclean_allan_11E.html xxxv Dictioanry of Canadian Biography: Volume IX (1861-1870) http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/mclean_allan_11E.html xxxvi Jason Hewlett, “Military burial sought for war hero: Single-handedly capture 19 prisoners at Vimy Ridge.” Kamloops Daily News, August 24, 2013. Accessed May 16th, 2015. http://www.kamloopsnews.ca/news/city-region/military-burial-sought-for-war-hero-1.1225726 xxxvii Vital Statistics British Columbia, Certificate of Registration of Death: Jonnie McLean 38741 xxxviii Vital Statistics British Columbia, Certificate of Registration of Death: Archie McLean 34 xxxix Library Archives Canada Online MIKAN no. 2061320 “Correspondence Regarding the Presence of Half Breeds on Different Reserves in British Columbia Census” xl UBC Okanagan, Kasondra White and Mike Evans, “The Roots of Early Interracial and Metis Communities in BC: A Statistical Analysis of Fur Traders and their Residential Patterns.” Append V to 2009-2010 Year End Report. Unpublished. xli Bourdon, Abe “Oregon Severeignty: a Metis Resources Report,” in Time-Line Sociology Notes. Nd. 2

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