ADJUSTMENT PROBLEMS OF THE RESETTLERS OF TARBELA DAM IN PAKISTAN

By

MUHAMMAD KAMRAN

A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the award

of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL WORK

UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR

(2018)

DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL WORK UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR

APPROVAL SHEET

This is certified that contents and format of this thesis titled, ―Adjustment problems of Resettlers of Tarbela Dam in Pakistan‖ submitted by Mr. Muhammad Kamran partial fulfillment of the requirement for the award of degree of ―Doctor of Philosophy of Social Work‖ have been approved by the supervisory committee after successful public defense.

SUPERVISOR ______Professor Dr. Johar Ali Dean faculty of Social Sciences University of Peshawar

INTERNAL EVALUATOR/EXAMINER ______Dr. Hazirullah Associate professor Chairman, Department of Sociology International Islamic University Islamabad

INTERNAL EXAMINER ______Dr. Aaqib Shahzad Alvi Lecturer, Department of Social Work University of Sargodha

INTERNAL EXAMINER ______Dr. Shahkeel Ahmad Assistant Professor Deparment of Social Work University of Peshawar

COUNTERSIGNED BY ______Dr. Rashid Khan Chairman Department of Social Work University of Peshawar i

ABSTRACT

The present ethnographic study explores the displacement of the people by the government of Pakistan‘s mega project Tarbela dam. Those affected by the project were resettled in different areas of Pakistan. The study has critically analyzed the problems faced by such resettlers after the resettlement. Therefore, the topic chosen for this study is

―adjustment problems of the resettlers of Tarbela dam in Pakistan‖.

The study has found that the involuntary resettlement created many problems for the resettlers in the areas of the resettlement including problems in language, education, housing, sanitation, construction, weather conditions, employment and assimilation. While the main objective of this study is to understand the perceptions of the resettlers (both men and women) regarding their adjustment in the new areas.

Previous studies from around the world have shown that people affected by such mega projects were not properly compensated. Governments usually do not do much for resettlers; they pay them nominal price and do not assist them much. . The same thing happened in this case as well. The resettlers were not properly compensated and, therefore, they still feel deprived; they criticize the government‘s officials for such an action.

This study, therefore, has employed qualitative methodology wherein unstructured interviews and focused group discussions (FGDs) were conducted with the respondents.

The research design was ethnography wherein the researcher lived in the communities under investigation. Furthermore, the study has found that in Pakistan there is still no resettlement policy for people displaced by the government‘s decisions. In the absence of such a policy, it does not seem possible to compensate the resettlers according to the law.

Apparently all mega development projects in Pakistan, involving dislocation of people have been carried out on the basis of the World Bank guidelines for resettlement. The key ii findings of the study are removal of their Hujra system which caused their non-adjustment in the new area. Secondly, loss of veiling (Pardah) for women due to displacement was yet another reason for their non-adjustment in the new area. A policy for proper assimilation and compensation of resettlers has been recommended in this research. It has also been suggested that resettlers must be involved in the planning, designing and implementation stages of resettlement plan. Furthermore, need to protect culture of resettlers and their values has been highlighted and recommended in this research

iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First of all, I am grateful to Allah, Almighty for giving me the vision and the potential to effectively continue with my research. This research has become possible due to the support and guidance of quite a few people in my life. I would like to express my sincere thanks to all of them.

Different people have contributed to this thesis in different capacities. Firstly, the most significant and scholarly contribution was made by my supervisor Professor Johar

Ali, Vice Chancellor, University of Malakand. He encouraged and guided me at every step along the way and took keen interest in my work. He always helped and assisted me during the course of my research. . Secondly, I am thankful to my elder brother, Engr.

Bahadur Shah, who supported me morally and financially. I am also thankful to Dr. Imran

A. Sajid at the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies and Dr. M. Ibrar at the Social Work

Department, University of Peshawar who motivated and supported me to complete my research every time I thought of leaving it in the middle. I must thank Mr. Ijaz Khan, a school principal and a key informant at Kalabut Township for his time and support, and for the information he provided by arranging interviews with respondents during my field research. I am also extremely thankful to my wife, Javiaria Kamran, and to my daughters,

Muskan Kamran, Hurraine Kamran, and my sons Muhammad Jibran Shah and

Muhammad Ambar Shah for their tremendous patience and for helping me complete my work. I am grateful to my mother, Hussan Bano, and my brothers and sisters for their prayers and best wishes. Last but not least, I am thankful to my father-in-law, Muhammad

Iqbal, my mother-in-law, and my brothers and sister-in-law for their constant support and prayers throughout my research.

iv

DEDICATION

In the memory of my father, Ambar Shah (late), who made every effort to providing us quality education & to my Mother,

Hussan Bano, whose love and care are the assets of my life.

Special thanks to my wife, Javiaria Kamran, for her love and patience and for the precious time she gave to our children in my absence. I could not have completed this work without her extraordinary support & encouragement.

The core credit is dedicated to my brother, Engineer Bahadur Shah, who gave me moral and financial support in completing this research.

v

TABLE OF CONTENTS

APPROVAL SHEET ------II

ABSTRACT ------I

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ------III

DEDICATION ------IV

TABLE OF CONTENTS ------V

LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES ------X

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ------XI

CHAPTER I ------12

INTRODUCTION ------12

1.1. BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY ------12

1.2. WHAT MOTIVATED ME TO CONDUCT THIS STUDY? ------13

1.3. RATIONALE OF THE STUDY ------15

1.4. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY ------17

1.5. OUTLINE OF THE STUDY ------18

CHAPTER II ------20

THEORIZING THE CONCEPT OF DAM AND ITS IMPACT ON PEOPLE’S ADJUSTMENT ------20

2.1 PART I ------20 2.1.1. Concept of Dam ------20 2.1.2. Purpose of Dams ------22 2.1.3. Types of Dams ------24 2.1.3.1. Gravity Dam------24 2.1.3.2. Buttress Dam ------24 2.1.3.3. Embankment Dam ------25 2.1.3.4. Arch Dams ------25

PART II ------26

2.2. HISTORY OF DAMS: GLOBAL AND LOCAL PERSPECTIVE ------26 2.2.1. History of Dams in the World ------26 2.2.2. The B.C. Period ------26 2.2.3. The First Millennium (A.D.) ------29 vi

2.2.4. The Middle Ages: The Period 1000 to 1600 A.D. ------30 2.2.5. The Period 1600 to 1800 A.D. ------31 2.2.6. The Nineteenth Century ------32 2.2.7. The Twentieth Century ------32

2.3. DAMS FAILURE IN THE WORLD ------33

2.4. IMPACTS OF DAMS ------39 2.4.1. Social Impacts ------40 2.4.2. Economic Impacts ------40 2.4.3. Political Impacts ------43 2.4.4. Environmental Impact ------45

CHAPTER SUMMARY ------47

CHAPTER III ------48

METHODOLOGY ------48

3.1. INTRODUCTION ------48

3.2. OVERVIEW OF THE RESEARCH PROCESS ------48

3.3. CASE STUDY ------50

3.4. LOCALITY OF TARGET AREAS ------51

3.5. PROCEDURE FOR RESPONDENTS SELECTION ------53

3.6. SALIENT FEATURES OF THE TARGET AREA ------55

3.7. ETHNOGRAPHIC APPROACH ------58

3.8. TOOLS OF DATA COLLECTION ------59 3.8.1. Participant observation ------59 3.8.2. Interviews ------60 3.8.3. Types of interviews ------61 3.8.3.1. Individual Interview and Focus Group Discussion ------61

3.9. PILOT VISIT OF TARGET AREA ------62

3.10. PRACTICAL FIELDWORK IN THE TARGET AREA ------63

3.11. TRANSCRIPTION, INTERPRETATION/PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF THE DATA 65

3.12. LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY ------66

3.13. ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS ------67

CHAPTER SUMMARY ------68

CHAPTER IV ------69

VIEWS OF URBAN RESETTLERS ------69

(KALABUT TOWNSHIP AND KANGRA TOWNSHIP) ------69 vii

4.1. PART I: CULTURAL BEREAVEMENT AMONG DISPLACED PERSONS ------70 4.1.1. Dissolution of Hujra system ------70 4.1.2. Loss of Pashto as native language ------71 4.1.3. Changes in modesty beliefs: Loss of Pardah (Veil) system ------71 4.1.4. Shift in wedding culture: From collective marriages to individual marriage system ------73 4.1.5. Change in dress code: From traditional to modern ------74

4.1.6. ACCOMMODATION CONSTRAINTS: FROM BIG FARM HOUSES TO CONGESTED STREET

HOUSES 74 4.1.7. Water shortage: Scarcity for drinking and construction purposes ------75 4.1.8. Change in toilet system: From open air toilets to attached washrooms ------76 4.1.9. Local hostility ------77 4.1.10. Problems in Education: From good to better ------78

4.2. PART II: ECONOMIC ISSUES ------79 4.2.1. Issues in Compensation: Too meager and too late ------79 4.2.2. Rising unemployment ------80 4.2.3. Incompatibility of traditional job skills for new ground realities ------81

4.3. PART III: LEGAL ISSUES ------88 4.3.1. Litigation issues ------88

CHAPTER SUMMARY ------89

CHAPTER V ------91

VIEWS OF RESETTLERS/AFFECTEES OF NEW DARBAND TOWNSHIP, GHAZI AND PEHUR HAMLETS ------91

5.1. PART I: CULTURAL BEREAVEMENT AMONG DISPLACED PERSONS ------91 5.1.1. Education System: Ups and Downs in the Education ------91 5.1.2. Cultural differences and job opportunities ------93 5.1.3. Change in the functions of hujra system ------95 5.1.4. Alienation and the loss of Hindko as a native language ------96 5.1.5. Modesty beliefs: Changes in Pardah (Veil) culture ------98 5.1.6. Change in the dress code: From traditional to modern ------99 5.1.7. Accommodation constraints: From open farm houses to congested street houses100 5.1.8. Change in toilet system ------103 5.1.9. Water shortage: Scarcity for drinking and other purposes ------104

5.2. PART II. ECONOMIC ISSUES ------105

5.2.1. POOR INFRASTRUCTURE ------105 viii

5.2.2. Changes in economic beliefs: From shared economic responsibility to individual responsibility ------107 5.2.3. Issues in compensation for losses: Too small and too late ------108 5.2.4. Employment issues: From agricultural labour skills to industrial labour skills --- 109

5.3. PART III. LEGAL ISSUES ------114 5.3.1. Unending litigations ------114

CHAPTER SUMMARY ------115

CHAPTER VI ------117

ANALYSIS OF THE IMPACT OF RESETTLEMENT ON THE RESETTLERS OF TARBELA DAM ------117

6.1. INVOLUNTARY DISPLACEMENT ------118

6.2. ACCULTURATION OF RESETTLERS IN THE HOST COMMUNITY ------122

6.3. ASSIMILATION OF THE RESETTLERS IN THE HOST COMMUNITY ------125

6.4. ADJUSTMENT OF CHILDREN AND YOUTH (3RD GENERATION) ------127

6.5. POVERTY AMONG THE RESETTLERS ------129

6.6. INCREASE IN UNEMPLOYMENT ------132

6.7. HOUSING, SECURITY AND ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS------138

6.8. IMPROVEMENT IN EDUCATION FOR BOTH GENDERS ------142

6.9. POLITICS AND TIRESOME LITIGATIONS ------149

CHAPTER SUMMARY ------152

CHAPTER VII ------154

CONCLUSIONS ------154

7.1. CONCLUSIONS ------154 7. 1.1. Extraction of the Hujra system ------154 7.1.2. Loss of native language ------155 7.1.3. Loss of veiling (Pardha) ------156 7.1.4. Change in the wedding pattern ------157 7.1.5. Loss of traditional housing system ------158 7.1.6. Feeling of alienation ------159 7.1.7. Education system in the new area------160 7.1.8. Prejudiced behavior of government in compensating the affectees ------161 7.1.9. Litigations ------162

7.2. THEORETICAL IMPLICATIONS ------162

7.3. RECOMMENDATIONS ------163 7.3.1 Resettlers involvement in all the processes and at all the stages of projects ------163 ix

7.3.2. Uniformity of resettlement strategies ------164 7.3.3. Documentation of policy guidelines ------165 7.3.4. Protection of resettlers‘ culture by employing social scientists ------165

7.4. AREAS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH ------167

REFERENCES ------168

ANNEXURE------199

x

LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES

 Fig I: Geographical position of KP in Pakistan______40  Table 3.1. Showing Sample Design ______42  Fig II: Map of Pakistan ______44

xi

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ACE Associated Consultant Engineers

AD Anno Domini

ADB Asian Development Bank

ANP Awami National Party

BC Before Christ

BDS British Dam Society

Dr Doctor

FGD Focus Group Discussion

ICLD International Commission of Large Dams

ICOLD International Commission on Large Dams

KP Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (Province in Pakistan)

MPA Member of Provincial Assembly

NGO Non Governmental Organization

NWFP North West Frontier Province

PEDO Pakhtunkhwa Energy Development Organization

RRAP Resettlement and Rehabilitation ction plan

SDC Swiss Development Cooperation

SMT Social Mobilization Team

TMA Tehsil Municipal Administration

US United States of America

WAPDA Water and Power Development Authority

WCD World Commission on Dams

12

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

1.1. Background of the Study This dissertation is an ethnographic study of the adjustment problems of the

Tarbela1dam resettlers in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa2 (KP) province of Pakistan. Tarbela dam, one of the largest earth-filled dams in the world, is one of the mega development projects completed in Pakistan in the 1960s. This dam was built to develop Pakistan by providing a source of hydro energy, irrigation base and flood control in the country. . The dam covers an area of 250 Sq/Km (White, 2001) which was formerly inhabited by 135 villages, about

96,000 native residents (Terminski, 2013). As part of the project, these inhabitants were apparently resettled into new townships and hamlets. Owing to a lack of national resettlement policy, the resettlement was conducted on an ad hoc basis with little concern for cultural and social after-shocks resulting from such resettlement which caused numerous problems.

This study ethnographically explores the problems of the resettlers of Tarbela

Dam. It employs in-depth interview, focused group discussion, and field observation as data collection techniques. The reason behind employing qualitative methodology is to obtain detailed information regarding the adjustment issues of the resettlers which other techniques could not ensure. The data were collected from both rural and urban resettlers: rural being New Darband3 Township in district Mansehra4, Pehur5 Hamlet in district

1Tarbela refers to the place where the Dam, under study, is located. It is situated in District Swabi and means in Urdu (native language of Pakistan) wet land (See chapter 4 for more detail). 2Khyber Pakhtunkwha is one of the four provinces in Pakistan. Its capital is Peshawar. 3Darband village is situated 61 kilometer in the west of district Mansehra. 4Mansehra is a district in KP and is situated 115 km north of Islamabad. 5Pehur is a small village between Tarbela and Gadoon (name of village) Industrial Estate, district Swabi, KP. 13

Swabi6, and Ghazi7 hamlet in district Haripur8 while the urban resettlers are in Kangra9 and Kalabut10 Townships.

As a result of this contact of resettlers with the host communities, numerous cultural, language, and ethnic issues emerged. Keeping in view the influence of new social and physical environment, this study investigates the impact of resettlement on the culture, the language, and the life style of the resettlers. Moreover, this research focuses on how resettlement created massive economic problems such as unemployment, and loss of income for the resettlers. The research also explores the legal problems such as litigations in courts which emerged after resettlement. Furthermore, it looks into the role of politics in this matter. More precisely, the study discusses the following objectives:

Objectives of the study:

 to understand the perceptions of the resettlers regarding their adjustment in the new

areas.

 to find out the problems discouraging their adjustment in the new areas and

 to understand the impact of their resettlement on their future generations.

1.2. What motivated me to conduct this study? There were many motivating factors that aroused my interest to conduct this study.

Firstly, I worked with an NGO named Swiss Development Cooperation (SDC) in 2005 to facilitate the relief activities of the earthquake victims of Mansehra (a city in Hazara division of KP) in their resettlement. While working there, I observed that many victims who were moved to new settlements faced many problems including accommodation,

6Swabi is the name of district in KP and is situated 111 km north of Islamabad. 7Ghazi is a title given to Muslim warrior or champion. Here it is a name of Tehsil in District Haripur. It is situated 25 kilometer north east of district Haripur. 8Haripur is the adjacent city to Tarbela situated 62 km north of Islamabad. 9Kangra is the name of township situated 60 km north of Islamabad. 10Kalabut is the name of township situated 65 km north of Islamabad. 14 education, water, employment, and lack of basic civic facilities. These observations promoted me to choose this area for my research. Secondly, I have attended many seminars and workshops on resettlement, social mobilization, reconstruction, participatory rural appraisal, and many other related topics. These seminars and workshops broadened my understanding of the issue of resettlement and other related problems. I became familiar with different terminologies such as involuntary resettlement, resettlement and rehabilitation action plan (RRAP) and compensation of land which discourage the adjustment of people suffering from socio- economic problems in a new area. This knowledge further aroused my interest to conduct this study. However, the most important factor that kindled my interest in the subject was my last job as are settlement specialist

(2009 to 2016) with a consultancy firm, Associated Consultant Engineers (Pvt) Ltd.

(ACE). ACE focuses on hydro power projects in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and its last project was Daral-Khwar Running Hydro Power Project at Bahrain of Swat district in KP. This project is yet to become functional. This project caused a resettlement of 212 inhabitants. I worked as resettlement specialist for seven (7) years. My job responsibilities included negotiating terms and conditions of resettlement with the inhabitants and the state departments (revenue department). This role increased my knowledge and enriched my broadened my first-hand experience with the issues of resettlers. This, amongst other factors, pushed me to pursue PhD on the subject. In addition to this, my reading of literature on the subject revealed to me that adjustment problems of the resettlers have not been comprehensively studied by researchers( in Pakistan). Many researchers such as

Bisht (2009), Yüfksil (2009), Biswas (2007), and Tortaja (2005) have studied resettlement issue but their focus remained mainly on individual aspects such as compensation, electricity, women, ecosystem, economic and environmental impact. 15

With all these motivational factors, I gradually came to know how state institutions treat the inhabitants who lived in a planned project area such as Tarbela dam. I noted that for a state, national interest overrides individual interest. However, a state does not use force to implement a project. It utilizes all soft-measures to resolve social issues, including resettlement which emerges during implementation.

1.3. Rationale of the Study Large dams contribute significantly to the socio-economic development of countries around the world (Castelán, 2002; Takesada, 2009). The 20th century experienced a rise in multi-purpose dams such as flood control, hydropower generation and irrigation (Biswas & Tortarda, 2001; Altinbilek, 2002). Today, large dams are considered a symbol of development. A country‘s development/status is determined on the basis of water reservoirs it has. Dams result in the development of infrastructure and over all life of resettlers. In addition, dams generate electricity which is the lifeblood of a country. As well as, their enormous advantages, large dams also come at a price too. They bring significant changes in ecosystem, physical and social structures of a country. One of their most significant impact is the dislocation of thousands of households and communities. World Bank and International Commission of Large Dams (ICLD) report that each year over 10 million people are dislocated around the world as a result of dams‘ construction (Hong et al., 2009). For example, Kotmale Dam in Sri Lanka displaced 9,600 households, (40,000 people) (Fujikura, et al., 2009: 415). In Turkey, 1076 dams dislocated

3, 56,327 people (Akça, Fujikura, & Sabbag, 2013).

Similarly, Tarbela dam in Pakistan displaced 96,000 people. The government of

Pakistan resettled 96,000 people from 135 villages and established three townships 16

(Kalabut11, Kangra12, NewDarband13) and two hamlets (Pehur14, Ghazi) for the resettlers

(Terminski, 2013). There are large numbers of court cases being filed by the affected people against the government. It has been more than 40 years since the cases were filed but many still remain undecided.

Owing to the experience Tarbela Dam affectees, construction of many new dams in Pakistan is submitted to the heated political debates (It is against this backdrop that the construction of new dams in Pakistan is now hotly debated in the parliament. The construction of Kala Baghdam15is a case in point. The construction of this dam is being opposed by many political parties and pressure groups in Khyber Pakhtunkwha and Sindh provinces of Pakistan. One of the reasons for the opposition to such mega development project is that it may displace thousands or millions of people. It is usually argued that the constructions of such dams submerge hundreds of Sq/Kms fertile land and buildings too resulting in displacement of thousands or millions who are usually not properly compensated for their losses.

In the case of Tarbela dam, the resettlement was carried out on ad hoc basis in the absence of any national resettlement policy resulting in positive and negative outcomes which may also create humanitarian crisis. Further, the dam reservoir displaced thousands of people and since they were relocated to different areas and thus forced to live with different ethnic groups and in different physical environment. It may have resulted in social, cultural, economic, educational, and legal challenges.

11Kalabat is an Urdu(Pakistan native language) word, combination of two words, kala (meaning ―upright‖) and bat (meaning ―stone‖). It is situated 3.2 kilometers in north east of district Haripur. 12Kangra is a village and situated 6.4 kilometers north west of district Haripur. 13Darband is situated 61 kilometer in the west of district Mansehra. 14Pehur is small village between Tarbela and Gadoon Industrial Estate .district Swabi, KP. 15KalaBagh is an Urdu (Pakistan native language) and name of place and proposed dam. 17

1.4. Significance of the study Shortage of electric power is a serious problem in Pakistan. Pakistan has an electric power shortfall of 6000 mega watts which cause severe load-shedding in both urban and rural areas causing huge losses to the economy as well as social unrest among people.

There have been numerous incidents where residents of a community adversely affected by long hours of power failures came out in protest damaging public property which thus created law and order situation. In order to tackle this issue, the government of Pakistan began to build dams in the past. One of such dams is Tarbela dam. On one hand, building dams generate electric power while on the other hand they create numerous problems too.

The most serious problem amongst them is the displacement of people and their subsequent resettlement. A research on the past experience of displaced and resettled population is significant because this research brings many benefits.

There is a need to know how the previous resettlement experiences went in

Pakistan. The lessons learned in this research from the past experiences would provide guidelines for future dams‘ developments so that future dams do not harm people the way the previous dams did. Water and Power Development Authority (WAPDA), the key agency for construction of dams, may benefit from this research. This research may help

WAPDA to draw up guidelines as to how to tackle the issue of resettlement.

Both in Pakistan and around the world, international aid and financial agencies play a key role in dams‘ construction and development. The Asian Development Bank

(ADB), for example, one of the key partners in many dams‘ constructions in Pakistan, will also benefit from this research. This research may lead to findings that will be of use to

ADB. The agencies (donor) usually pay for resettlement compensations. However, the procedures and impacts of compensations have been of little concern to the aid and funding agencies. This research finds out the problems associated with resettlement and 18 how they can be tackled by aid and funding agencies. Further, this research may also contribute to the development of humanitarian agencies. Resettlement may cause humanitarian crisis in many countries around the world. In such a scenario, humanitarian agencies may play a supporting role in order to minimize the harm caused by such development projects.

1.5. Outline of the Study The thesis is divided into seven chapters. Chapter I explains the nature, rationale, significance and objectives of the study while chapter II explains the wide and relevant literature and fills in unfilled space, justifying the conduct of this study. It also describes the history and concept of dams, their types and their impact on displaced people for the understanding of the reader(s).

Chapter III explains the overall research procedure followed in this study. It also clarifies the research topic and the significance of the study. Furthermore, it highlights tools of data collection employed in this research and the way data were collected and analyzed.

Chapter IV discusses the views of male and female respondents of Kalabut and

Kangra Townships in Haripur regarding their adjustment issues. This categorization has been made on the basis of their (resettlers) similar culture, socio-economic and geographical conditions/realities. In brief, it paints a picture of the reasons responsible for their non-adjustment in such areas.

Chapter V also presents the primary data collected from the respondents (male and female) from the New Darband Township and two hamlets (Ghazi and Pehur). The township and the two hamlets are situated near Topi16 village and therefore, they practice

16Topi is a village near Swabi district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. 19 almost similar culture, socio-economic and geographical condition. It presents a clear picture to the reader(s) about the study's objectives and the on ground resettlement issues faced by resettlers after displacement.

Chapter VI juxtaposes primary and secondary data along with my field observation for results. To ensure that the reader(s) easily understand the issue of resettlement, this chapter is divided into three parts. Part I explains the social issues, part II gives explanation of the economic issues and part III clarifies the legal/political issues faced by resettlers.

Chapter VII contains conclusions derived from this study and the recommendations made to improve the situation of people‘s resettlement in the wake of such projects. Furthermore, it also includes theoretical implications of the study and the possible research areas for future researchers.

20

CHAPTER II

THEORIZING THE CONCEPT OF DAM AND ITS IMPACT

ON PEOPLE’S ADJUSTMENT

The previous chapter introduced the research topic, its rationale, its significance and the overall organization of the thesis. This chapter discusses the literature review and the concept of dams and its impact on people both at home and abroad. This chapter is divided into two parts. Part I critically reviews the relevant literature, concepts, and types of dams, and Part II discusses the history of the dams in the world. It also details about its positive and negative impacts on the citizenry. It affords the reader a clear picture about old and new operations of dams as well.

2.1 Part I 2.1.1. Concept of Dam As far as the concept of dam is concerned, it has different connotations. Firstly, according to International Commission on Large Dams (ICOLD) 2007: 60), ―a dam is an artificial barrier that has the capability to seize water, whether waste water or any liquid- borne material, for storage, space or managing it‖. A similar definition is provided by other scholars such as Brown and Jackson (2012) who define a dam as a ―structure built across a stream, river, or estuary to retain water.‖

Thirdly and the most common image of a dam is, ―a hydraulic structure of fairly solid material constructed crosswise a river to make a reservoir on its upstream side of impounding water for different functions‖ (Raju, 2015: 1). Fourthly, it is ―a wall built across a river that stops the river's flow and collects the water, especially to make a reservoir (an artificial lake) that provides water for an area‖ (Ibid).So for the available research on dams is insufficient because the above cited references only refer to some of 21 the areas. An extensive reading of more than 300 articles and books reveals that not enough studies have been conducted to provide a comprehensive definition of a dam.

Researchers do not have consensus on one final definition that encompasses all facets of a dam. Most of the researchers such as Jansen, 1983; Nakayama, et al., 2009; Rania, 2010;

Fujikura, et al., 2009; Cernea, 2009; Lee, et al., 2014; Bui & Scheinemachers, 2011;

Karimi, et al., 2005; Khan, et al., 2014; Manatunge & Takesada, 2012; Fujikura &

Nakayama, 2012; Sisinggih, et al., 2012; Takesada, 2009; Hong, et al., 2009; Karimi &

Taifur, 2012; Gyuse & Gyuse, 2008; and Takahasi, 2007 etc have discussed issues related to dams but their work still do not cover the phenomena of dam in its entirety.

There are many researchers who have tried to cover the technological aspects of dams

(See for example Tim, et al., 2008; Johnson, 2012; Jone, 2009). Some researchers have covered the social and economic aspects of them while some have covered the environmental aspects (Yoshida, et al., 2012; Dogan, et al., 2010; Cabrera & Arregui,

2010). However, none has given a complete definition of a dam (see Jansen, 1980;

Takahasi and Uitto, 2004; Dunlop, 1987; Shaw & Sutcliffe, 2003). Majority of the researchers have tried to study the resettlement aspects of dams all over the globe but did not include the definition or concept of dam in their research. Clearly, the above definitions focus on many aspects however they do not provide the full-fledged or complete definition of a dam. Dams works for drinking water supply, irrigation, and flood control, navigation and last but not least power generation. Therefore, there is no such definition which embraces all aspects of a dam. This signifies is that the work carried out in this area so far is too little. Therefore, my study is very important because it will provide new areas to researcher for future work. The following parts help reader(s) to grasp what a dam refers to and what is meant for. 22

2.1.2. Purpose of Dams In the past, dams were used for a single purpose, i.e. drinking and/or agriculture. With advancement in technology, dams today have become multipurpose. All dams vary from one another in different respects. In ancient times dams were used to store water for animals and for water supply in times of drought. But in the modern world after considerable years of evolution, and due to the newly emerging needs of people, dams serve several useful purposes. According to International Commission on Large Dams

(ICOLD) (2012: 1), dams have in the past

―enabled people to collect and store water when it is plentiful and then use it during dry periods. Therefore, they have been essential in establishing and supporting towns and farms as well as providing food through irrigation of crop land.‖

The logic behind single purpose dam would have been that the people did not realize the need of other things which could be fulfilled through the construction of a dam.

Hence, they constructed dams for a single purpose only but with the passage of time and increasing needs, people became aware of the different usages of the dam.

Generally, for domestic water supply, dams are constructed to store and control water; they are used for irrigation, navigation, recreation, sedimentation control, flood control and hydropower too. Some dams serve single purpose and are, therefore, known as a single purpose dams (ICOLD, 2007: 16). However, due to the multiple needs of the present day, dams are constructed for several purposes and are therefore called multi- purposes dams. Multipurpose dams are not only indispensable for a country but they are cost-effective projects for developing countries because that way the populations receive several domestic and economic benefits from a single investment (Harrison, 2008;

ICOLD, 2007). Similarly, Yüksel (2009) explains various purposes of a dam and holds that it is constructed to store water, help in flood management, irrigate crops, provide 23 recreation and generate electricity.

Dams as referred to above are constructed for different purposes such as increasing food production, hydropower generation and flood control (Takahasi & Uitto, 2004).

While some are needed for crops, some are built for the purpose of irrigation, domestic and industrial water supply and hydropower development projects (Jansson, Nilsson, &

Malmqvist, 2007).Similarly, the British Dam Society (BDS) mentions in its Fact Sheet that dams and reservoirs were used for irrigation, hydro-electric power, flood protection, navigation, and recreation which was the demand of their population (Altinbilek, 2002).

According to different scholars at different times, all dams have almost the same purpose around the world irrespective of time and place. Their purposes include use of dam water for farming, industries and domestic needs, controlling floods, regulating transportation and navigation and fisheries business. Today, dams are also picnic spots too where many sports events are organized. Dams are further constructed for storing or controlling water thereby generating energy. Another use of dams is to raise the level of the water upstream and divert it into different channel (DeSilva, et al., 1991).

Similarly, demand for dams is different in the world. Dams play very important role in a community. Different countries now use dams for many purposes including storage of drinking and irrigation water, flood control, domestic animals water supply, power production, control of mine tailings, and pollution control etc. Furthermore, dams also bring a variety of benefits. They include leisure (such as boating and water sports), waste management, river navigation, water supply, and wildlife environment.

Other studies (See Kistemann, et al., 2002; Firoozabadi & Ramey, 1988) provide more details about this huge water container. For smooth functioning of life, this structure can be used as an obstacle that impounds water or underground watercourses. While in some regions, water storage by dams not only holds back overflow but also supplies water 24 for irrigation, drinking purpose and industrial use. Hydro power is often used in combination with dams to produce electrical energy. Dams usually serve the primary purpose of protecting water while other structures such as floodgates are used to manage or keep away water flow into cultivated land areas. Thus these are, according to different scholars, the main purposes of dams in the world. The following literature discusses the most common types or shapes of dam such as gravity dams, buttress dams, embankment dams and arc dams.

2.1.3. Types of Dams Normally, dams are divided into four different types on the basis of their purpose and area. Man-made dams are distinguished by their particular structure, material used, the process used for building the structure, their design, the way it is used for the potential power of water, the resources used for calculating release of water, and their functions.

Overall, the British Dam Society categorizes dams into four major types (BDS fact sheet,

2010). They are described blow.

2.1.3.1. Gravity Dam A gravity dam is built from solid or stonework or occasionally together (Brown &

Jackson, 2012). The dam is called gravity dam as it is designed in such a way that gravity takes hold of water. Water from rivers hits walls of dams but the pressure is shifted to the gravity instead to the wall. The concrete structure of the dam looks similar to a triangle from the cross section (see attached photos). Gravity dams are suitable for both wider and narrow sites. However, such dams ―need be constructed on sound rock or concrete‖

(Billington, et al., 2005: 58).

2.1.3.2. Buttress Dam Buttress Dams are constructed from solid or stonework (BDS Fact Sheet, 2010). They have a water-resistant side griped by triangular shaped walls. These triangular walls are called buttresses. The buttresses are spaced at a distance on the downstream side. These 25 buttresses hold dam water and decrease force of water in the reservoir. Buttress dams are constructed like gravity dam. However, there is a lesser amount of material being used.

Thus, like gravity dams, buttresses dams are appropriate to both narrow and large basins and must be assembled on hard rock (BDS Fact Sheet, 2010).

2.1.3.3. Embankment Dam Embankment dams are mostly built from ordinary materials (BDS fact sheet, 2010;

Brown & Jackson, 2012). Embankment dams may be divided into earth fill dams and rock fill dams. An earth fill dam is constructed using compressed earth while a rock filled dam is constructed using compressed rock. Most of the times, the material for such dams are excavated from within the reservoir basin (Chanson, 2009).

Embankment dams are shaped like a hill to store water. The middle section of the dam is made up of waterproof substances in order to stop water passing through the dam.

Different materials such as mud and/or concrete may be used for the center (About Dams,

2010).

2.1.3.4. Arch Dams Arch dams are prepared from concrete (Billington, et al., 2005). Their contours are just like an arch with the peak of the arch ending support into the water. They keep the force of the water in control and push it back towards upstream in the reservoir. These dams are usually constructed in mountainous regions where streams or rivers flow between the vertical mountains. In addition to the arch, such (arch) dams need a strong foundation and support on both sides of the valley. Such dams are the most common in the world. Hence, this is what different types of dams are. The following section explains the history of dams in relation to their different purposes. It also discusses ancient dams from

BC period (where they were used for water supply, irrigation and animals) and the modern ones of the twentieth century (which are used for water supply, irrigation, flood control, navigation and hydroelectric power). 26

Part II 2.2. History of Dams: Global and Local Perspective

2.2.1. History of Dams in the World The history of damming water is quite old. Almost 5000 years ago, dams were constructed primarily for the purpose of accumulating water in barren lands particularly for drinking purposes for humans and domesticated animals (Biswas & Tortarda, 2001;

Altinbilek, 2002). Evidence indicates that the ancient world was familiar with damming water. Ancient ruins in Egypt, Persia, and Babylonia, India and in the Far East still have evidence of ancient dams (Jansen, 1980; Biswas, 2007). Rania (2010) states that in Jordan, the history of dams can be traced back to as early as 3000 years ago. However, the first irrigation or damming in the world is not known yet. But ancient civilizations of India,

Egypt, China, and Persia were familiar with and dependent upon storing and managing water (Jansen, 1980). Rania (2010) also states that in ancient Mesopotamia, some irrigation canals were as old as 8000 years. She infers that possibly the farmers were the first innovators of damming and irrigation. Similarly, Jansen (1980) found traces of irrigation channels in the ancient Aryan civilization of Persia which were as old as 6000 years. So it can be concluded that damming water for irrigation and other usages is a very old phenomenon.

2.2.2. The B.C. Period Deficient verifiable literature is available with regard to the concept of dams before

Christ. Jansen (1980) acknowledges that most references to ancient dams which were constructed in the period 1000 BC can only be predicted. This is true mostly for Egypt where water reservoirs have a very long chronological history. Likewise, ancient settlements in India and Sri Lanka also shed some light on how the water was channelized by ancient civilizations. 27

The most frequently used material for building dams was a mixture of soil and gravel in the dam walls. Others used mud fill and stone mix material. Some dams were built using cut-stone masonry techniques (Jansen, ibid). The most common technique in the ancient world was to construct walls across rivers.

Brown and Jackson (2012) report that the first earliest known dam was the Jawa dam in Jordan. This structure was built around 3000 BC. It was a gravity dam encircled by a 9- meter high and 1-meter thick wide stone wall. The second earliest known dam, Sadd-el-

Kafara dam, was constructed around 2800 BC in ancient Egypt. It was located 25 km south of Cairo. This structure was built as a diversion for flood control. However, it was destroyed shortly afterwards (Bazzell, 1902).One of the ancient dams, the Marduk dam, was built on river Tigris River north of Baghdad and south of Samarra. It was built by

Assyrians and lasted till Sassanian domination. However, it was ruined in 13th Century

AD (El-Yussif, 1983).

Similarly, King Solomon (1018-978 BC) is reported to have built one of the most advanced water systems in ancient Judean Empire. The water system was used for the people of Jerusalem. It was used for agriculture and domestic purposes (Issar & Zohar,

2012). King Lokman, the King of Sabaeans in 1700 BC, is also reported to have built a dam 10 KMs from the city of Saba (Howorth, 1901). Besides, the recent archaeological excavations have found that simple dams and canal systems existed as earlier as 2000 BC that provided people with desired water. In another place, the Marib dam in Yemen is said to have been built around 750 BC. This dam is still in use in Yemen and is, hence, one of the ancient dams in the world (Garbrecht & Garbrecht, 2004).

King Sharahbil Yafur is also reported to have built dam in 449 AD. However, the dam was cracked by the floods next year. Abraha, the king who attacked Makkah in earlier

Islamic history (Al-Quran, 105), is also reported to have rehabilitated the dam but it was 28 again breached in 542 AD. The Assyrian King, Sennacherib, is also reported to have built dam structure to serve his capital city of Nineveh during 705-681 BC. Nebuchadnezzar II, the famous Babylonian King, also built masonry dam structures on river Khosr (Kirby,

1990). In ancient Persia, around 539 BC, Cyrus, the Great King, is reported to have built earth dams on a tributary of the river Tigris. Its purpose was to provide water for irrigation. Ancient Achaemenians in Persia are also reported to have built dams on river

Kur, south of Persepolis in 5th and 6th Century BC. King Duris the Great of Persia is reported to have built three gravity dams near his palace at Persepolis on river Kur. The recorded history of the invasion of Alexander (in 331 BC) into the valley of Tigris reveals that many dams were partially removed to make passageways for his troops. To the east of

Tigris valley, in Balochistan province of Pakistan, pre-Aryan ruins have been discovered in the Lakorian Pass in Mashkai valley. To the further east, the Chandragupta dynasty (322

– 298 BC) also built some remarkable dams in India including Sudarsana dam built near

Girnar in Kathiawar (Parry, 2005).

A Chinese dam on river Gukow in Shansi Province is also reported to have been built in 240 BC. Europe also has history of ancient dams. In 193 BC, there were water channels and reservoirs in Spain. The Alcantarilla dam is reported to have been built in 193 BC which is still in use in Spain (Oviedo, Parra, & Rodríguez-Malo, 2014).

Findings from Babylonia, ancient Egypt, Indus valley, and ancient China show that the human civilizations in the BC period were well aware of the importance of damming water. The early human settlements used water for drinking and irrigation. The ancient world constructed some of the large dams in history. Hence, this is how dams existed in the BC period. The following section discusses the development and advancement in dam construction in the first millennium. 29

2.2.3. The First Millennium (A.D.) The first half of the first millennium saw the rise of Roman Empire. Romans built many dams during that period. The first four centuries saw the construction of many dams in Spain alone. Some references indicate that around 50 dams were constructed in these

400 years. Out of these 50 dams, 07 to 09 were built in the first Century AD, 07 in Second

Century, while 12 dams were constructed during Third and Fourth Century AD. Further, out of these 50 dams, 15 were buttress dams while 35 were gravity dams. Some of the dams such as Cornalvo Dam and Proserpina Dam built in the first and second century are still in use (Arenillas & Castillo, 2003).

The Romans also constructed dams in Libya, Turkey, and Syria. The Cavdarhisar dam, south of Istanbul, was built in the 2nd century AD. The dam is still used by Turkey. Al-

Harbaqa dam, southwest of Palmyra (Syria) was also built in the same century.

Nonetheless, Al-Harbaqa dam is not in use today (Chanson & James, 2001).

The 1st millennium also witnessed the construction of dams in ancient Japan, China,

Sri Lanka and Byzantine Empire. The well-known Kaerumataike dam was constructed in

162 AD on river Yodo near the capital Nara. The Sayamaike dam, built in 7th century AD, is still in use in Japan today. The Minneriya dam in Sri Lanka, built during 276-303 AD, was used for irrigation but is still in use. Byzantine built eight major water constructions during 527-565 AD. Out of those eight, four are still in use. In China, the Tashanyan dam was built in 833 AD on river Zhang Xi near Ningbo. It was a gravity dam and was used for irrigation (Du & Koenig, 2012).

In the 2nd half of the 1st millennia, Muslims emerged as a powerful nation and soon spread to the east and west simultaneously capturing the powerful Persian and Roman

Empires of the era. They also built water reservoirs. One of the oldest Muslim dams is the

Rio Guadalquivir in Cordova, Spain. It was built around 900 AD. The dam is in use even 30 today. In Persia, the Band-i-Amir Dam was constructed on the River Kur in Persia in 960

AD. In India, the Moti Talab dam was built in Mandya (Mysore) in 10th century AD. This dam is still functional even today (ICOLD, 2012).

2.2.4. The Middle Ages: The Period 1000 to 1600 A.D. In 11th century AD, an Indian engineer created a reservoir in a valley southeast of the city of Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh. Therefore, in 1500, the Mudduk Masur Dam was built in

Madras Province in southern India (Chaturvedi, 2015). At least 30 dams were reportedly being constructed in the first fifteen centuries in Japan, mostly earth filled dams. One of the excellent dams was Daimonike dam that was constructed in 1128 near Nara, the capital of Japan at the time (Singh, 2013). About the same time, an earth filled dam, named

Padawiya dam, was also constructed in Sri Lanka (Duda-Gromada, 2012).

When Asians were making progress in wall constructed dams, the Europeans were building masonry structures at the time. In 13th century AD, the Almonacid de la Cuba dam was constructed in Rio Aguavivas in Spain. This dam is considered to be the oldest

Christian dam in Spain (Arenillas, 2007). Besides gravity dams, many arch dams were also constructed in the Middle Ages. Spain was famous for the construction of arch-dams throughout the Middle Ages. The first known arch dam in the world was constructed in

Almansa, Spain in 1384. Construction of the Alicante dam in Rio Monegre, Spain, and the last dam in the Mmiddle Ages, was completed in 1580. The dam was expanded even more in 1738. Some of the dams constructed in the middle-ages are still functional. One of such dams is Cento dam constructed on river Savio in 1450 in Italy (Bianco, 1995). It is considered the oldest functional dam in the world.

Centuries before Europeans constructed dams, civilizations in Iraq and Iran were using dams quite frequently. Mongols in particular are said to have destroyed many of the public works in Central Asian states and in Baghdad, Iraq when they attacked in 1258. 31

Mongolshowever, also made some progress in dam construction. During 1281-1284,

Mongols constructed Saveh dam in Tehran, Persia for irrigation purposes. Another dam on the river Kebar near Qum (a city in southwest of Tehran) was also built around the same time period. These two dams still exist and are known to be few of the oldest surviving arch-dams. Similarly, other dams from the 13th to the 16th century in Iran are still in use today. For example, Ben-e-Golestan dam, Iran, constructed about 1350 AD (Romanescu,

Romanescu, & Romanescu, 2014).

2.2.5. The Period 1600 to 1800 A.D. In the middle of 17th century, the construction of many dams took place in Spain and the entire Europe. The Elche dam, an arch-dam, near Elche in Spain was constructed in the mid-17th century. The Relleu dam, also an arch-dam, was constructed in the same century in Rio Amadorio. In Italy, the Ternavasso dam was also constructed the same century.

Another Italian structure, Ponte Alto dam on river Fersina, was also constructed in the same period. It is regarded as the 1st arch-dam in Italy (Comentario, 2012).

American colonies developed small damming projects in the early 17th century. They needed dams to run gristmills and sawmills. In 1623, America saw the construction of the first sawmill on the Piscataquariver. For the mill, a dam was erected in 1623. After its success, dam building also started in California. It was the missionary Jesuits who were proponents behind dam building there. As a result, the Old Mission Dam was constructed on the San Diego River in 1770 (White, 1997).

As the Americans were building masonry dams, the Persian saw a second boom in dam engineering. Shah Abbas II (1642-67) constructed water reservoirs near Mashhad and

Kashan. The famous Pul-i-Khadju dam was also constructed around the same time. At about the same time period, France also built dams. The St. Ferreol Dam in on the Laudot

River in France was constructed at the same era. Germany was also not lagging behind in 32 dam construction. The Oderteich dam was completed in 1721 in Germany (Oderteich,

2017).

2.2.6. The Nineteenth Century The 19th century is rich in dam construction. The first multi-arch water dam was constructed in 1800 in Hyderabad, India. In 1811, the Couzon dam was constructed in St.

Etienne, France. The Yeni dam was constructed in Istanbul, Turkey. The Yeni dam is now known as Sultan Mahmut dam. It was constructed in 1839. In 1842, the Old-Croton dam was completed in New York City. Similarly, Miller dam was completed in 1862 for the

New Haven, Connecticut. In Boston, the Lake Cochituate dam was completed in 1863 while the Druid Lake Dam was completed in 1871 in Baltimore, Maryland (Lampl, 1997).

Before 1850, several small American dams had been fabricated of wood by skilled millwrights. The first arch-dam in France, known as Zola dam, was constructed in 1854.

France also constructed dams in Algeria, a former French colony. The first Algerian dam was El-Habra dam. It was completed in 1873 (Roemermann, 1965).

The 19th century witnessed the construction of rich dams in India. The Mutha canal project in India was completed during 1869-79. This project had some impressive masonry dams. The two outstanding dams were the Bhatgarh dam and Poona dam. In Bombay, the

Tansa dam was completed in 1892. The Periyar dam was constructed during 1887 to

1897. At around the same time, the Chabot dam was constructed in San Francisco Bay,

California in 1875 (Bazzell, 1902).

2.2.7. The Twentieth Century The 20th century brought revolutionary changes in almost all sectors within the societies around the globe. There was a new direction in dam construction. Dams were not only used for irrigation and domestic purposes but also for generating electric power. In

Sri Lanka, some of the ancient dams were restored in the 20th century. The Minneriya dam, which was built during 276-303 AD, was rediscovered and restored in 1901 (Tank, 33

2016).

The Aswan dam was constructed on the river Nile in Egypt during 1902. In the US, the Cheesman dam was completed in 1904 (Harrison & Woodard, 1904). The Olive Bridge

Dam and Madina dams were also built in New York and Texas, respectively in the first two decades of the 20th century. In New Maxico, the Idaho and Elephant Butt dams were also constructed during the same time period (Clark, 1975).

The Croton dam, a cut-stone masonry dam, was completed in 1905. Similarly, three other major dams were also constructed in the first two decades of 20th century in the US including the Theodore Roosevelt Dam (1911), in Arizona, the Pathfinder Dam (1909) in

Wyoming (rock masonry) and the Buffalo Bill (Shoshone) Dam in 1910 (Costa &

Schuster, 1988).

Similarly in the same century after the independence of Pakistan in 1947, the dam construction was one of the key agendas for the government. According to ICLD, there are

150 large dams in Pakistan. Hence, Tarbela dam is the largest dam among all in Pakistan constructed in 1960s in Hazara region of Pakistan; it is the largest earth-filled dam in the world while the second largest in terms of volume. Mirani dam, Kach, Balochistan,

Pakistan, is the largest dam in the world in terms of flood protection. Mangla dam was constructed in 1967. A large number of dams, (66 dams) are located in Balochistan while only 3 in Federal Administered Tribal Area (FATA). There are 24 large dams in Khyber

Pakhtunkhwa including Tarbela dam, Warsak dam, Tanda dam and Khanpur dam. Punjab also has 33 numbers of dams including Ghazibarotha dam and Rawal dam. At least 4 dams are located in Sindh province of Pakistan.

2.3. Dams Failure in the world In the history of dams around the world, dam failure is a very closely associated phenomenon. Several comprehensive bibliographies are available on dam failures. A few 34 of the more important ones are: Middle brooks (1953), Gruner (1963, 1964), Babb and

Mermel (1963), ICOLD (1973), ASCE (1975), and Jansen (1980). Other sources are engineering magazines such as Engineering News (EN), Engineering Records (ER), and

Engineering News Record (ENR), and International Commission on Large Dams

(ICOLD). About 700-800 references on the subjects are concerned with features of dams

(Singh& Snorrason, 1982).

Bradfield Dam Sheffield, England, built in 1859 to1863 and failed in 1864 (Binnie,

1978). After two and half decades, the South Fork Dam, Johnstown, Pennsylvania, was built in 1853 and failed in 1889. The dam was an earth-filled structure. The cross section of the dam was made up of solid soil on the upstream half and of a rock, gravel and sand filled on the downstream face. Slope of the downstream face was with a protection of light riprap. The failure was caused by overtopping of the dam due to inadequate spillway capacity. The downstream slope was gradually eroded until the dam became so thin at one point that it could not withstand the pressure of water behind it. After that, the dam was eroded away very rapidly (Bazzell, 1902).

Furthermore, Bradfield Dam was an earth-filled structure with rough masonry lining placed on the upstream face. Most of the embankment contained a mixture of shale and other rock excavated from the reservoir floor. This was placed loosely and compacted insufficiently. The dam failed due to cracking or piping at normal maximum storage.

Similarly, Coedty Dam in North Wales, England, was built in 1924 and failed in 1925. The

Coedty Dam consisted of an embankment built from the local rocks and debris material with a central core wall of reinforced concrete. The dam failed due to overtopping caused by the failure of the upstream Eigiau Dam (Gruner, 1964).

Oak ford Park Dam, Jeannette, Pennsylvania, built date not mentioned and failed in

1903. The dam was layers of good puddle in embankments and a masonry spillway. The 35 earthen embankments were thick dry rubble pavement. A small masonry wall was built across the creek to prevent leakage under the dam. The collapse was caused by overtopping due to insufficient spillway capability. After erosion of most of the downstream face of the dam, a breach opened near the spillway. The embankments withstood failure for about an hour and the maximum water depth over the embankments

(Singh, 2012). Similarly, after two years, Sherburne Dam, Sherburne, New York, failed in

1905 which built in 1892. The earthen dam was built with a puddle core wall. It was overtopped by a flood in 1905. About one half of it was entirely washed out and about one third of the lower side of the left over portion was also carried away along the entire length

(Mefford, 1983).

Similarly, after seven years, Winston Dam Winston, North Carolina failed in 1912 which was built in 1904.The dam consisted of a massive rubble spillway near the center and two earthen embankments joining the spillway to the high ground. The southern embankment was provided with a rubble core and the northern embankment was supported by a rubble retaining wall. The core wall consisted of large and small stones loosely put together. The foundation for most of the spillway and the core wall was a mica schist which was somewhat softened by weathering. Nearly half of the core wall rested on an earthen foundation; some parts of which were very soft. The earth used in the filling was disintegrated mica schist which was not suitable for earth dam construction. The dam failed by overtopping due to a flood caused by heavy rains. The southern embankment withstood it for about 15 minutes after which began the rapid sloughing of the downstream face. The core wall fell down away a stone at a time keeping pace with the destruction of the embankment. This resulted in the slow erosion of the embankment taking 5 hours to reach the foundation bedrock (Singh and Snorrason, 1982).

In addition, Eigiau Dam, North Wales, England, was built in 1908 and failed in 1925. 36

The Eigiau Dam was a concrete gravity structure. Evidence indicates that the dam was poorly constructed. The failure resulted in ―a blowout of a 70 feet wide channel to a depth of 10 feet below the original ground‖ (Singh, & Snorrason, 1982: 08). Similarly, Elk City,

Oklahoma dam was built in 1925 and failed in 1936. The dam was founded on shale containing vertical cracks as well as horizontal bedding. The main dam was a rolled earth filled structure, 850 feet long, and it contained a concrete core wall extending from 30 feet below the original ground level to near the top of the dam and had a thickness of 15 inches at ground level and 8 inches at the top. The core wall was surrounded by puddle clay. The dam was built of 12 inches layers of sandy clay, wetted and rolled, as it was placed. The water side of the dam had a slope of 3 to 1 and it was paved with a 4 inches thick concrete slab. The downstream face had a slope of 2 to 1 and was saturated with Bermuda grass.

The dam failed when the spillway failed to pass a cloud burst flood and the structure was overtopped. In addition to the main breach, the dam was nearly washed away in several other places, and the whole downstream face was badly eroded (Singh & Snorrason,

1982).

Furthermore, Erindale Power Company Dam Ontario Canada was built in 1910 and failed in 1912. This earth dam had a core wall of concrete masonry which was carried down through soft shale and gravel in the river bed to the hard argillaceous sandstone below. Successive failures of small dams upstream caused by spring floods led to overtopping of this dam, and washing away of earth filled on the downstream side of the core wall. This was followed immediately by a collapse of a section of the core wall and the dam (Singh & Snorrason, 1982). After one decade, Schaffer Dam, and Beaver Creek,

Colorado, built date not mentioned in the literature, but failed in 1921(check this sentence). The dam was an earth embankment with the upstream slope riprap to the top. It failed due to overtopping of about 75 feet length along the middle section. The dam was 37 almost entirely washed out and the reservoir emptied in about 30 minutes (Short, Canton

& Ward, 1980).

After many years, Frias Dam, Mendoza, Argentina was built in 1940 and failed in

1970. The dam was a uniform rock fill structure, with both upstream and downstream slope. The upstream face was covered with a thick unbreakable concrete block and the downstream face by mortared debris masonry of almost the same thickness. The top of the dam was also paved with mortared stones. The failure of the dam was caused by overtopping of the embankment to about 3 feet in height. Possible causes of failure were depression of the downstream foundation and erosion of the filling causing a sudden fall down of the structure (Singh, 2013).

Another dam, Grand Rapids dam, Michigan, was built in 1874 but it failed in 1900.

The reservoir was situated on a sand hill. In plan, the surface soil was removed and used for the outer slope. The embankment was laid in 8 inches layers, wetted and compacted by rolling. A vertical wall of clay puddle, formed the embankment core, and a horizontal layer of clay puddle extended from the wall to the upstream toe. The inner slope was paved with rubble, resting on a bed of thick concrete. The embankment failed by overtopping because of overfilling of the reservoir. A gap, wide at the bottom, developed and drained the reservoir (Baxter, 1891).

After the failure of Grand Rapid dam, Hatchtown Dam, Sevier River, Utah was built in 1908 but failed in 1914. The dam was an earthen embankment containing a puddle core wall. The upstream face was paved with roughly cubical lava rock. The first indication of the failure was noticed by a watchman. Slight seepage had been observed previously near the bottom and on the southern side of the downstream end of the outlet culvert. This seepage had increased to a solid stream of muddy water by 2 p.m. on May 25th. In about two hours the stream began to increase, and at 8 p.m. great wedges of earth began to slip 38 from the face of the dam over the culvert. In this manner the embankment was quickly cut back. A few minutes later, the gate tower fell. The watchman estimated that 75% of the

12000 acre feet in the reservoir erode within an hour after the break and that by 11 p.m. the reservoir was practically empty (Sterling, 1914).

In addition to above, Horse Creek Dam, Holly Colorado was built in 1930 but failed in 1935. The dam was an earthen barrier and with a storage capacity of about 2500 acre feet. It was built for flood control and according to sound engineering principles. The dike failed when overtopped by extraordinary runoff into the reservoir during a period of two hours. A major portion of the dam was washed away. The spillway was not capable to have room for the flood, though the reservoir was almost empty at the beginning of inflow

(Ubbelohde, Benson & Smith, 2006).

Coming to this side of the planet, the Kaddam Dam, in India was built in 1957 but it also failed the next year. This earth dam was overtopped. A major breach, 450 feet wide, rose on the left and two more breaches on the right part of the dam (Gruner, 1964).

Similarly, Swift Dam, Birch Creek, Montana was built in 1912 and failed in 1964. This was a rock filled dam facing with concrete slab on the upstream slope and the downstream slope compacted earth filled facing. The dam was overtopped and gave way a few minutes after the spillway capacity was exceeded. According to an eyewitness, the water in the

Swift dam reservoir topped the upstream face and rapidly washed away the downstream rock and compacted earth filled facing. Within minutes, the south end of the dam gave way. The rest of the dam probably collapsed at almost the same time (Bovee & Scott,

2002).

After Swift dam, Lake Barcroft Dam, Alexandria Virginia, failed in 1972 which was built in 1913. This was gravity, cyclopean masonry dam, with a concrete ogee spillway and with earth embankment at each end. The failure was due to overtopping after excessive rainfall 39 during tropical storm Agnes. Shortly before 11 p.m. on June 21, 1972, a 10 feet breach developed in the right embankment. The water level remained basically unmoved for 40 minutes before any lowering was confirmed. Because of the slow wearing down of the embankment, no wall of water was discharged. It has been expected that the maximum discharge downstream was not greater than if the dam had not been in existence (Fread, 1975).

In addition, in the same decade, Machhu II Dam, Gujarat, India was built in 1975 and failed in 1979. The dam consisted of a masonry spillway in the main river section and earthen embankments on both sides. The embankments had a clay core extending through the alluvium to rocks below. The upstream face had 2 feet of small gravel and 2 feet of hand placed riprap. The failure of the dam was due to inadequate spillway capacity, causing overtopping of the embankments. The dam resisted overtopping for about two hours, reaching a maximum depth of about 2 feet over the embankment (Jansen, 1980:

154). Similarly, Canyon Lake Dam, Rapid City, South Dakota was built in 1938 and failed in 1972. While, Canyon Lake dam was an earth embankment. Owing to intense rainfall, the dam was overtopped. This dam took 5 to 6 minutes to wash out releasing a flood wave of debris loaded water toward Rapid City which was already experiencing severe flooding (Fread, 1975).

2.4. Impacts of Dams Dams being global and local phenomenon affect people‘s lives in different ways.

Dams might displace thousands and sometimes millions of people from their native towns

(Bisht, 2009). Bisht (2009) studied the impact of displacement on women in India as a result of Tahri dam. He argued that this development-induced displacement not only displaced many women but also disempowered them. In Japan, Takahasi (2007) found that construction of Nagara River Estuary resulted in submerging of 20 households and 20 hectors of agricultural land. 40

2.4.1. Social Impacts Dams have many negative and positive social impacts. Decoration of cultural heritage assets, forced population displacement, health and economic impacts are some of the examples of negative impacts of dam construction (Cernea, 2004). Karimi,et al. (2005) found that the resettlers of the Koto Panjang Dam in Indonesia were allotted houses in new resettlement villages. However, those affected in the ―resettlement villages did not support the tradition and civilization of the region‖ (Karimi, et al., 2005: 633)which caused maladjustment for a long time.

On the other hand, the resettled people of Kotmale dam in Sri Lanka were very careful before resettlement. They made big decisions for the next generation. Nakayama, et al.

(2009) argue that for a sustainable life, it is important that new generation must be included in the resettlement planning as much as possible especially with regard to educational opportunity for the new generation.

In China, resettlement of Liuku dam created many controversies. Housing scheme for resettlers in the New Xiaoshaba village, the new resettlement, was very uncomfortable for them, because the compensations for old houses were very low and the new houses were very expensive to purchase. Therefore, the resettlers could not afford it. They were supposed to sell their residential land and trees as well to buy a new house in the resettled area, and they were not allowed to construct houses according to their own wishes with limited finance. Similarly, there was future assistance program for the resettlers in the new area but it was not implemented (Brown & Xu, 2010). Furthermore, Brown & Xu (2010) found that the resettlers showed their emotional attachment to their native land and traditional type of income generation.

2.4.2. Economic Impacts Similarly, another study was conducted on Kotapanjang Dam project in Indonesia in

2007where researchers found that the income was highly lowered as a result of relocation 41 of the dam. Nonetheless, Karimi,et al. (2005) found an improvement in education and living standard (e.g. improved access to drinking water).

In Nigeria, the British started the construction of Kainji dam in 1951. As a result,

44,000 people were relocated. Initially, there was severe resistance from the locals but the local leaders educated the people about future impacts of the dam in each hamlet.

Although, the leaders did not agree with the compensation package and new settlements were also not in accordance with what they expected. Still, they were allowed to change it and majority did it after resettlement (Gyuse & Gyuse, 2008).

Similarly, Chinese authorities decided to construct 13 dams on Nu River in 2008. It is claimed that these 13 dams together would produce more than enough energy as compared to one the Three Gorges dam and it would be one of the biggest hydro power project ever built in China. But the researchers pointed out that there was no proper planning for resettlement (Heming, Waley & Rees, 2001). Soon it started displacement of local people.

In order to reach to the top list of developing countries, construction of large dams is one of the probable options with the states. The energy and food demands could not be achieved without the construction of large dams. Parallel to this positive impact, social and environmental, are the negative effects of large dams which convert the construction of large dams into serious problems for the implementing agency and resettlers. For example,

Kotapanjang dam, Indonesia, created a big problem for resettlers in shape of newly planted rubber trees which were grown for them but they failed to grow as expected and promised to produce income generation after 5 to 6 years after resettlement. The water supply scheme was not even satisfactory enough to accomplish the demands of resettlers

(Karimi, et al., 2005).

Construction of Cirata dam in Indonesia displaced 35,000 people in 1988. This was an involuntary displacement. World Bank, the financer and resettlement policy implementer, 42 clearly mentioned that the compensation from all aspects should be fair and resettlers must be compensated against land, fertile land, job and dry farm land. But majority of the affected people did not want to move from the reservoir area for various genuine reasons.

A big flaw in this study was zero representation/involvement of resettlers in the planning and implementation of resettlement plan (Nakayama, et al., 2009).

In Vietnam, construction of dams has caused resettlements of 200,000 people so far.

The government in Vietnam thought that resettlement is a simple process. For them, it was only a matter of transferring people from one place to another place which would involve providing them with compensation for what they have lost. The government formulates policies that compensated land for land and also provided compensation for lost assets.

The state policy was to either improve their standard of life as compared to previous life or to bring it equal to it was before. However, the resettlers had no extra land for their livestock as they had in the native place (5,000 square meters). Nonetheless, new roads were constructed for the resettlers, and they were provided with electricity, sewerage and tap water after resettlement (Bui & Schreinemachers, 2011).

Aiken and Leigh (2015) found that the compensation awarded to resettlers of Bakun hydroelectric dam in Malaysia did not live up to expectations of the resettlers. The project displaced more than 10,000 people and later they came into conflict with government on compensation value for different assets. One of their demands was that fertile land for crops must be provided to resettlers for their future income generation. The resettlers demanded for more houses in the future for their next generations. Before displacement they had small farms and orchards for small-scale business and they were not involved in the resettlement plan. Therefore, researchers, such as Leea, Viswanathanb & Ali, (2014), recommend that the resettlers must be allowed/involved to take part in the preparation and decision-making process for their actual desires and demands. They further recommend 43 that the document of negotiation between the two parties must be written in the local language for better understanding for resettlers (Leea, Viswanathanb & Ali, 2014).

Takesada (2009) studied the problems of resettlers of Ikawa dam in Japan. He found that the residents were handled in a very ordinary manner. Many were forced to resettle.

As a result of concerns raised by many, the Japanese authorities introduced guidelines for improvement in compensation for resettlers in 1970. Therefore, policies formulated later paid more attention to resettlers and their grievances. In later policies, many resettlers find compensation satisfactory. The roads condition of new settlements also improved later on.

Similarly, the living conditions and life style of the resettlers also improved and their children got higher education after resettlement (Takesada, 2009).

2.4.3. Political Impacts Dams play very an important role in national politics. That is why, certain dams are built with some political motives. For example, the size of a hydroelectric power plant of the size of Rogun dam in Tajikistan is amazing due to political impact. In the specific case of the Rogun dam, it was used by political leaders to legitimize action, increasing their reputation and durability. The dam would increase the existing installed capacity from

4000 megawatt to 3600 megawatt additional power. This would enable Tajikistan not only to become safe and sound energy wise but will also put on the market electrical energy to

Afghanistan and Pakistan (not clear). The President of Tajikistan, Emomali Rahmon, used the dam construction to strengthen his power. He even used Islamic teachings to legitimize the construction of dam by chanting a slogan that water is Allah‘s gift which brings life and that it should not be wasted because it is a valuable commodity. According to him, the construction of this dams is ‗a matter of life or death‘ (Eshchanov, et al., 2011).

Similarly, in Pakistan, one of the proposed dams, KalaBagh Dam17, is still a

17KalaBagh is name of place in Pakistan and proposed name for a dam. 44 controversial issue. The Awami18 National Party (ANP) and other nationalist parties in

Sindh and Balochistan are opposing the construction of this dam considering it to be detrimental to the interests of the people of these three provinces. On the other hand, political parties from Punjab or other non-nationalist parties do not see the construction of dam as detrimental to anyone‘s interest. This project is still under consideration for the government to overcome energy crises in the country. The potential capacity of this dam is

3600 MW while the current shortfall in the country is 7000MW(Ghazanfar, 2008).Awami

National Party‘s president, Asfandyar Wali Khanin Charsadda19, a city in central Khyber

Pakhtunkhwa, addressing a huge gathering said that nobody could dare build the controversial KalaBagh dam. According to Asfandiyar Wali, the construction of this dam will dislodge their children, destroy their future and will turn their fertile lands into deserts. He further said that his party would oppose and stop the construction of Kala

Bagh dam at any cost (Kala Bagh dam…, 2014, November 24).

Construction of dams has led to many big disagreements between different countries.

United States of America and Soviet Union for example engaged in a conflict over Aswan

High Dam. Egypt had got the green signal for financial support from USA for the construction of a Dam. In the meanwhile, President Nasser of Egypt, Prime Minister

Jawaharlal Nehru of India and President Soekerno of Indonesia established a new group of countries but this triad was not acceptable to the USA. Consequently, the US withdrew its financial support from Egypt for Aswan High dam. The Soviet Union, cashing on the opportunity, stepped forward to finance the dam to build a major structure in the entire region because it was a political scheme between the two super powers (Biswas &

Tortajada, 2001).

18Awami National Party is a Pushtun nationalist political party, established in 1986. It is very active in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa 19Charsadda is a district in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province situated at the North of Peshawar. 45

2.4.4. Environmental Impact Perhaps the most significant impacts of dams are on the environment. Dams influence water level beneath the surface, soil chemistry, natural habitats, and the entire eco-system of the area. Around 400,000 km of land worldwide has been submerged due to the construction of dams (Tahmiscioglu, et al., 2007). This has serious environmental repercussions.

On one hand, dams fulfill human needs but on the other hand they become happy hunting ground for mosquitoes, and other insects, and a lot of bird species. Salmon and trout fish and their migratory routes are also severely affected by dams. It is pertinent to note that the mosquitoes reproduced in the proximity of dams usually carry deadly viruses causing different diseases in the area.

Another impact is on the greenhouse gases. Dams are more environments friendly when it comes to power generation. A hydroelectric power plant produces 3.5 times the amount of greenhouse gases as a thermal power plant burning fossil fuels.

Besides this, dams also interrupt salt levels underground particularly in delta regions where salinity increases in the water and it renders it useless for irrigation purposes.

It is always possible to properly resettle the resettlers. Until now, only those resettlement cases have been reported where the resettlers were fully satisfied. In 1975,

Australia resettled the residents of Latrobe valley in order to extract coal mines. Although some were anxious and unhappy about resettlement in Latrobe (only 9%) but majority felt that they were at home and happy after displacement. It was because resettlers got the same class, same employment opportunities, sensible income and residence ownership in the new area (Wadley & Ballock, 2007).

Though there are numerous problems associated with dams still the demand for newer dams is increasing around the world. Keeping in view the problems associated with dams, 46 the World Commission on Dams (WCD), which looks over the problems associated with dams, is restructuring the circle of financing dams all over the world. Therefore, WCD took a case study of Turkey‘s dams, and its contribution to economy.

Dams have been considered important landmarks in the development of a country since third millennium BC. From an early time, some 5000 years ago, dams were used for flood control, irrigation, and water supply. By 1949, there were 5000 large dams in the world, and by the end of 20th century there were 45000 large dams in 150 countries.

According to a 2000 of WCD, one of representative in the WCD suggests that dam resettlement must be planned with resettlers in order to minimize negative social and economic impact. (Bartolome, et al., 2000).

WCD also organized a conference in Istanbul, Turkey titled ―Dams and Development‖ where the impact of large dams was discussed. WCD was responsible to answer the major issue in the way, but did not satisfy the high profile people in the water sectors from many countries. In the conference, experts on water were supposed to discuss the negative and positive impact of large dams. Detailed discussion on global resettlement happened and final decision made was to keep on planning for the social and environmental impact of large dams in planning and construction phase of all dams. It was also agreed upon that it is important to collect and save social, economic, environmental and technical data from all projects and decide the final plan. Dam authorities must study the impact of large dams all over the world and try to improve the existing knowledge about dams for those countries who plan to construct dams.(Tortajada, 2005).

Similarly, large dams require huge area for storing water and impacts on humans, some other water species and plants. Therefore, large dams have more benefits as well as impact too. Keeping in view the impact of large dams Biswas (2007: 03) says that sometime it is true that ―small dam is not always beautiful and large dam is not always 47 significant‖.

CHAPTER SUMMARY This chapter discussed the concept of dams which is an artificial structure to seize water for different purposes. The chapter also discussed the reasons why dams are constructed around the world. Human civilizations have been constructing dams for the purpose of irrigation, and in the 20th century, an additional purpose of power generation has been included. The chapter further explains types of dams that include buttress dam, embankment dam, gravity dam and arch dam. As far the history of dams is concerned, the chapter provides a comprehensive historical overview of dams right from the ancient civilizations, like Babylonian, Egyptian, Indus and Chinese, through the first millennium, the Middle Ages, 20th century and the present period. The world has seen a consistent improvement in dam construction throughout history. With respect to dam failures, the chapter also provided a good number of examples of dam failures around the world.

Lastly, the chapter discussed the social, economic, political, and environmental aspects of dams.

48

CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

3.1. Introduction Chapter I highlighted the overall focus and background of this research while

Chapter II explained its position in the wider existing literature. This chapter shows the reader(s) how research is organized and how data is checked. The researcher followed all the essential steps of research. However, it is worth-mentioning that research is a vast arena which involves moving into the target area again and again. This chapter provides the reader(s) a clear picture about how research was conducted in the target area. The chapter reveals the overall picture of procedure taken in the field in a systematic way. It also explains the researcher‘s principle in relation to the study‘s objectives and also delineates the importance of the target areas and nature of the respondents. Furthermore, it also explains the hard times the researcher went through during data collection.

3.2. Overview of the research process Before discussing the overall process and the plan applied in this study, it is pertinent to explain briefly how this research study is organized. This explanation will help the reader(s) understand the overall research process. It was a planning period; I took into account the nature and level of the study and focused on the way which I had to follow with limited resources that could properly meet the requirements. I was worried about the details of this phase which, according to Mason (2002), requires researchers to keep in mind what purpose the research is conducted for and what procedure has to be followed. Thus, the focus was on working out a clear guideline for the whole work which could satisfy research objectives (De Vaus & De Vaus, 2001). The overall procedure follows the framework, dividing the first stage into four parts. The first part is strategy; the 49 second part relates to conceptual framework, the third part is dedicated to decide what will be studied and the fourth part deals with tools and procedure to be followed for collecting data in the target area (Punch, 2002).

Tarbela dam was one of the big resettlements in Pakistan. I was motivated to take

Tarbela dam as a case for different reasons. One of the biggest motivational factor is my nine years job experience as a resettlement specialist. In the field, I observed that the issue of resettlement is very complex and needs more attention than it has been given.

Therefore, I chose this area for my PhD dissertation.

After the selection of the topic and finalizing the overall plan as a case study, I moved to the geographical area for the study. This decision was made keeping in view my research objectives. The next step was to decide who to include in the research study. As the study was meant to investigate the adjustment problems of the displaced people, it focused only on those communities who were affected by the Tarbela dam construction.

These respondents included male and female with age limit above 55 years old. It is pertinent to note that it has been 40 years since Tarbela dam became functional and people were relocated. It was this factor which led me to select this specific age group.

Respondents, who were selected to recall their old memories, were at least 15 years old at the time of displacement.

The next step was to decide on how to collect data from the field. The nature of the research required in-depth qualitative information. It was made possible by close interaction of the researcher with the people (respondents) who had the knowledge about the wider socio-cultural processes. Such a study which involves a close interaction between the researcher and the participants is termed ethnography (Silverman, 1998). 50

The types of the tools for data collection were also selected in the light of the nature of this study. As my research is ethnographic in nature, I selected participants‘ observation, focus group discussion and interview as tools for data collection (Gilbert,

2001: 145). The following sections discuss all these small steps in details.

3.3. Case study This is a case study research. A case study, as defined by Orum, Feagin, & Sjoberg

(1991:3), is ―in-depth, multifaceted investigation using qualitative research methods, of a single social phenomenon‖. The researcher did not use other methods such as surveys. The reason behind the selection of case study method was because I was interested in an in- depth understanding of the phenomenon of resettlement and the problems it has created for the people there. The nature of the problem required obtaining in-depth information reflective of all possible scope of the problem which would not be made possible by any other research technique. Many researchers recommend case study as an effective research method for conducting field inquiry (Black & Champion, 1976; Burgess, 1988; Creswell,

1994). Furthermore, it is differentiated by flexibility in terms of using different data collection methods, such as in-depth interview, questionnaire, observation and statistical methods and also finding any related measurement relating to the problem (Gilbert, 2001;

Black and Champion, 1976).

The researcher selected only one case study because in the majority cases a case study technique selects a small geographical area or a very restricted number of persons as focus of the study (Zainal, 2007: 1). In addition, the researcher may face more problems like inconvenience, time availability and financial support in other methods.

Above all, the dam selected for this study was one of a big resettlement case in the country and resultantly impacted a great number of people. It is pertinent to mention that 51 those affected were not resettled only in one location rather they were resettled into three different districts (see Fig. I showing KP geographical position). It, therefore, represented an appropriate case for thorough examination. With reference to the significance of a single case study, the research literature attests the reward of selection of a single case over many (Zainal, 2007). After deciding on the case study, the next stage was the selection of the target areas.

3.4. Locality of target areas The next stage after the case study selection was sorting and deciding on the target area. I consulted the General Manager Office at Tarbela dam site and collected data related to my area the planned the road map to achieve my target. Those affected by

Tarbela dam were resettled in three townships and two hamlets in three districts, namely,

Swabi, Haripur and Mansehra (see Chapter IV and V for more details) (see Fig. 2).

Among all these districts, resettlement was completed many years ago but people still faced many problems in adjustment. The concern of the study was not only to find out the problems they faced but to find out the different adjustment issues caused by resettlement in the new areas and the impact of those problems on the life of resettlers and their new generation.

Therefore, to answer such questions, I selected areas where majority of the re- settlers lived. The reason for stay with re-settlers in townships and hamlets was to find out their living style and to observe issues faced by them in the new areas. Similarly, the reason behind studying re-settlers‘ routine life was to observe the actual situation and the problems faced by them in the new areas. In the light of the selection criteria, three districts Swabi, Haripur and Mansehra were selected. Other districts did not qualify because percentage of re-settlers‘ was very low in those areas. For example, out of 100 only one or two affected people decided to resettle there. Therefore, the study of one or 52 two people in the area could not achieve good results. In the beginning, my intension was to cover all the other districts. However, the field visits and stay there offered me an advantage to build good relations with the re-settlers and decrease the ratio of uncertainty of collected data.

Fig I : Geographical position of KP in Pakistan

Source: KP district map 2. Retrieved February 24, 2017 from http://pamirtours.pk/maps/PD%20Maps/kpk%20districts%20map%202.htm

They (key informers from the re-settlers) informed me about re-settlers‘ visits from various districts to towns. Consequently, I met the re-settlers in three districts which were visited for my research study as they were easy to access geographically. Although, it was very difficult for the re-settlers to call their relatives (who were also re-settlers) from those 53 districts which were hundreds of kilometers away from them. Nonetheless, I did contact them and ensured their participation.

The people in the selected districts were from different ethnic groups. The people in Haripur and Mansehra were Hindko20 speaking Hazarwal while the people from Swabi were Pashto21 speaking Pakhtuns22.As my first language is Pashto, therefore, it made my communication with the re-settlers in Swabi very easy. Furthermore, I also can speak

Hindko fluently, therefore, I had no problem in collecting data from resettlers in Haripur and Mansehra district.

3.5. Procedure for Respondents selection For selecting respondents, I first visited (initial visit) a local non-government organization (NGO) named ―Mutaasirin23-i-Tarbela‖ Social Mobilization Team (SMT) working for those affected by Tarbela dam. I met with the President of SMT. He was a principal in a government high school and was working with the local NGO on voluntary basis. He arranged several meetings for me to collect data from the community people. We jointly prepared the lists of respondents and divided them into many parts along with time schedule. How I contacted the president of SMT is also important to mention here. He was recommended to me by authorities in the Water and Power Development Authority

(WAPDA)24at Tarbela (as I was working on a project with PEDO25 in Bahrain, Swat). He was continuously involved in regular activities for those affected by Tarbela Dam. He fully knew and understood the entire process from planning stage of Tarbela Dam till

20Hindko is one of the languages spoken in Pakistan. It is mainly spoken in Hazara region, Peshawar, Kohat and Dera Ismail Khan districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province 21Pashto is one of the languages spoken in Pakistan. It is mainly spoken in the entire Khyber Pakhtunkwha region. 22Pakhtuns, Pashtoons or Pathans are those living mainly in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan and also dominate Afghanistan. They speak Pashto language, also known as Pakhto. 23Mutaasir in (Urdu word) means Affectees. 24 WAPDA is the principle government agency in Pakistan mandated with construction of dams and management of power supply lines etc. It stands for Water and Power Development Authority. 25 PEDO is the provincial (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) government organization working on hyrdo power projects in KP province. It stands for Pakhtunkhwa Energy Development Organization. 54 completion along-with the issues of resettlement. He was in his sixties and had ample information regarding the resettlement. However, I felt that leaving selection of respondents to the president of SMT would not be a good idea as that may lead to biased decisions. In order to be neutral in sample selection, I also prepared a list of many respondents who were not recommended by the SMT president. As the resettlement occurred more than 40 years ago, I had to choose respondents who could narrate the stories of resettlement vividly and who were at least 15 years old at the time of resettlement. Therefore, age limit of respondent was set at 55 years and above. The table below shows male and female respondents selected from all townships and hamlets from the three districts:

Table 3.1. Showing Sample Design

Number of Name of Town and Number of Male Number of S/No female Hamlet respondents FGD respondents 1 Kalabut Township 10 10 2 (Haripur) 2 Kangra Township 10 10 2 (Haripur) 3 New Darband 10 10 2 Township (Mansehra) 4 Ghazi hamlet 10 10 2 (Haripur) Pehur hamlet 5 10 10 2 (Swabi) Total 50 50 10

To gain access to respondents in townships and hamlets and to study them in depth was extremely difficult. Therefore, 10 male and 10 female respondents from each township/hamlet were selected. Furthermore, two focus group discussions (FGDs) from each township/hamlet were organized containing 7 to 12 respondents. In FGD females were allowed to participate; however, females in one township and two hamlets could not participate directly in the FGDs due to cultural constraints. The reason for allowing 55 females in the FGDs was to give almost equal representation to female in the group discussion/interview and to enrich the data base with regard to the objectives of the study.

The sample selected consisted of 50 male and 50 female respondents, 100 in total. Total numbers of participants in FGDs were 96 in total. Respondents from each township and hamlet were selected based on my judgment.

3.6. Salient features of the target area KP is geographically the smallest and economically the poorest among the four provinces in Pakistan. Almost 32% of the people in KP live below poverty line (Poverty in

Pakistan, 2012).

KP borders Afghanistan on the west, Punjab province on the east, and Baluchistan province on the south; whereas on the north it is alienated by a narrow corridor from central Asia and China (See Fig II). Population of KP is mostly Muslims with Pakhtuns ethnic majority. Hindko speaking population is second to Pakhtuns whereas Gojars,

Kohistani, and Chitrali are a few other major ethnic groups in the province. In KP, the study covered three different districts: district Swabi, district Mansehra, and district

Haripur. In Swabi, the people are mainly Pashto speaking while in Mansehra and

Haripur, the population is mainly Hindko speaking.

Resettlers in all these three districts had similar social characteristics. It was true in particular for those who were resettled in rural areas. There was economic variation amongst these districts. Firstly, their geographical distance from the major city centers deprives them of basic facilities such as drinking water, health services, electricity, roads etc. Secondly, these areas are characterized by extensive economic inequalities and class differences and divided between a minority of land owners and a majority of landless poor agricultural workers who cultivate the land as tenants on a fixed share basis (Iqbal, 2013). 56

57

Fig II: Map of Pakistan

Source: The people of Pakistan. Retrieved February 24, 2017 from https://thepeopleofpakistan.files.wordpress.com/2010/02/clear_pakistan_map21.gif Within the basic division of land owner elites and landless poor, rural communities are also structured by a system of patriarchy and patrilineal kinship in which the male members of dominant families struggle with each other to manage access to land and resources through relationship networks. While there were slight differences in the observance of Purdah26 (veiling), gender isolation was present in all these areas. Women are generally limited to their domestic roles and responsibilities maintaining their households. They also do limited agriculture related activities. But for the most part, they do household chores and do not leave home (Faruqee & Hussain, 1997).

26Purdah is a veil by which female covers herself from head to toe. 58

3.7. Ethnographic approach Traditionally, ethnography has been used by anthropologists to study the culture of the people. With the expansion of social sciences, other fields of social sciences such as sociology also began using ethnographic method in research. To anthropologists, such as

Spradley (1979: 3), "ethnography is the work of describing a culture‖. The essential core of this activity aims to understand another way of life from the native point of view. This method of study is best suited for researches where the aim is to collect the live experiences of the participants by observing them and participating with them.

Ethnography literally meaning ‗writing about the people‘ is a research strategy that involves both participation and observation. According to Marwasti (2004: 36), ―an ethnographer simultaneously observes and is involved in the topic under study‖. In such a study, objectivity is almost abandoned and the researcher immerses himself into the group under study. Ellen (1984: 77) terms this ‗subjective socking‘.

This study required an observation of the problems of the re-settlers and their experiences as re-settlers as described by them in formal and informal conversations. In order to study such a phenomenon, ethnographic approach is best suited. Therefore, the researcher resorted to ethnography as a research strategy in order to not only capture the expressions of a range of social actors as in grounded theory but also have a deeper understanding of their social and physical world (Fielding, 1993; Clifford, 1997).

Ethnography has many advantages over other methods of research (Walsh, 1998).

Through ethnography, I was able to understand the deeper meaning of the social world of the respondents. Survey method, on the other hand, could not achieve this deeper meaning of the participants‘ world. Although objectivity is not the aim of an ethnographic research however this was insured by collecting data through multiple tools such as observation, interviewing, and focus group discussion (Hammersley & Atkinson, 1983). 59

3.8. Tools of data collection Before deciding on the tools of data collection, I looked into their relevance and applicability in this study. Firstly, I adopted the ‗key informant‘ strategy. ―Key informant interviews involve interviewing a select group of individuals who are likely to provide needed information, ideas, and insights on a particular subject‖ (Kumar, 1989: 1). It is also known by different terminologies such as ‗key informant technique‘, ‗the anthropological technique‘, and ‗unstructured interviewing‘ (Tremblay, 1957: 9). In addition, such an interview involves interviewing a selected collection of individuals who are supposed to provide rich information, thoughts, and insights on an exact issue. Techniques for selecting key informants depend upon the nature and possibility of the study. The researcher selects a group of key informants for qualitative interviewing (Kumar, 1989).

Qualitative researchers have a range of techniques for data collection such as key informant interviews, focus group discussions and observation (Mack, et al., 2005). Key informant interviews are in-depth interviews with those who experience an event first- hand in a community or in a particular culture. The purpose of key informant interviews is to gather information from a wide range of people including community leaders, professionals or residents (Fetterman, 2010).

3.8.1. Participant observation Participant observation plays a key role in the ethnographic approach. The motivation behind selection of participant observation was to explore many of the problems pertaining to the main topic. Such an exploration and understating was not possible with other methods (Spradley, 1979; Patton, 1990; Gilbert, 2001). As this research was carried out with exploring the adjustment problems of the re-settlers in mind, therefore, I assumed that the respondents might not show the on-ground picture relating to the problem. Furthermore, sensitivity issue related to cultural norms, class consciousness, 60 and power domination were also present. These circumstances demanded participant observations which in the words of Mason (2002: 84) ensures the ―reflection of real life in the real world‖. Furthermore, participant observation has an advantage that it does not require or depend upon the observed group to report events (Lin, 1976). It was one of the key motivations for using participant observation as a tool of data collection to determine the re-settlers‘ perspective about resettlement of the dam. I lived there in each of these communities for three months for observing the routine lives of the communities along with conducting formal and informal interviews with the potential informants.

3.8.2. Interviews Interview is one of the most widely used research tools in qualitative research. It may be structured, loosely structured, or unstructured (Mason, 2002). According to Mason

(Ibid: 62), it refers to ―in-depth, semi-structured or loosely structured forms of interviewing.‖

Interview has a natural potential for providing in-depth information connected to the issue (Crouch & McKenzie, 2006). Therefore, it allows the respondents to answer questions freely about problems from all directions (Mason, 2002). Conversely, questionnaires limit the respondents to the pre-arranged choices in the plan (Stroh, 2000).

Accepting that there may be flaws in questionnaires, interviewing is thus a better option.

Secondly, according to the facts collected in the past, majority of the respondents in the native place were illiterate especially females, and they, therefore, found it difficult to answer questions by themselves. Even they did not have any idea about the research problems to answer accordingly and to provide with core information needed from them.

To obtain maximum in-depth information, an open-ended (in-depth) interview is the only suitable way. Keeping in mind its countless merits, unstructured or open-ended 61 interviews were conducted. Therefore, ―it is flexible it allow the interviewer to investigate in depth if he chooses, or clear up any misunderstandings; they allow the interviewer to test the limits of the respondent‘s knowledge; it encourage cooperation and link; and also allow the interviewer to make a genuine assessment of what the respondent really believes‖ (Cohen, Manion, & Morrison, 2004: 39).

For conducting open-ended interviews, a program was set for getting information.

The reason for this program/channel was to guarantee that the content focused on the precise issues of the study. In actual fact, less importance was given to organize the questions in the channel but it was a very difficult to ensure getting information as a routine task in a natural setting. To conduct such type of interview, it is important to gather information on the type of interviews applied.

3.8.3. Types of interviews 3.8.3.1. Individual Interview and Focus Group Discussion The reason for conducting individual interview was to provide free space to an individual to express himself/herself and share his/her views with the researcher without any hesitation. Similarly, focus group interviews produce extra in-depth information by giving respondents the opportunity to talk freely with an open mind and without any hesitation in front of others (Hopkins, 2007). A simple group interview or a group discussion is called focus group (Barbour & Kitzinger, 1999; Hawe, et al., 1990; Morgan

& Krueger, 1998). In addition, both the individual interviews and focus group interviews were administered to verify answers recorded with individuals‘ responses. For such interviews there is no permanent rule, i.e. whether to conduct it before or after, and there is no specific time for it. It depends on the circumstances (Tong, Sainsbury & Craig, 2007).

In this research, such interviews were conducted after individual interviews. The pattern was set in a manner to achieve argument-based information (Bryman, 2004). In actual 62 fact, interviews were conducted in each field in different ways. Several interviews were conducted with respondents who were directly involved in resettlement. The main reason was to check the response of the other participants in the company of others and, most importantly, to check the actual validity and reliability of the responses which were expressed independently. Focus group interviews were carried out with the re-settlers directly involved in the resettlement. The reason behind this was to check whether they have the ability to participate and give relevant information in group discussions.

Respondents were cross-questioned for each response which was introduced in order to insure the accuracy of previous responses. Further, the group size for FGD was not fixed in this research. However, I tried to keep the number of respondents between 6 to 12 which is the most preferred figure in terms of manageability (Frey & Fontana, 1991).

Therefore my FGDs membership consisted of 7 to 12 respondents.

3.9. Pilot visit of target area Initially I visited the WAPDA office at Tarbela Dam site in Tarbela to collect initial information regarding the resettlement. There I met the personal assistant to General

Manager (GM) Tarbela Dam and one of the Directors for gathering information about

Tarbela Dam. He provided me some photocopies of the official documents about resettlement and those affected by the construction of Tarbela dam. Afterwards, I received all necessary information and then I visited the target area (townships and hamlets). The displaced affected people by Tarbela dam were settled in three districts. My first visit was to District Haripur where I met few influential people and developed good relation with them in three days. Then I met President Social Mobilization for people affected by

Tarbela dam (SMT), non-governmental organization (NGO) in Kalabut Township,

Haripur, as a key informant for proper planning of interviews. 63

After my visit to Kalabut, I visited Kangra Township, Haripur for two days and searched for a place to stay in and begin proper work. Initially, I interviewed two respondents there. Next, I visited New Darband Township, Mansehra and interviewed few respondents there. After New Darband township visit, I went back to Ghazi hamlet,

Haripur and Pehur hamlet, Swabi district for three days. I interviewed two respondents on pilot basis from each township and hamlets to check the questionnaire for any deficiencies if any. When I received information about all their activities, I sketched an interview guide containing open-ended inquiries with respect to the complete study project procedure in order to find out the relevant information to answer the research questions (Rossman &

Rallis, 1998). However, before giving a final touch to the interview guide, I discussed it with President SMT and obtained his input.

3.10. Practical fieldwork in the target area Before discussing the way the field work was practically conducted, I would like to share my experiences here about my stay in field for in-depth data collection method. I stayed in field at Tehsil Municipal Administration (TMA27) guest house Haripur for more than two months and hired a room in Kalabut Township for more than two months. My stay in the field was repeated in each township and hamlet in order to spend more time with re-settlers. It was because the target area was far away from my hometown and it was not possible to visit the area on daily basis. An important reason was to spend time with the re-settlers to observe them closely. Although the re-settlers in all townships and hamlets were not of the same economic status, however, they all were very polite and hospitable.

Moreover, re-settlers did not shy away from provide me with rich information and to the interview guide. I was supposed to lead the whole interview but the respondents

27Tehsil Municipal administration (TMA) is a sub government body on Tehsil level in every district. 64 were taking more interest in it, so some parts of the interview were easy to conduct. It was because majority of the re-settlers were still not satisfied with the resettlement and wished to be compensated for more. Probably to voice their concerns and dissatisfaction, they cooperated by giving more and more information and answered my questions enthusiastically. I was more interested in getting them involved in talking about their past life so as to find out the real situation/moment of their life at the time of displacement from the native place to the new places.

The elderly people, during the discussion and in the question answer session, became emotional and began weeping. I observed everything keenly throughout my study and took a deep interest in learning about their culture. In addition to that, I wanted to spend more time with them in the field to collect more information from them in different situations. In fact, I developed good relations with the re-settlers in all townships through the key person(s) and achieved self-belief to probe the investigation from re-settlers about their adjustment in the new area. All the interviews were conducted in a very polite and friendly manner (see Ross & Vaughan, 1986). I enjoyed all the interviews; most respondents became friends with me and after each interview, they began sharing other experiences of their lives which was time-consuming. But sometimes the extra information proved to be very useful for my study. In the interview process, I tried to reduce my part so as to engage them directly with their observations or replies (see Lawet al., 1998), I did stop them at any stage even if I felt they went off track. In the field, I hired a female research subordinate on need basis (female Investigator) for 50 female respondents and also ensured her help in joint FGD in the field which consisted of three districts, Haripur, Swabi, and Mansehra. In Haripur,, I easily manage to easily interview females respondents as their culture allows it. However, it needs to be mentioned here that all females agreed to be contacted/interviewed in the presence of the female assistance. On 65 the other hand, in New Darband Township, Mansehra, Pehur hamlet, Swabi and Ghazi hamlet, Haripur the situation was totally different, i.e. interviewing females by a male

(outsider) was almost impossible. For this purpose, a female assistant was hired and trained the female assistant. Before entry into the field, about interview guide and to get actual as well as to record to the point answer of the questions for a better result. The female assistant accompanied me in the initial visits to the target area and with the passage of time she gained considerable expertise in collecting data in the field. Her task also presented triangulation of investigators, for cross-examination the data, in order to make sure the authenticity (Janesick, 1998).

In parallel with proper data collection, observation process and point noting in the field were also used. Throughout the field work, all the interviews were recorded with prior permission of the respondents. Each word was carefully recorded to capture all the data. After completion of data collection, it was translated into English and interpreted and analyzed. According to Flick, ―in the case of an interview, an important part of data collection is the recording and editing process that involves transcribing the spoken words‖ (Flick, 2002: 166).

3.11. Transcription, interpretation/presentation and analysis of the data After completion of interviews, audio recorded data were transcribed. After each interview, the audio quality was checked and the entire interview was transcribed. After spending a whole day with respondents, all audio recordings were transferred to the computer and were saved. Integrating all those details required a great of time but I was conscious of the importance of excellence declaration for the data (See Patton, 1990;

Flick, 2000). Diverse methods of transcription have been recommended (See Gaskell,

2000) but I selected an extra appropriate and original way which proved very helpful in data preparation and analysis. I bought a notebook in which I transcribed all interviews, 66 township- and hamlets-wise. In addition, the quantity of events was noted next to the observation to facilitate the power of judgment to be measured in the analysis (Drever,

1995). Then, I translated all interviews from Pashto, Urdu, and Hindko to English very carefully. After completion of transcription, interpretation of data was carried out. The collected data was written down and logically presented with input from the past literature.

Notes were written down in the field with the exact date and place and other necessary details. Later, data with notes were transferred to proper text (see chapter IV and V for further details).

3.12. Limitations of the study I could select another dam too in Pakistan so as to conduct a comparative analysis of both. I could take a case study from a country abroad as well. Such kind of study might be more effective in drawing more justifiable, authentic, accurate, precise and comprehensive conclusion. Furthermore this study which is confined only to the study of

Tarbela dam might not be very representative because of certain methodological deficiencies. I wish if I had ample time. Then I would have stayed with the re-settlers for more than a year or two years. In that case, a longitudinal study might have been the best methodology for future studies.

There are writers who have pointed out certain gaps which have not been covered in this study. Time and financial issues crippled this study. Furthermore this does not represent in true sense the real with regards to woman, as I had a female research assistant, but I think this data might have been more effective, if I had been able to elicit information even from woman which is only possible in a culture which provides such rules. 67

3.13. Ethical considerations During this research study, every effort was made to be ethical. ―Ethics is a subject of honorable understanding to the rights of others‖ (Bulmer, 2001: 45). Therefore, ethics can be concise of security, admiration, comfort, self-respect and privacy (Lunt

&Davidson, 2003). Before collecting data collection, respondents were informed of the objectives of the study and were assured of their anonymity (See Mason, 2002; Bulmer,

2001; Rossi, Lipsey, & Howard, 1999); Punch, 2002). Similarly, audio recording was conducted with the permission of the respondents. Respondents were taken into confidence too before collecting the data from them. In some cases, secret recording was done because some respondents did not allow us to record their conversation. It must be mentioned here that majority of the respondents did not hesitate to record their voices but only a few especially females were worried about their voices being heard by outsiders.

Therefore they (few female respondents) took permission from their husbands to record the interviews. My female research assistant had discussed it with me in the field many times and she used her expertise to handle the female respondents in different situations and collected the data very efficiently. Similarly, as I was aware of research ethics strategy, and as discussed by many writers (Marwasti, 2004; Berg, 2001; Babbie, 2008;

Fetterman, 2010) in their research, the data was very important because it not only reflected their exact problems but also essential for the whole theory of restructuring of authority and gender relation (Gilbert, 2001).

Similarly, data collected from females were recorded and were kept confidential.

The audio recording from respondents was necessary for more reliable and details information in the present cultural settings because data collection from the same females was not possible (for more detail see chapter IV and V), where females are restricted to their homes and were not allowed to participate in activities with males outside home. 68

Therefore, in such situation, their responses were of great importance as they were totally neglected in the resettlement and in every decision making process.

CHAPTER SUMMARY The chapter discussed the methodology of the study. It shows in detail how this research is designed. As this research is a case study, this chapter explains why the case study was adopted as a method of research. The chapter further discussed the location of the target areas along with salient ethnographic and cultural features. A great deal of attention was focused on tools for data collection: participant observation, individual and focused group interviews. How the data was collected, transcribed and how it was analysed have also been discussed in detail. This chapter also discussed the limitations of the present study. Lastly, the chapter also discussed ethical issues faced in the field and how they were dealt with.

69

CHAPTER IV

VIEWS OF URBAN RESETTLERS (KALABUT TOWNSHIP AND KANGRA TOWNSHIP)

The earlier chapter explained the overall procedure employed in this study while this chapter concentrates on the problems faced by the respondents (the affected people) in new areas after displacement. It is pertinent to mention that in this research respondents are taken from 03 townships and 02 hamlets. However, for the purpose of clear understanding, the views of the respondents of Kalabut28 and Kangra townships are presented. The harmonious cultural, economic and educational traits are the basic reasons for presenting their views. The respondents of both townships are located near urban settings. For the aforementioned purpose, dissimilarity to new Darband29 Township,

Ghazi30 and Pehur31 proves to be yet another reason (see Chapter V for further details about such areas). The chapter, hence, explains the problems, the reasons causing such problems and the impact of it (non-adjustment) on the new generation. To facilitate the reader(s), the chapter is divided into three parts. Part 1 focuses primarily on the issues discouraging the adjustment of the resettlers in the new areas. It also explains almost all such factors and problems that caused permanent feelings of deprivation. Part II highlights all the issues that caused problem of non-adjustment while Part III delineates the impact of non-adjustment of the resettlers on the new generation.

28Kalabut is the name of a town situated 3.2 kilometers in north east of district Haripur. 29Darband is the name of town, situated 61 kilometer in the west of district Mansehra. 30Ghazi is a village in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province of Pakistan, near site of Tarbela dam and Ghazi Barotha dam. It is situated 25 kilometer north east of district Haripur. 31Pehur is small village between Tarbela and Gadoon Industrial Estate, district Swabi, KP. 70

4.1. Part I: Cultural Bereavement among Displaced Persons Almost all the resettlers in Kalabut and Kangra townships, despite their more than

40 years stay, still felt extremely uneasy. They still recalled their old neighborhoods, practices and relations and wished not to have been moved by the Dam. They talked about many problems that caused their dissatisfaction in both the towns. The following lines present a detailed overview of those problems explained by the respondents.

4.1.1. Dissolution of Hujra system The researcher observed that cultural differences had profound impact on resettlers in new areas. They practiced somewhat different cultural practices in their native towns as compared to the practices in the new areas. For example, they had a Hujra32 system in their native village wherein guests were taken care of even by the villagers in the absence of the host. The host had nothing to worry about the stay and food of his guests. They

(guests) were considered a blessing for the host in particular and neighborhood in general.

Almost all of the old people sat there in the evenings and discussed different social, communal, political, educational, agricultural, cultural, economic and sometimes regional, national and international issues among themselves while the young listened to them and learnt new things. In the new area, however, the resettlers did not have Hujra system due to their small houses. Hence, they (comparatively wealthy people) held small drawing rooms in their houses for their personal guests. A male respondent while referring to the merits of Hujra explained that:

“Hujra played an important role in our lives. It not only helped in resolution of several issues in the neighborhood but also taught the youth about societal norms and values. It was a spacious place for marriages and funerals. In short, it could be utilized for any kind of ceremony or routine activity‖. (Individual interview, Kalabut Township)

32Hujra refers to a place where the guests are entertained and communal problems are resolved. Here it, despite its diverse functions and importance in the rural structure, refers primarily to guest(s) entertainment place. In modern world it may mean ‗guest room‘. 71

4.1.2. Loss of Pashto as native language In addition to the absence of Hujra culture, language was another issue in the adjustment of resettlers in the new area. Resettlers all had Pashto33 as their mother tongue in the native area but displacement changed their language to Hindko. They faced problems in understanding the new language; however, after their long stay in the new area they gained command of Hindko language. Nonetheless, they still loved their mother tongue. One of the male respondents, while referring to importance of understanding the native language, narrated that:

―the resettlers who went to Punjab34 faced more language problem as compared to the resettlers in these Townships. There in Punjab, locals spoke Punjabi35language, which was very hard for them to comprehend. They fought several times only because they could not understand the native language. On the other hand the residents of Tarbela who regularly visited Haripur36 for business etc got familiar with the local language, Hindko, and, therefore, had fewer problems in their resettlement‖. (Individual interview, Kalabut Township)

Almost all of the respondents, both men and women, said that they still understood their mother tongue, Pashto, while their children were unable to understand it due to their displacement and settlement in the Hindko-speaking area. All of the respondents loved their mother tongue and termed it a ‗sweet‘ language.

4.1.3. Changes in modesty beliefs: Loss of Pardah (Veil) system In addition to language, Pardah37 system was another issue in the adjustment of resettlers in the new area. Women led a comfortable life in the native place because they belonged to the same clan. Hence, there were fewer restrictions on women. They were very happy in the village because there they went to river banks, visited neighbors and

33Pashto is a language spoken mostly in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Tribal areas of Pakistan. 34Punjab is name of the largest province in Pakistan with Lahore as its Capital city. 35Punjabi is a language spoken in Punjab Province of Pakistan. 36Haripur is the adjacent city to Tarbela – see chapter III for further detail. 37Pardah is the custom, found in Muslim culture, of keeping women from being seen by men they are not related to, by having them live in a separate part of house or behind a Curtain and then wear clothing that cover the whole body, including face. 72 enjoyed festivals which were totally for females. Village life for them was the second name of freedom because they were used to it. Likewise, there was less stress on observing Pardah in the village. After they moved to the new area, they got mingled with the new community. They had new neighbors who were aliens to them and their relatives scattered in different parts of the country and, hence, their male members forced them to be restricted to houses and stopped them from visiting their neighbors. Majority of the female respondents were not happy due to new circumstances. According to a female respondent,

―more or less 40 years have passed but we have not been given the right to visit our neighbors by our own choice on daily basis, until and unless, there is an important function in the neighborhood. Our male family members, back in the village, allowed us to attend the function while here we are confined to our household boundaries. There are no festivals and river banks in this township. We spend our life like showpieces in the house. We miss our relatives and childhood friends. Therefore, most of the women are quite unhappy due to the displacement. During the displacement almost all of the women went through severe trauma‖. (Individual interview, Kalabut Township)

Not only the respondents in their statements referred to this painful fact but I personally observed that in both the townships. Women in particular felt quite uncomfortable in Kalabat Township despite their resettlement for almost 40 years.

Previously, fresh water, vegetables, fruits and dairy products were readily available in their houses and they never had to buy them from the market. Similarly, females in the villages used to work with their own hands. For example they washed clothes with washing pad at the river bank or a water channel near their homes. They would bake bread several items for family members and would remain busy mostly in daily routine work.

However, displacement snatched all these blessings from them. In new areas, physical exertion was very less and they were also restricted to the household boundaries. All such factors collectively made them an easy prey to different diseases. On the other hand, their 73 new generation was comparatively active; they adjusted themselves to new way of life, were less strict in practicing Pardah (in case of females) and became used to the new ways of life. They enrolled on different courses in colleges and universities and wore simple chaddar38 - veiling practiced by the local people in comparatively urban areas but the resettled women still wear Burqa39- the typical veiling commonly practiced in villages.

4.1.4. Shift in wedding culture: From collective marriages to individual marriage system In addition to the change in Pardah system, the pattern of wedding ceremonies also changed due to displacement. Wedding functions used to be simple in the villages.

Wealthy people normally there supported poor people in the weddings by buying them rice, or animals or by paying them some cash. In old places, they (the hosts) invited relatives for making preparation such as getting the rice and flour ready for cooking and cutting the meat for the wedding feast. There were small functions but they tied the entire neighborhood together to share their love with one another. But after displacement

(resettlers) all such functions were experienced a cultural shock. In the townships the wedding ceremonies and patterns were altogether different as the wedding halls changed the overall local culture, traditions and social ties among them. The presence of such halls was due to the small houses which were not enough to entertain all the guests. Such arrangements were expensive; however, people had no other option. On the other hand, in the villages they had big houses which could easily accommodate many people. In townships, the poor people who could not afford to hire wedding halls held their marriage ceremonies in the streets. The same streets were also used for other functions and games too.

38Chadar is the traditional garment of Muslim and Hindu women, consisting of a long, usually black or dab colored cloth or veil that envelops the body from head to foot and covers all or part of face. 39Burqa is a piece of stitched cloth, which covers female from head to feet. 74

4.1.5. Change in dress code: From traditional to modern In addition to changes in the patterns of functions, resettlement also changed clothing style of young generation. In the native place, they used to wear shalwar qameez40 while after displacement, the young generation started wearing pants and shirts and jackets. A male respondent in Kalabat Township in an FGD said that:

―we always refused those jobs in which wearing trousers shirt were compulsory during duty hours. Hence, we did not get our children admitted to such schools where people wore western dress. While, some people did put on trousers and shirt, we only wore them after reaching the office, and after duty hours, we would wear our cultural attire: shalwar qameez. We were neither comfortable nor confident wearing trousers and shirt to such an extent that we could not even face our own elders in them. The displacement has not only changed our cultural values but also our dress code. The young generation was quite ok with new dress code as they were used to wear them in schools, colleges, and universities‖.

Displacement caused a change in dress code. The traditional dress involved wearing a loose shirt that covered the entire body from shoulders to knees along with a loosely woven trouser (known as shalwar). However, the new dress was similar to western style jeans, t-shirts, trousers, coats etc. The previous generation was uncomfortable with this change in dress code. The youth, however, quickly adapted to this new dress code owing to schools, colleges, and universities.

4.1.6. Accommodation constraints: From big farm houses to congested street houses In addition to the shift in clothing, accommodation was another issue in the townships. In their native places, they used to reside in big houses, made of thick stone or mud walls, plastered with mud, their roof covered with wood and mud. This kind of old structure was weather resistant as in the summer they were cold and in winter much warmer. Hence, their homes did not require cooling or heating system. But, after

40Shalwar qameez is the traditional dress in Pakistan. 75 displacement, accommodation was as a big problem. New houses were built from bricks and cement with roofs made of concrete, a practice, totally dissimilar to their old practices.

Such houses were very cold in the winter and hot in summer. They had insurmountable issues of adjustment in the new houses. Two respondents (one from each township) with the same views in the FGD‘s said that:

―when the elderly people moved to townships, they could not tolerate the extreme cold and hot weather conditions in the new houses. Soon, many of our elders died due to this extreme weather. In the village we had very good weather resistant houses. Clean and cold drinking water was available to us. We spent leisure time in chopal41 on the river banks. But displacement disturbed our entire routine of life. We received plots as compensation from the government and built houses on them with our own money in the township. We are still attached to old life style‖. (Kalabut and Kangra Township)

The people of both townships (Kalabut and Kangra) went overseas for jobs gaining financial stability. Consequently, they improved their standard of living. They constructed new houses and installed cooling and heating system. Thus, they led better life than they did before in the townships. However, the resettlers felt deeply emotional about their old houses and cried while telling me the stories of their past.

4.1.7. Water shortage: Scarcity for drinking and construction purposes As they left their homes in the native places unwillingly and moved to township, the plots allotted to them in townships were covered with bushes and trees. They started leveling them for construction. Shortage of water, both for drinking and construction, was the biggest issue there as they fetched water from distant places. Resultantly, the construction of houses took many years due to unavailability of water. A respondent in

FGD at Kangra Township said:

41Chopal is an umbrella shape public place, and a community building or space in the rural area of Pakistan or India made of wood and grass for sitting purpose, to protect yourself from sun light and rain. 76

―when we moved to this township, we faced the scarcity of drinking water. We lived in tents and temporarily built fences around our plots. We (males) went to do menial work and when came back late in the evening, we went to fetch drinking water from an old Kangra village which was at an hour distance from this township. We did not allow our females to fetch water because we had no trust in locals. They all were aliens to us‖.

Hence, resettlers had a very tough life at the beginning of relocation to find drinking water and water for use in construction. But after a few years they developed their township by utilizing many resources. But still they missed their own rivers and the water of wells which was, according to the respondents, cold and sweet. One of a male respondent in Kalabut Township expressed the same feelings in the following words:

―I went to Haripur for a business trip. It was very hot weather and I felt extremely thirsty. I drank many glasses of water, soft drinks and sugarcane juice but my thirst was not quenched. When I came back to my native village and drank one glass of well water my thirst was quenched. Our water was like medicine for us. If we ever overate, but drank one glass of water, it helped our digestive system. It was like drinking carbonated drinks today after meals to digest our food‖.

Resettlers completely missed their native places and the fresh water which according to them was clean and rich in minerals. They had access to water 24 hours a day in their native place while in township tap water was hardly available for 3 hours.

4.1.8. Change in toilet system: From open air toilets to attached washrooms As the use of water is essential in daily life, so is the use of toilet. Toilet facility was a big issue for the resettlers at the begging of their resettlement. In their native places, they went to open air toilets. The male members used to go to open fields in order to relieve themselves. While sitting in a field during the act, they would use a shawl to cover themselves, and would use mud clod (known as loota42in Pashto language) instead of toilet paper or water in order to clean themselves. When they moved to townships, the elderly people faced issues with regard to how to use toilet. Majority of the elderly people

42Loota is a soil rock which is softer then a stone and can absorb water. 77 did not want to use indoor washrooms (as indoor washrooms were culturally reserved for females only and it was a taboo for male members to use indoor washrooms). Thus, they would go to the nearby fields to relive themselves. However, the locals would not permit them to use their fields as washrooms. Many respondents from both townships shared the same views. According to a male respondent in Kangra Township:

―when we needed to use open air washroom, we had to wait till night because the locals would not allow us. The owners of land even fought with the resettlers. Thus, we used to wait till late at night when they were not around. There were dangerous snakes in the fields and in the night so many people were bitten by snakes and died. But our elders did not stop going to the fields for open air toilets‖. (FGD)

4.1.9. Local hostility The locals not only fought with the resettlers because they would use open air washroom which belonged to the locals. Resettlers and locals also fought because animals of the resettlers also grazed in the fields of the locals which would damage the crops.

Since there were no pastures nearby, the animals of the resettlers used to graze in fields which would eventually lead to a fight. Consequently, the locals did not accept the resettlers. They did not share daily life activities with the resettlers. Both were aliens to each other. After a long time when the locals realized that the resettlers were there permanently, they started developing good relations with them. A male respondent from

Kangra Township in this respect said:

―when we moved to Kangra colony, locals from Kangra village came here and fought with us over water, they strictly prohibited us and our animals from going into the fields. The government had bought this land from them at a very low price and handed them over to us in shape of compensation plots. Thus, they started considering us as their enemies. It was all because of all these reasons that they did not accept us‖. (FGD)

78

4.1.10. Problems in Education: From good to better Getting education is the basic of every individual. Before moving to the new area, people were not fully aware of the importance of education for males and females.

Education of the male members was the top priority while females were considered good for cooking, cleaning and other domestic chores. Young girls were not given much importance. Females were usually neglected not only in education but also in the decision making processes in the house. Male children were given more importance and authority as compared to female children. A female respondent in Ghazi hamlet in a one-to-one interview said that:

―when we were in our old town, our males treated us like animals. We were slaves for them and they just gave us food for survival. If we wished for something, that would reject it right away. Our jurisdiction was limited in decision making even in making choices regarding our personal lives. Sometimes we could not speak a single word in front of our husbands even though we knew that it was beneficial to the family. We were not valued in the house‖.

But resettlement changed trends in education in the two townships (Kalabut and

Kangra), both towns being situated near urban area. While, Ghazi, Pehur hamlets and

New Darband Township had problems in education due to their resettlement in rural area.

I observed that female education was given more importance in both towns. There were females in colleges and universities as well. People in towns were more inclined towards female education. A female respondent in Kalabut Township expressed her views:

―I was illiterate in my native place and our males did not favor female education. Male members of the family used us as decoration pieces in the house and made us work like machines. But moving introduced us to a new wave of female education. Now all females are enrolled in schools, colleges and universities. So much so, if she wants to get higher education abroad, we send her abroad‖. (FGD)

People in the township realized that without education their child‘s future was not safe. Therefore, they all sent their children to best schools, colleges and universities for 79 better education. They realized the importance of education which turned out to be the biggest change in their lives. In the past, they could not complete their education because of a hard life style. No one offered jobs to them because they could not qualify the eligibility criteria of academic qualification as well as experience. Furthermore, they lacked technical skills too. Hence, they could not get any job. It was only when they realized that without education their lives were useless, then they began to focus more on education.

Similar to social issues of adjustment, resettlers in those townships and hamlets were faced with economic issues too after resettlement. Therefore, the next part discusses the major economic issues of resettlers.

4.2. Part II: Economic Issues The previous section discusses social issues faced by resettlers. These issues were related to accommodation, washroom facilities, shortage of water, deterioration of traditional values, change in dress code, and pardah culture. The following section explains the economic issues as a result of resettlement.

4.2.1. Issues in Compensation: Too meager and too late One of major economic issue after resettlement was compensation of resettlers‘ assets. Government assessed their property, land, building and agricultural land. However, the payment and assessments made by the government‘s functionaries were not acceptable to the resettlers. The amount of compensation was big issue between government and the resettlers. They all agreed that government did not do justice to them as far as compensation was concerned; they were allotted barren land in return for best agricultural land (they called it gold growing land). A male respondent in this respect explained his views in an FGD that: 80

―when we came to know about the compensation, we were very shocked. The assessment officer was not fair in his assessment of our property. He was indifferent to our concerns because he had other intentions. He expected them to bribe him. So, after a few weeks we all went strike and burnt government vehicles and property but the government did not budge an inch on the issue. My brother was arrested and sent to jail. Our cases are still (after 40 years) in court and no decision has been made yet‖. (Kalabut Township)

All the resettlers faced compensation problems. Majority of the affected people received compensation and the rest of the resettlers sought justice through the court of law.

Many cases are still in courts and the affected people still hope that the government would compensate them for their loss.

Furthermore, there was another problem related to compensation. Most of the land in the native area belonged to Nawab Faridullah Khan (the landlord) while other resettlers used to work as tenants for him. When compensation was being granted, those who used to work as tenants received nothing as they were not the owners of the land. One of the male resettlers in an FGD said that:

―a major part of the land was registered with Nawab and when compensation was being offered, tenants of Nawab got nothing. We all moved to the townships empty-handed while the compensation was credited to Nawab’s account. Compensation cases against Nawab and government are still in courts‖. (FGD, New Darband Township)

Although Nawab was revered in the native land, this compensation created rift between the resettlers and the Nawab. On one hand, compensation was not sufficient; while on the other hand, most of the tenants were left without compensation due to this flawed policy.

4.2.2. Rising unemployment In addition to non-payment of compensation, unemployment was another big issue for the resettlers in townships. Their means of earning were limited. They were all farmers 81 by profession in the native place and could not do any other work. Hence, some of them open shops, started carpentry and other professions inherited from their forefathers. In the native place, majority of the people were satisfied with their work and earnings. But when they moved to township, they had nothing to do. The ratio of unemployment was greater and sources of income were limited. The government did not plan anything in advance to solve the problem of unemployment for them. A male respondent in this regard said that:

―we were treated by the government like animals. We were thrown to this township like sheep and goats (helpless). We were not in our senses for a long period of time due to such antisocial behavior of the government. We spent almost our entire compensation amount in the native place and then we lived from hand to mouth in the township. There were many families who were very respectable in the native place but here they did not find any work or they felt shy to start some work. We had many servants working for us in the native place but here we became servants ourselves. Many families thought of doing menial labour in the other countries and went abroad for employment‖. (Individual interview, Kalabut Township)

Both townships had many people working abroad. When they moved to the new area, employment opportunities were scarce and they decided to work abroad. Therefore, in majority of families one or two persons went abroad to support their parents and families. They did sacrifice their 20 to 25 years for their families. They were taken before moving under oath that the government will provide jobs to majority of people and would establish industries for them. All the promises were false and even though some industries were established but not for a longer period of time. It was only for a short time to silence the affected.

4.2.3. Incompatibility of traditional job skills for new ground realities Compensation could not change the economic condition of resettlers while resettlers of Tarbela dam had a better economic condition in their native place. When they moved to new areas, their economic conditions became terrible. It was because compensation by the government could not fulfill their needs. There were many flaws in 82 the compensation system and its distribution procedure. A respondent while recalling his story said that the government conducted assessment survey of their property from 1962 to

1968 and the amount was paid to them in 1974 which was not according to their value of the property. They further added that if you could bribe the assessment officer then you would have surely received the amount you wanted. A respondent in FGD said that:

―once we came to know about our property assessment which was very less, so my brother invited the assessment officer for re-assessment. When he came and started assessment, my brother asked him for fair assessment. The officer was silently trying to ask for money. Then my brother took him to a room and gave him sound beating. He was in three piece suit which after the treatment was totally covered with mud and he ran fast from our Hujra. Later on, the police came to our village and arrested my brother for beating the duty officer‖. (Kalabut Township)

According to them, buildings in their village (Hujras and homes) were made of precious wood such as Deodar tree (pinewood). Their Hujras roofs were made of such wood and the price of one piece was about Pakistani Rupees: 3000. The main door was made from the same wood with good design work (carvings) and was worth Pakistani

Rupees: 5000. The officer, however, estimated the whole Hujra as worth Pakistani

Rupees: 3000. The government did the same to other resettlers but all of them kept silent.

The resettlers felt insulted. Resettlers were not given their rights on many other such occasions; they protested but their voices went unheard. The state of affairs left the resettlers with meager amount and with no other source of income. They had plans for that amount to utilize in a proper way after moving. In addition, the amount paid to them was in such an unsystematic manner that they could neither plan nor utilize the amount according to the best of their potential. They were almost empty handed when they reached the township. Economic conditions played a key role in the non-adjustment of resettlers after moving to the new area. They realized the difficulties of survival in urban areas only after moving with scant amount as compensation. One male respondent said 83 that the amount they received for their house compensation was not enough with which to construct even a single bathroom here. After displacement they had to buy all commodities a new from the market with limited amount in their pockets. To their surprise, the amount they received as companion was spent even before they moved to their new place.. Some people spent that money on buying furniture, holding wedding ceremonies and a majority on having luxury life. Neither had they any idea about their future, nor had they any future plans regarding the challenges they might face. So, at the end of the day they faced huge financial problems. The government paid them compensation a few months before moving to the new area. They had never seen such a huge amount in their life, so they started spending it in the native place and more than half of the portion was already spent.

Economic conditions of the resettlers at the two townships were very poor in the initial years. Many families sent their members abroad for menial jobs so that they could support their families financially. Majority of them were farmers with no other special skills. People with some professional skills remained successful such as shopkeepers, blacksmiths, and carpenters etc. In short, there were fewer opportunities for these resettlers in Pakistan after displacement. All respondents demanded quota for their children in

Tarbela dam and other government departments because according to them they made sacrifices for the country. I observed that after a long time when the resettlers came back to Pakistan after earning and saving good amount of money in foreign countries, a kind of competition in status ensued. They built new and grand houses, bought vehicles and spent money lavishly on quality food. However, many people still led poorer life. Their source of income was, for them, beyond satisfaction. Hence, wealthy people supported them without disclosing their secrets. One male of the respondents in FGD in this respect said that: 84

―we had much better lives than before but people‘s eyes were still on the compensation from government. We lived under the command of Amb43Nawab44 in the native place. The government took steps and resettled us in the townships and released us from the rule of Nawab. He was a dictator and people of the village were afraid of him. He had his own army and ammunition factories for his defense. Nawab had many tenants and we grew cash crop for him. His economic condition was very strong in the area. Therefore, a major part of the land was registered with Nawab and when time came for compensation, tenants of Nawab received nothing. We all moved to the townships empty-handed while the compensation was credited to Nawab’s account. Compensation cases against Nawab and government are still in the courts‖. (New Darband Township)

Before moving, majority of the resettlers were farmers and had good income from their land. Tenants of Nawab spent good life under him. I observed that resettlers of the three townships and two Hamlets as a whole lost more but gained less after resettlement.

A male respondent in Kalabut Township explained that they were the owner of hundred kanals of fertile agricultural and owned markets spread over 4 kanasl, had servant quarters as well as animals. He earned about: 45000/ Pakistani rupees, a very handsome amount for him at that time. He grew onions, potatoes and opium. After construction of

Tarbela dam, they moved to this new place; they were not fully paid by the government and they lost all their assets. Now they have low income and empty pockets. Hence, it was quite difficult to buy a single piece of land with the amount paid to them in compensation, and they do not have good standard living in the new area. Because people were new to them and they did not help them, thus, it was difficult to adjust in the new environment.

Such statements were expressed by everybody in Kalabut Township Haripur in

FGD where a female respondent said that their males were best at farming and some small business in the native place, and thus earned hardly enough money for daily life. However, after they moved here, they lost economic prosperity as well as their houses and it was quite difficult to adjust themselves with no prospects of a substitute business in the new

43Amb was a princely state of the former British Indian ruled over by the Tanoli tribe of Pakistan. 44Nawab meaning landlord. 85 area. Resettlers were skilled farmers but in the new area they had no land for farming and unfortunately they possessed no other skills to earn their livelihood.

These economic problems had a great impact on their adjustment. Many of the respondents told old stories with tears in their eyes. Hence, besides economic problems, there was another discouraging reality in terms of the adjustment problems for resettlers in new area. All respondents in Kangra Township were unhappy and angry with the government. They cursed the government officials and wished them bad luck so that they could realize how it felt to live without basic facilities. The officials gained benefits for themselves by destroying the innocent people (resettlers) in different ways. They do not need help from the government because they totally destroyed us and finished their routes of association. The government failed in keeping all of their promises. Hence, moving destroyed all their future expectations.

Back home almost every farmer had spare land for opium cultivation. It was a cash crop which fulfilled all the needs. They (farmers in native place) sold opium to the buyers from Afghanistan and other parts of the world. According to them, opium was used in different medicines and they, especially children and elderly, also used it as a medicine sometimes. A male respondent in Kangra township in FGD said that:

―we grew opium on our small piece of land and it made considerable amount of money per year. It helped in our survival. It was a cash crop for us and all our basic needs were fulfilled by it. If a person had one kanal of land, he grew opium on it and earned a handsome amount from it. In addition, he could also grow onion, potato, maize, wheat and sugarcane. These crops produced higher yield and income from it was good enough for better living‖.

Opium was a cash crop for them but the rest of crops such as wheat, maize, onion, potato, sugarcane etc also helped them to earn a healthy amount of money. Such crops and fruits from this area were very famous for their quality in the whole country. Mangoes of 86 the state of Amb were import to other countries. A male respondent in an FGD in Kalabut

Township said that he produced 113 mun45 onions from his one kanal land and his land was the most fertile. They did not use fertilizers and pesticides at that time. Water from river was free at all times and no tax or government charges were levied. On the other hand, the land allotted to them in Punjab needed more water for crops production. He needed water for 4 hour in a week to irrigate his land but they gave him water for 45 minutes only in a week which was a big problem for him. Therefore his entire land is irrigated in a month‘s time because of which the crops were thirsty and hence destroyed. It took him 8 years to select the most suitable crop for his land which need less water for irrigation.

Majority of the respondents in both townships considered their lives to be worse than beggars after displacement. They were extremely unhappy. The painful part of the situation was the confusion of not knowing anything about resettlement, selection of crops, preparation of barren land and above all no moral or financial support. A male respondent in an FGD at Kangra Township said that:

―we grew onions which were the best in the country. Our one kanal land would produce a higher yield of onions because the land was very fertile. It was very fertile land and when we collected onions from our land people from surrounding villages came to the same land and collected the left-over onions in our lands.‖

I observed that respondents from Kalabut and Kangra Township were more educated and more advanced in terms of living standard due to their proximity with the city of Haripur. Thus, schools, colleges and university in Haripur brought them positive changes in their way of living. They were now more interested in female education then they were in the past. Majority of the respondents from Kalabut Township had the same

45Mun is a Persianword, which means 50 kilo gram weight. 87 point of view and said that they were not in favor female education and did not feel good about female schooling but now their daughters were enrolled in universities. Furthermore, their new generation was getting education and went abroad for higher education or services.

Resettlers were poor and could not begin new life after moving to the townships.

They had no money even for their daily food expenses but now they are constructing new modern houses and had improved life as well. One of male respondents in Kalabut

Township in an individual interview said that:

―I was the only graduate in my village and a few surrounding villages and it was an honor for me but now my two sons are in Australia; one did Master there and the other was enrolled in PhD. I sent my sons to Italy for higher education. My son is in Pakistan and completed his graduation from district Abbottabad KP Province and joined Navy job and is earning handsome money and is supporting his parents‖.

Many families sent their youngsters abroad for jobs. Only few received good education from foreign countries and very few have got into their own businesses. Many of them had low-paid jobs abroad. Still, they started sending money to their families back home. On the other hand, those who were rich took other family members abroad and now they have constructed their own houses here. A male respondent in an individual interview in Kalabut Township said that when his parents moved to this township, they were a very poor. His father sent him abroad for a job but he could not find a better job for more than

30 years. Then he started driving to earn some money for his parents and family. With the passage of time he earned enough money and took his two sons abroad. Now these respondents are old and are living in the township and both of their sons were earning but they are still not happy as they used to be in the native place.

88

It was true that life in the townships in the beginning was very tough and unbearable but after some time when they began to earn money somehow then their standard of living improved in Kalabut and Kangra townships only. What I observed that majority of the resettlers still lived hand to mouth. The government resettled them in new areas without proper planning. Majority of the resettlers have the opinion that the government ruined a significant part of their life.

4.3. Part III: Legal Issues The previous section discussed minor issues related to in the life of the resettlers in

Kalabut and Kangra townships. It was found that initially they faced numerous problems in education, however, the situation improved as time passed. This section discusses the legal issues which ensued as a result of resettlement. The section explores litigation as a major problem resulting from resettlement.

4.3.1. Litigation issues Every family of resettlers was entitled to receive compensation from the government. But unfortunately, majority of them could not get it and it was still an important issue for many resettlers. Even after 40 years, their litigation cases over compensation were still pending in courts. The government was not serious in paying their settlers their compensation. The resettlers spent almost half of the amount (compensation) on getting this compensation. In the end, the government announced that the compensation had been received by the family members. All the respondents said that the compensation was too low, much lower than what they had expected. They said assessment estimate was not conducted fairly; personal likes/dislikes and bribing the assessment officers played a big role in determining the rates of assets. Majority of the affected people therefore went 89 to court to seek justice. But courts were not in a position to decide their cases. A male respondent in the FGD said that:

―the government treated us like a step mother. What was our fault? More than 40 years have passed but we poor people have to continue cases in court. Had there been a resettlement policy, then our problems would have been solved decades ago. We hope that the government will end our miseries and we pray that may Allah destroy those people who displaced us and made us face court cases‖. (Pehur hamlet) There were many filed by the heads of families. However, as happens in numerous other civil litigation, the courts took a very long time to decide these cases. And when the cases were decided, so those who filed these cases were no longer in this world. In many cases, their children had to prove that they were in fact their children and were rightfully entitled to receive the compensation.

CHAPTER SUMMARY This chapter presented the views of the respondents regarding the problems they faced in their adjustment phase in the new areas after displacement. There were numerous social, economic, and legal problems faced by the resettlers of Tarbela dam. A far as social issues are concerned, the resettlers faced problems including loss of Hujra system; they had difficulty in understanding new language in the community, loss of Pardah

(veil), changes in wedding ceremonies, clothes pattern, scarcity of water, and toilet system. On the other hand, resettlers had better education facilities though which later helped them improve their lives. Another problem was most of the affected people lost their previous jobs without acquiring new skills. Previously, majority of the resettlers were farmers while others had agricultural related skills which they used to earn their livelihood. But now in new locations they needed new job skills. New location dropped their standard of living. Most of the resettlers went abroad in order to find jobs. 90

Compensation for the loss of previous land was also an issue. Resettlers were not satisfied with the compensations paid to them. As a result, majority of the resettlers are still pursuing litigation against the government in courts.

91

CHAPTER V

VIEWS OF RESETTLERS/AFFECTEES OF NEW

DARBAND TOWNSHIP, GHAZI AND PEHUR HAMLETS

The previous chapter presented the views of the resettlers of Kalabut and Kangra

Township relating to the problems they faced in adjustment. This chapter presents the views of resettlers belonging to New Darband Township, Ghazi and Pehur hamlets regarding their adjustment issues. The reason for presenting the views of resettlers of

Darband, Ghazi and Pehur hamlets together is due to their similar socio-economic and physical characteristics. To help reader(s) to understand the general idea of the problems, the chapter is divided into three parts. Part I describes the social issues of resettlers. Part II explains the economic issues of the resettlers while Part III explains the legal issues.

5.1. Part I: Cultural Bereavement among Displaced Persons Almost all the resettlers in New Darband Township, Ghazi and Pehur hamlets, despite their more than 42 years stay, felt extremely upset. They would still recall their old neighborhood, their practices and relations and wished not to have been moved due to the dam. They enumerated many issues which caused their dissatisfaction in both the towns.

What caused their non-adjustment is explained below.

5.1.1. Education System: Ups and Downs in the Education The life of the people in those three townships was miserable. They did not have basic facilities in the township. I observed in the New Darband Township that the standard of education was very poor. There was one government high school with no furniture for students and thus students would sit on the cold floor. Electricity was only available in teachers‘ common room and principal‘s room only. The school was like an old deserted place in the town. For almost 20 years there was no repair and maintenance work 92 in the school. Teachers did not take any interest in their duty and so did students in their studies. There was a big old tree in front of the school main gate. A male local retired teacher, while reflecting upon the status of education in the new area, said that:

―when we moved here, there was no school, no hospital and no social services in the town for many years. Our elders realized that they had to educate their children without wasting more time, so they began to school children under the shadow of a big tree. That tree is very important for us, and as a mark of respect, we have neither cut nor trimmed it‖. (Individual interview, New Darband Township)

People of New Darband Township lacked the good education and agricultural system of the native place in their new place. They all worked under the Nawab of Amb but their life was much better than their current life. They all had basic facilities of life from Nawab but he (Nawab of Amb) was not in favor of educating his tenants. So Nawab kept them all on his land for agricultural work. Nawab provided them with everything they wanted for their life. All were slaves of Nawab who had his own organized army; he had arm factories in the state (Amb). The Nawab had fruit orchards and cultivated opium too on a large scale in the native area, and would earn a fortune. No one would enter the boundary of his land without his permission. He had boundaries clearly demarcated around his land with guards on duty 24 hours a day and 7 days a week. Despite this prison like situation, his tenants were still happy with him.

According to the people, the Nawab of Amb was a hard taskmaster and treated his tenants harshly in every respect. . Nonetheless, he provided all basic facilities on his estate to facilitate the population at that time. Consequently, majority of his tenants were very happy working for him. They still wished to work under him as they did in the past. But after resettlement, his territory was submerged and the government allotted him some large part of land in compensation in the nearby upper part of the reservoir which was now 93 called Sherghar46. Now that town belonged to Nawab’s sons and grandsons. The Nawab’s family have now entered politics with one female and one male member in the National

Assembly of Pakistan.

Similarly, Pehur hamlet had education problem too. Students from Pehur hamlet covered many kilometers to go a big town such Topi47 to get education. The locals requested the government so many times for a high school but nothing was done. Another problem was drinking water supply. Resettlers lacked all the basic facilities but there was little help available. The main reason was that the land belonged to the people of Topi; they did not accept the resettlers in their area. Moving to Pehur hamlet brought lots of problems. A male respondent in FGD at Pehur hamlet said that:

―when we moved to Pehur hamlet, locals were very thirsty for our blood. They misbehaved with us on many occasions and did not allow us to enter their fields with our animals. Even they restricted our movement in the area and our animals were shot if they entered their fields. After many years, when they realized that we would stay here for the rest of our lives, their attitude started changing gradually‖.

The populations of the Gahzi hamlet had the same standard of living like in Pehur, the reason being that both townships were far away from big cities. They were near their old villages and surrounded by many small villages too. All three townships were very close to the reservoir on different sides and far away from big cities.

5.1.2. Cultural differences and job opportunities Ghazi, Pehur and New Darband Township had almost the same culture. The inhabitants of all three areas, in general, were rigid and strictly observed Pardah. They were not allowed to visit markets for shopping and other activities such as fetching drinking water, washing clothes on river banks and working in the farm fields with men of

46Sherghar is the name of small town near Mansehra, KPK Province, Pakistan. 47 Topi is the name of small city in district Swabi, KP province. 94 the family. They were not interested in female education. They all were unhappy with the government especially what the WAPDA did to them. A male respondent from Ghazi hamlet in an individual interview said that:

―I will tell the government that first throw all the affected people in the sea and then start working on the dam. Just finish us first at least, when there are none of us left then there will be no problem for the government. In Pakistan the majority of the government officials are corrupt. I was surprised when I heard Wali Khan48 shouting against the Kala Bagh49 dam but at that time they ( who) did not support us. While, Tarbela dam was burning issue at that time. But Wali khan did not show any interest in it. Why? Were we not Pathans50? Was our culture not a culture? We left our kingdom there. Was it not a kingdom?‖

People in the two hamlets and one township were very angry with the government.

They all believed that only few people with contacts got all the benefits but majority were crushed. They all lived a happy and satisfied life in the native place. They moved to new places with empty hands with a damaged self-respect. They had their own identity before moving but now they had nothing left behind. Almost 42 years have passed but they still could not gain the same identity as they had in the native place. They all wanted their lost identity back. They wished for decommissioning of the dam so that they could go back to their own villages. Although they worked in the state of Nawab, they were satisfied with their living. But in the resettlement, there were no government jobs for their social and economic security. They demanded for quota system for employment in Tarbela dam. A male respondent in an individual interview at Ghazi hamlet uttered that:

―the biggest problem that we have is unemployment. We do not have money to bribe WAPDA officials to employ our sons. The minimum bribery for a job is 200 thousand Pakistani rupees. If we go to the market and want to barrow food the shopkeeper will ask whether I have a government job. They do not give food and other items to anyone who have

48 Wali khan was the leader of a political party named as Awami National Party. 49Kala Bagh is an Urduword. It is a small town in the Punjab province where a hydropower dam was proposed with same name. ―KalaBagh Dam‖ However, it is still controversial as some major nationalistic parties from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Sindh, and Balochistan strongly criticize its construction. 50Pathans, also known Pakhtuns, are the dominant ethnic group in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan. 95

no government job as a non-government person has no guarantee whether he will be able to pay back the loan (very aggressive mood). The locals have money to bribe and get a job but we have none. Therefore, we demand a quota in WAPDA jobs. Initially, no one was trying to get job in WAPDA. However, as salaries of WAPDA employees increased; we are interested but they are not employing us‖

5.1.3. Change in the functions of hujra system The previous chapter shed some light on the role of the Hujra system which the resettlers had in their native places. Hujra is still functional in new resettlements but with elite class only in New Darband, Ghazi and Pehur hamlet. However, its role has been transformed; rather reduced to only a few activities. Previously, a Hujra was a place where the elders, youngsters and children would come together, usually in the evenings, and discussed current affairs, village affairs etc. They would also share stories and play indoor games. Besides, all the important decisions regarding community were made in Hujras.

The political events were also organized in Hujras. Besides, if a team of doctors would come to the community, they would also come to Hujras. It was also a place of death and wedding ceremonies. This changed now. Today, Hujra is occasionally utilized. A male respondent from new Darband Township in an individual interview said that:

―we had a very good Hujra system in the past in our native place. Here we have the same Hujra system but elite class now use it on rare occasions only. Because we all have our own guest rooms attached to our houses and guests now spend their nights here. In the past there was no media or entertainment in the home, so people used Hujra for entertainment. But now each house has its own entertainment system (TV, satellite channels etc.) and people do not have time to visit and sit in Hujra for some time‖.

As people were busy with their jobs and businesses, therefore, they did not have much time to share their daily life with each other in the Hujra. This culture almost vanished in the new area. Further, as most of the respondents had to take care of their families, therefore, they could not spare time to get to Hujra regularly. Furthermore, many of the family members of the resettlers were working out of the towns. They would come 96 back to their homes on weekends or on monthly basis. For most of the times, they would be absent from the towns. But they still longed for Hujra. They desired a place like Hujra wherein they could carry out all their activities which they had in the native place.

5.1.4. Alienation and the loss of Hindko as a native language In order to connect with other humans, we use language as a tool of communication. A shared or common language is the most effective tool of communication. It is the language that binds people together. It is one of the strongest variables creating in-group and ethnic feelings.

The people of Pehur, Ghazi and New Darband, shared Hindko language in their native places. Hindko language has more similarities with Punjabi languages. It is one of the sub-continental languages. Pashto, on the other hand, belongs to family of Central

Asian family of languages. The resettlers were resettled in such communities where

Pashto was a dominant language and Pathans were the dominant ethnic group. Pashto and

Hindko languages are very different from each other. Pashto belongs to Central Asian family of languages while Hindko belongs to Indian family of languages. Same is the case with Pathans and Hindkowans. According to a female respondent in an individual interview:

―resettlement had changed our language to some extent. In the native place we all spoke Hindko but when we moved to the new place, Pashto language was spoken by all and sundry. We faced many problems with the change language in the new place‖.(Pehur hamlet)

The new settlements were located in Pathan dominated groups. To the Pathans, the resettlers were completely alien. They were unable to understand each other languages.

There were problems in communicating in market places and other such places where the two ethnic groups interacted. 97

Besides barriers in language communication, the locals were also uncooperative towards the resettlers. There was a feeling amongst the locals that the resettlers have unjustly occupied their land. Although the resettlers were allotted this land by the government, still the locals held grudges against them. One of the male respondents in an individual interview in Ghazi hamlet said that:

―the government forcefully bought this land from us. Government provided a small amount of money for the land. You can say government took it by force from the locals. When we (resettlers) came, the locals shifted their anger towards us. Locals think that we have come forcefully here and occupied their land‖.

Besides this, the locals were also disturbed by the change in the environment because their fields, shops, and other aspects of life were influenced by the resettlers.

Initially, the locals thought that the resettlers are nomads having come and settled for a short period of time. However, when the resettlers started constructing concrete houses, only then they realized that the resettlers have now become permanent members of their communities.

The locals were not cooperative with the resettlers in the new area because the locals had not accepted them whole heartedly. Locals thought that the resettlers came to capture their land and businesses. When the resettlers moved to Pehur hamlet, the locals behaved as if an enemy from another country had entered their territory. Locals had a very bad perception of the resettlers. A male respondent from Pehur hamlet in his interview said that they wished to go far away from Uttman51 because they were not polite to them and did not keep good relationship with people. Hindko people were good while Pashto speaking people were not good people. They were not fair with them in daily life 98 still did not allow them to work. They beat their children so many times while going school in Topi. So they did not want them to educate their children.

5.1.5. Modesty beliefs: Changes in Pardah (Veil) culture Pardah, as already referred to in Chapter IV, is observed in majority of the Muslim world. In addition to language, the resettlers faced issues of Pardah. In the native place, they were one community where they rarely observed pardah. The only veil they would wear was dupatta (a loose veil covering the head and upper body but not the face, usually worn by women in familiar gatherings). Nonetheless, after moving to the new place, the people were strangers for them. The homogeneity of the previous location was lost to the heterogeneity of new localities with unknown people from different ethnicities.

Resultantly, they started observing Pardah in a strict manner. This Pardah now includes a veil not only covering the entire body but the face also. A female respondent at Ghazi hamlet said that they had a very good system of Pardah in the native place. They all belonged to one ethnic group or clan and visiting neighbor‘s house was not a big problem especially in observing Pardah. They did not cover their bodies with full cloth but used only dopattah52 because the people all around were either relatives or childhood friends.

So, there was no need of Pardah from them. Life was very easy in that respect. But after moving to new place, they were allowed to visit old neighbors and relatives only not the locals next door.

Not all the resettlers faced Pardah. Resettlers of New Darband Township observed little change in Pardah culture. Here at New Darband Township, the resettlers themselves were in majority. Although there were many locals in the town and they had no close relationship with each other, still this did not cause major commotion amongst the resettlers.

52Dopattah meaning a scarf used by females to cover their heads and upper parts of body. 99

Overall, Pardah was now more strictly observed than they did it in the past. There were new community people and they did not want their females to mix with them.

Furthermore, female were not allowed to go shopping. They were supposed to stay at home for maximum time.

5.1.6. Change in the dress code: From traditional to modern In addition to change in Pardah system, clothing pattern also changed significantly. In native localities, the resettlers used to wear a traditional dress i.e.,

Shalwar Qameez, which is a traditional dress of Pakhtuns. Their jobs were limited to farming in the agricultural fields. In an agricultural culture, such a dress is the most acceptable dress for all. However, when they moved to the new localities and lost farming jobs, they found new jobs with new urban culture. Most of the new jobs required modern dress, such as trousers and shirts as uniforms. Initially, the resettlers were unwilling to wear such dress as it was considered an alien dress by the rural majority. A male respondent from new Darband Township in an individual interview:

―I went for a job in Karachi and I was supposed to wear shirt and trousers. I refused to wear them although it was uniform during duty hours. We had no schools where uniform was compulsory for children. Therefore, our children felt shy when uniform became compulsory in education and a norm in colleges and universities‖.

Western dressing created problems for the resettlers. This demand for new dress created anxiety amongst many. It was not limited to the adults alone. The children also faced this problem. Children and the youth were shy of wearing trousers-shirts, jeans-T- shirts. Initially, while wearing trousers and shirts they felt they were wearing nothing and were naked. However, with the passage of time, people became used to this new dress code. 100

Resettlers admitted their children to modern schools and colleges because they were concerned about competition in the future that might push the resettlers to more backwardness. There were a few private schools located near the new settlement areas.

People got their children admitted to those schools. They became aware of modern education and the required dress code. They believed that if they stuck to their old way of life they would lag behind in life. But initially wearing new western style clothing created anxiety in them.

5.1.7. Accommodation constraints: From open farm houses to congested street houses In addition to identity issues in the community, the resettlers had accommodation issues in the new area. In the native place they had land for their houses and almost all construction material was provided by the Amb Nawab. They all were his tenants and the land was his property in new Darband. They had large houses made of stone and mud which were weather-resistant. There was ample space for their animals in the house and a store for dry wood and grass for animals. A male respondent in this regard expressed his views:

―we had old type of construction in village and it was weather-proof. We had more space in the house for animals, grass, wood and chickens. Boundary walls of houses were short which let fresh air blow all the time in the houses. No thief ever existed in the house. We had garden nearby the houses and would get fresh vegetables and salad from it which was one of the hobbies of our females in the village. Our houses were just like heaven for us and we all lived a very happy life in it‖. (FGD, New Darband Township)

But after the resettlement, they got a very small piece of land in shape of compensation plot. Therefore, they forgot about all their hobbies and extra space in the house for animals. Building new houses with new building codes (mud and concrete) was very difficult for them. They made the first move for it and after 41years they were still 101 not satisfied with those types of houses. While these houses were need of the day, majority of the elders were not comfortable in the new types of building because they all lived in old houses and had an emotional attachment with them.

For the new type of building or construction, bricks, cement, steel, gravel and sand were bought while building the old type they required stone and mud only which were available free of cost in the village. Therefore, the new construction took long time and was not according to their needs and wishes. A male respondent in FGD at Pehur hamlet in a very aggressive mood said that they all lived in their native places very happily and were satisfied with all resources. Not all people were rich but the poor too had very comfortable life over there. If a person had one room in a house in the native place, he was much happier than he is today. Their houses were like paradise for them. They had fresh water, vegetables, and other basic needs for no cost. While here they are crushed by government because everything was available on payment. The water they use on daily basis in the township/hamlet is also not free which was free in the native place though.

Currently, they have no jobs and expenses are enormous. How can the government claim that it has done a great job for the country? Why? Are they not part of this country?

Therefore, many resettlers wished governments had thrown them in a deep well. They would have died there easily and nobody would have come to even know about them.

Accommodation was a major problem for the resettlers. When they moved to new area, there was no house/place available for them to live. In the beginning, they lived in either tents or in open air but after some time they started constructing their own houses.

The structure of their new houses was based on the same old pattern i.e. mud and stone.

They did not have resources and money to build concrete houses. They did not have money to build new houses and they liked the old structure which was also less expensive.

We all left our houses and reached new place empty handed. A female respondent from 102 the New Darband Township in her individual interview said that when they got up early in the morning they saw that their village was submerged by water. They ran away towards mountains. They saw the whole scene with their own eyes. Hayat Khan Sher Pao53 announced that they should take wood (already used in roof of houses) along with them.

Jumat islami54 helped them. They lived in open air and after four days they received tents provided by Jumat Islami. A few weeks later they built a single room for their children and family. The government compensated them only nominally.

The resettlers were extremely unset while moving to new area because the amount given to them as compensation was not enough to build even a one bedroom house for them. On top of that, the locals were not cooperative. So after they had moved, they faced a lot of accommodation problems. The government did not follow-up on them. Therefore, the resettlers were very angry with the government of the time. Even after four (4) decades, people still have serious complaints against the government.

I observed that the people of New Darband Township asked the government for basic needs. After four decades, government has now shown some interest in their problems. But the outcome is still unsatisfactory for the people. The resettlers had a poor sanitation system with poor drinking water supply. Streets and markets in the new place presented a view of some ancient deserted Greek town. Only one hospital was built after

42 years and that too was not functional. A college for boys and a high school were opened a couple of years ago (2014). There was neither a college nor a recreational center for women. Children played games on the road at a distance of 2 km from the town.

However, there were some positive developments as well. In the months of July and August, the dam water rises in the reservoir and touches the township boundaries.

53 A provincial leader of Pakistan People party and former Governor of KP. 54Jumat e Islami is a religious political party in Pakistan. 103

Business of some people from different villages near Darband is good in those three months (June, July and August). In those three months, the area becomes a tourist spot.

The township is surrounded by water from two sides which results in increased fishing business. These fish are later supplied to the nearby cities. Therefore, in the summer, fishing and boating business do well for the locals.

Boats were/are used to transport goods and people to the nearby villages such as

Tor Ghar. Several cases of women giving birth to babies on the way to the New Darband

Township via boat from nearby villages have been reported. Only few private doctors and mid-wives (locally known as daee) were available in the New Darband Township.

Carrying patients to big cities was/is a big problem.

5.1.8. Change in toilet system In addition to accommodation issues in the new area, the non-availability of open air toilets was another problem for them. In the native places, majority of males used to go outdoors in order to relieve themselves. They felt hesitant to use toilet inside the house and preferred going to fields and barren lands for defecation. But when they moved to new area, it became a big problem for them. The people in Ghazi and Pehur hamlets were surrounded by the locals and were aliens to each other. They did not want to use their

(locals) fields as toilets. They fought so many times with each other over this issue and many elderly resettlers became psychologically disturbed. A male respondent from Ghazi hamlet in an individual interview said that:

―when we moved to the new area, it was like putting a loin in the cage who has no choice to use bathroom outside his cage. They did the same to us; we could not go to any farm field for to use it as bathroom‖.

But the people of new Darband Township faced fewer problems in open air bathroom. They had mountains and barren land nearby, so they used that land as open air 104 toilet. But there were a few cases which showed that elderly people in the township faced many problems. In the beginning, they had fought with locals over open air toilet but after a few weeks they found the place to go as an open air toilet. The New Darband township is situated in mountainous area. Therefore, they did not have any big problem regarding toilet needs.

5.1.9. Water shortage: Scarcity for drinking and other purposes As they moved to the new area, water for drinking and construction purposes became the striking issue. New Darband as mentioned above was situated in the mountains and water was scarce there. The natives of the area fetched drinking water from a faraway place. They did not want to share water with resettlers as they believed that the source of water they already had was only meant for them. The water in the old source was not enough for both drinking and irrigation purposes. A male respondent in FGD at new Darband Township expressed his views and said that:

―we fought with them over water for 10 years when we moved to the New Darband Township, but now the problem of water is settled. Now a new scheme is implemented through Tehsil Municipal Administration (TMA). The problem is in the summers only. We pay to TMA to bring us water via tankers for 1000 rupee for refilling our house water tanks for 3 to 7 days usage. That cost is very high for us. We dug our first tube-wells 4 years ago but no one took the responsibility to run it. It was a gift for us from our old member of Provincial Assembly (MPA) but the new one does not take any interest in our affairs. That was our situation. I told you that we were in the situation like never before; we were neither dead nor alive (che na mara you na jamdi yu)‖.

After a long time the resettlers found another source of drinking water in the area.

But in the summer season it used to dry up. The situation of drinking water was serious in the two hamlets. Both of the hamlets were resettled near Tarbela dam where water was in abundance a sit came out from the powerhouse area after generating power. But fetching water from the river was a tiresome job for the majority of resettlers. Many started using 105 river water and few people dug their own wells. In the beginning, the residents of both helmets faced severe shortage of water for construction purposes. They fetched water from a very long distance. They had a hard time during construction and after long time they built houses with ordinary materials. It was observed that Ghazi hamlet had improved streets and sanitation system with concrete houses but Pehur hamlet had a rural view.

5.2. Part II. Economic Issues 5.2.1. Poor Infrastructure

Ghazi, Pehur and New Darband was characterized by old fashioned houses, traditional job pattern, low literacy rate, and rural life style. Economic conditions of the resettlers in these resettlements did not improve in comparison to the other two townships as discussed in the previous chapter. The reason behind it was that those two hamlets and one township were in the backward areas and the previous two townships were near the city where people had more resources. A male respondent in FGD from Pehur Township said that:

―if we had moved to a big city, our life must have been more urbanized. Our forefathers were illiterate and had no knowledge of our future. We are still living a very poor life; our children could not get jobs on the dam site though there was quota system for us in employment. Majority of our people were involved in labor work and earnings from that did not even fulfill our daily basic needs‖.

I observed that people in the New Darband Township were very backward and had a poor life because they lived in remote areas. The roads leading to New Darband

Township were in a very poor condition. About road conditions a male respondent in the new Darband Township shared his views:

―when a pregnant woman develops complications before or during delivery the mid-wife must refer her to a big hospital in city, like Mansehra or Abbottabad. Sometimes a woman gives birth to child on the way before reaching the hospital. She will never reach the hospital for treatment; 106

therefore there is a possibility of the child or the woman dying on the way. Now after 42 years of displacement, a hospital was constructed last year but it is still not functional. One college became functional last year and some people had jobs in schools, college and Municipal committee. Several people own shops now for earning money and many have jobs in big cities or abroad‖.

New Darband Township has been ignored by the government in the past 42 years.

People were disappointed with the government for its bad performance. Their eyes were always up to the sky for some help from the government. The township was totally neglected in all developmental projects. A respondent in New Darband Township in this respect spoke that when they moved from Darband village to this New Darband

Township, they had no school for six or eight years. They could not afford to build a school at their expense. Their elders realized the importance of school and started one in open air. There was a big tree and they used to sit under its shadow and received their education. After a long time of displacement, some government officials paid visit to this town and began work on a school, college and hospital. There is still a communication gap between them and the government and as a result no attention is paid to the town‘s infrastructure and development.

It was observed that the roads linking the township with big cities were in a very bad condition, and transport towards that township was almost zero. I travelled to New

Darband Township via Mansehra Ogi55 road. The total distance from Ogi to New

Darband Township is 40 km but due to bad roads we covered this distance in 5 hours. A male respondent in Darband Township in an individual interview said that their funds for roads were embezzled by the MPA out of New Darband. This year with the elections being near they will show him the power of their vote. They would never vote for him.

55Ogi is the name of a small city, situated 22 km in the south of district Mansehra. 107

5.2.2. Changes in economic beliefs: From shared economic responsibility to individual responsibility One of the major reasons for their low literacy rate and the communication gap between government and resettlers in New Darband Township was bad roads. Another reason for this was the low income of people in the towns. Most of the resettlers lived below poverty line and could not afford higher education. A female respondent in an interview said that their lives were better in their old village (Darband). Although they did not have their own land and house but there was enough food for all.

In the village they had a good social system and all people were closely connected.

If a person did not have his own land and house in the village, the wealthy people provided him/her shelter and food. In return the tenants provided a few services to the owner. There were no restrictions on any one to take vegetables and fruits from the neighbor‘s land. All were allowed to use those things for free. They used milk, butter and lassi56 from the neighbor‘s house, and neighbors allowed them to take them without permission. A male respondent in new Darband Township said that:

―we had extremely fertile lands and more animals in village. We grew vegetables and fruits in our fields. No one bought vegetables and fruits from the local market because throughout the years our lands were full of them and everyone in the village was allowed to use it without land owner permission. Our tenants and poor neighbors came to our house daily and took milk, butter and lassi from chattay57 and no need to ask us while taking these dairy products. Life was very simple and full of love. We all miss that very much‖.

Resettlers did not have agriculture land in the new area. Some of the resettlers were given land as compensation in other provinces such as Punjab and Sindh, far away from their residence. Now it was very difficult for them to visit their land on regular basis from each township. So they all bought vegetables and dairy products from market. But their

56Lassi is a traditional drink prepared from yogurt. 57Chattay is a big polished mud container, used for storing 20 to 40 liters water in village. 108 buying power was limited to purchase all those items from open market. A male respondent in Pehur hamlet in an individual interview said that:

―we only have a house in the township but we do not have any land for agriculture. Therefore, we buy everything from the market. Vegetables and dairy are very expensive, so how is it possible to share that with neighbors and to continue that bond of care and love with each other? Today we live our individual lives; we are unable to care for our neighbors, and even we do not know who is living next to us in the street. Almost 41 years have passed but still we do not visit next-door neighbors. This space between us is because of displacement‖. 5.2.3. Issues in compensation for losses: Too small and too late There were numerous issues in terms of compensation for losses by government.

The infrastructure was poorly developed because the compensation from the government was not according to their needs. Majority of the resettlers were not happy with the compensation. The procedure which the government adopted for compensation was regarded as unfair by many. A male respondent in a very aggressive mood in Ghazi hamlet said that the government peeled off their skin from the body and left them without any follow-up. (sarman ye rana obasale da, matlab hasil ki our gaand par laat maar di our kaha jao mazay karo). If you kill a person then you must cover his body with a piece of cloth. Government did the same with them. When they took all their assets from them, they were just like dead people. They only provided trucks to remove these dead people and then captured their land.

The government allotted land to resettlers in other provinces such as Punjab and

Sindh, which were hundreds of miles away from the place of residence of the resettlers.

That land, although meant for irrigation, had no water supply. The owners would have to arrange for the water supply through his/her own resources. This would often involve digging tube-wells for irrigation on their allotted lands. Therefore, it made it very difficult for the resettlers to take care of their allotted lands with no irrigation system. They made 109 efforts to get water for irrigation and after 10 years they received very less water from the government to irrigate their lands which was not enough for irrigation. This land was totally different from the native land. Selection of seeds, crops and vegetables took almost

10 to 12 years. Their relatives were away from them due to owning land in different provinces. Therefore, they wished to have land near their native place or at least in the same province. They did not agree with the government on compensation amount and land allotment. They were resettled involuntarily in the different townships. After 42 years, they realized that their elders and the government made serious blunders at the time of resettlement.

5.2.4. Employment issues: From agricultural labour skills to industrial labour skills Like compensation, unemployment was another issue with resettlers. Most of them were farmers, shopkeepers, carpenters and blacksmiths. When they moved to the new area, they did not know other types of work. After moving to the new area they realized that they should know jobs such as in masonry, or labor work in a factory or in some office related work. But the office job and work in a factory needed some education which they did not have. Therefore, they were not eligible for most of the advertised jobs. A male respondent in an individual interview at new Darband Township said that:

―we did not have jobs after displacement. We received a step motherly like treatment from the government‖. (Individual interview at New Darband Township)

They all believed that the resettlement created a lot of problems for them. They were all against the resettlement because they had some demands from the government; the government probably tried its best to achieve them but could not fulfill all their demands. Majority of them wanted one person from the family to be sent abroad for work at government expense and to be given employment on quota system in every organization 110 or a job related to dam project. They had the example of those affected by Mangla dam where at least one person from each family was promised to be sent abroad, and the government did that. A male respondent in New Darband Township shared his views in

FDG and said that:

―we had more opportunities in the native place but here, there is nothing for us. It was a nightmare for us and now we are in hell. Do you know that Mangla people got one UK visa for each family? We, however, were fucked up( devastated) by the government as well as by the Nawab of Amb‖.

Tarbela dam resettlers had no jobs after displacement but had large families to support. They were worried about their future prospects after the resettlement. While in the native place they had food, work, farms, and harmonious relationships while in the new place none of these were available. They were concerned about all these things.

Further, the amount of compensation received from the government was mostly spent in the native place. They moved to the new settlements with empty pockets. They needed more money for purchasing daily food items in the new area.

The resettlers tried to settle in the new area but due to fewer opportunities to improve life of their families, they settled in other cities. At that time Karachi and the

Middle East were the places for them to get better opportunities. After moving to the new area, it was not possible for the government to provide jobs to all the affected people because in the dam construction only skilled laborers and technical people were adjusted but majority of the affected people were unskilled or irrelevant to dam construction.

Therefore, misunderstanding developed between the affected people and the government.

The resettlers started hating the government because it failed to provide jobs to them in the dam related projects. A male respondent in Pehur hamlet in an individual interview said that: 111

―we desired to get resettled near our native place. Other resettlement townships are developing day by day but this one is moving downwards. We did not have a source of income and majority tried to migrate to other cities or abroad to make a living. We would prefer Islamabad but the government got us settled here in the backward area. Here we did not have any facilities, water, shelters, food, education, employments and future prospects‖.

They still demanded for jobs on the dam site, and hoped that the government would compensate them in the best possible way. The affected people knew that the dam earned a lot of money but the government did not compensate them what they deserved. In the New Darband Township, they had very poor conditions in all respects: roads, schools, colleges, hospitals and other basic needs for the resettlers were missing. Royalty from the dam was not utilized properly in the township. If the amount from royalty was spent on them that could potentially change their lives. A male respondent from new Darband

Township in his an individual interview said that:

―we made sacrifices for the dam and the powerhouse in Swabi district; the government was getting royalty and spent only 5% on us annually 16.8 million rupees but in 2012, it was 32 million rupees. The royalty should be divided equally among the towns. We had problems of water supply, street pavement, roads to big cities and inside township and electricity from Mansehra with low voltage. From 1974 onward, no development activities have been carried out in the township, and the royalty went to the MPA‘s (Member of the Provincial Assembly) personal accounts. The amount was spent on unnecessary activities which mean it was unfairly distributed)‖.

Both hamlets had the same complaints from the government. They argued that

MirPur58city was developed for the resettlers of Mangla dam by the government. Perhaps, it was true that previously one person from each family was helped and financed by the government to move to the United Kingdom for jobs. But not all were financed by the government. Most of the people in the families went abroad at their resource. They had built new and modern houses and had good business in the city. Majority of the

58Mirpur is the name of city in Azad Kashmir and the affectees from Mangla dam project were resettle there 112 respondents were employed abroad. As a result, their houses remained empty. They visited their homes in Pakistan during holidays. In short, they were satisfied. However, those affected by Tarbela dam had so many complaints against the government. A male respondent used some harsh words in an FGD at Ghazi hamlet:

―a few years back, a World Bank mission visited our community in Punjab which is near the main road. A representative of the World Bank asked one of affected people in group discussion asked that they are planning Basha59 Dam, Tangi60 and a few more dams and that they needed to know our experience of resettlement. One of the affected persons, a simple man, sarcastically replied to gora61 that they may build whatever dam they like including Kala Bagh dam but first they should drown all the affected people in dam reservoirs. The reason is that for the past 47 years, we have been living in the worst possible conditions. We do not want our children to face such conditions‖.

It was observed that the New Darband Township and Ghazi and Pehur hamlets were similar to as they were forty years ago. The government did not fulfill its promises to them and took everything from them. Therefore, they were of the opinion that the government like a butcher skinned us but alive.

Keeping in mind the views of all respondents, not a single person was satisfied with the compensation, employment and royalty. Some resettlers, however, believed that it was not the government‘s mistake. While visiting choyaan62village, Mr. Sikandar Khan

Khalil, governor of North West Frontier Province (NWFP) (now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) from Awami National Party (ANP), said that there is no need for a resettlers‘ colony here and there is no future for the resettlers here. The resettlers have to move to other cities such as Mansehra for a better future. He promised to build a colony for resettlers in

Havalian63 and also give them jobs in the ordinance factory there. However, the resettlers

59Basha is proposed name of dam in KPK, Pakistan. 60Tangi is proposed name of dam in KPK, Pakistan 61 The word Gora is used for British/foreigners. Gora means White. 62Choyaan is the name of a village near new Darband Township, district Mansehra, KP, Pakistan. 63Havalian is the name of small city near district Haripur. 113 did not want to leave immediately as they had credited thousands of Pakistani rupees to many customers who used to trade sugarcane from them. Therefore, the resettlers decided to wait in the same location in order to collect the credited amount from the debtors.

It shows that it was not only the government fault in the resettlement planning but some of the affected people too were responsible for their plight. Politicians or top government management tried to resettle them in a better place where they could have basic facilities of life. But unfortunately they refused to agree with them. Therefore, they still cried for help to find out better solution to satisfy the displaced people. It was not the government‘s fault that the resettlers were still not happy with the government because at that time there was no resettlement policy. All promises and decisions were made in the abstract and were not fulfilled. If a well-thought resettlement policy was available before the project was initiated then the resettlement may have been a different (or better) story.

But here the situation was totally different. They all had developed their own perceptions about their resettlement. Some believed that the dam was built because the personal interests of some people were involved. Some thought that it was a politically- motivated decision. The power of the Nawab of Amb got an expression that he might conquer the whole country. He was a powerful lord who had his own army of 800 people.

A male respondent in Pehur hamlet shared his views in FGD and said that:

―two dams were built for political reasons. One is Khanpur64 dam. The reason behind its construction was Ayub Khan,65 the then president of Pakistan, who wanted to finish Raja66of Khanpur. And the second was Tarbela Dam, and here too Ayub Khan wished to finish Nawab of Amb. If the Old Darband still existed, the Nawab of Amb state would become billionaire. He grew top quality mangos on his land. Ayub Khan wanted to destroy him and, therefore, planned for Tarbela Dam. Nawab Fareed ullah Khan had two sons: Nawab Saeed khan and Nawab Saluhuddin. One is an

64Khanpur is the name of small city and dam near district Haripur. 65Ayub Khan was the Field Marshal and President of Pakistan during 1956-69. 66Raja is a title given to a king of the princely state. Usually, the title is used in Sub-Continent. 114

MNA and Samina Abid, his daughter, is now a senator in the government. Nawab Fareed Khan had his own jail for prisoners. He had an ammunition factory where he assembled mini tanks, and guns. He had an illegal business like opium, timber etc. Ayub Khan did not want Fareed ullah Khan to be a powerful man in the state (Amb) and so he crushed him by building the dam‖.

When the government left water on the reservoir, the old Darband sankunder water and Nawab Fareed ullah Khan got a new village called Shergarh near Mansehra district.

Although he died, his family still lives in Shergarh. They are part of the politics of

Pakistan and enjoy key positions in different organizations. Today, Shergarh belongs to

Nawab Fareed ullah Khan but their sons were not as powerful as they were at the times of his father.

5.3. Part III. Legal Issues The previous two parts explained the social and economic issues as caused by resettlement, while the following part explains the legal issues.

5.3.1. Unending litigations All those affected by Tarbela dam were entitled to receive compensation and those who did not receive could go to the court of law. There were so many cases in the court that have yet to be decided even after 42 years. As the saying goes ‗Justice delayed is justice denied‘, the same thing is being done to those affected by the construction of

Tarbela dam. Majority of the cases are regarding compensation for the land. One of the male respondents in an FGD said that:

―we are fed-up with the court system. I am pursuing a case that was filed by my grandfather. After he expired, my father pursued the case in court in the hope of getting justice. He also passed away in the process. Now it‘s my turn. But I also do not hope that the case will be decided in my life time. What kind of justice is this? Either close the case or give us our right‖. (New Darband Township) 115

The cases were filed by the grandfathers or the fathers and the government was not releasing the amount to their (resettlers) grandsons or sons. Some people even did not have their old documents of their forefather‘s identification. Perhaps they had no proof that they were the right persons for the compensation. They all were all bitterly disappointed with the government and with the delay in the court cases. Their parents were no more in this world while the cases were still not decided. When I asked a male respondent in an FGD at New Darband Township how much compensation was given to them by the government? His reply expressed his frustration and is too rude to be mentioned in my research work. To put it in a civilized manner, he said that zero compensation was given to them. Similarly, a male respondent fed up with court cases shared his view and said that:

―we all were tenants of Nawab Fareed Ullah Khan in old Darband and nearby villages. But when his state joined politics (just before Tarbela dam was planned), majority of land went to the tenants. But Nawab of Amb did not agree with the government on this. Therefore, all compensation went to his account and now majority of people had cases against Nawab of Amb too. The Nawab was a very powerful person in the area and nobody could dare talk to him about that matter. Therefore, after his death, we all went to court for our right but the court procedure and some powerful people are so influential that the cases are still in the court‖. (Individual interview, New Darband Township)

There were many cases still pending in the court against low compensation rate of resettlers‘ houses and land. They still do not agree with the government on the compensation amount. Therefore, they all filed cases against the government. They waited for someone in the government to solve their cases and do justice to them. There were many political people who had close interaction with government but the output of their cases was zero.

CHAPTER SUMMARY This chapter presented the views of the respondents (resettlers) regarding the problems they faced in their adjustment in the new areas after displacement. The chapter explained 116 the social, cultural, economic, and legal issues that emerged as a result of Tarbela dam relocations. Socially, the resettlers lost their Hujra system and experienced a visible change in Purdha culture. There was alienation between the host communities and the resettlers. There was the problem of language and ethnicity. Both groups belong to different language and ethnic groups. Resettlement also affected education, jobs, and other economic matters. Employment was a big issue for the resettlers as they lacked technical skills. Further, similar to other resettlement communities, the resettlement in these locations also created unending litigations where a grandson was pursuing a case filed by his grandfather.

117

CHAPTER VI

ANALYSIS OF THE IMPACT OF RESETTLEMENT ON

THE RESETTLERS OF TARBELA DAM

The previous two chapters (IV and V) presented the views of the respondents regarding their adjustment problems, and their living standard both in the native place and new locations. It was found that Tarbela dam involuntary resettlement significantly changed their lives and brought them endless miseries. It was observed that majority of the resettlers were not satisfied with the resettlement plan of the government.

This chapter juxtaposes explanation and observation with the secondary data so that the impacts of involuntary resettlement are analyzed in light of the connected literature and the outcomes are derived. Furthermore, this chapter analyses the impact of involuntary resettlement on the life of the resettlers in the new area. In order to help the reader(s) to understand the overall concept and to clarify the argument, this chapter is divided into three parts. Part I analyses the social impacts of the resettlement. It describes and analyses an involuntary displacement of the affected, acculturation of resettlers in the host community, lack of acceptance by the host community, assimilation for the third generation, poverty among the resettlers, traditional job skills, and the causes of unemployment for the resettlers in the host community, and new pattern/design of infrastructure causing problems in accommodation.

Similarly, part II analyses the economic impacts of resettlement while part III analyses the legal impacts of resettlement. 118

6.1. Involuntary displacement Involuntary displacement refers to ―the movement of population with no choice but to leave their houses‖ (Sharma, 2003: 907). It happens due to multiple reasons such as industrial and natural disasters, mega developmental projects, ecological deficiency, war and conflict, cultural biasness, etc. In this section, an analysis of the involuntary resettlement of people due to the mega developmental dam projects such as Tarbela dam in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan is made. In the light of many sociological and anthropological studies in the field of involuntary resettlement, it has been found that almost all problems resulted from forced displacement (see for example Nakayama, et al.,

2009; Rania, 2010; Fujikura, et al., 2009; Cernea, 2009; Lee, et al., 2014; Bui and

Scheinemachers, 2011; Karimi, et al., 2005 Alexander, et al., 2012; Khan, et al., 2014;

Manatunge & Takesada, 2012; Fujikura and Nakayama, 2012; Sisinggih, et al., 2012;

Takesada, 2009; Hong, et al., 2009; Karimi and Taifur, 2012; Gyuse and Gyuse, 2008; and Takahasi, 2007). While there must be some limited differences in circumstances and difficulties, the common factor amongst all mega-project driven resettlements is involuntary resettlement whether partial or complete. The resettlers of Tarbela dam, as found in previous chapters, were bitterly hostile towards the government on the issue of involuntary displacement. Almost the same explanation was given (in a violent manner) by a male respondent in Kalabut Township, that:

―may Allah displace people belonging to government so that they realize the difficulties in adjusting in new areas without having basic facilities (using very harsh language). They have improved lives of other people by destroying us. We do not need help from the government because it totally destroyed us and finished our roots of association. The promises made by government for us for our betterment are yet to be kept. Hence, moving almost destroyed all our future plans‖. (FGD)

This involuntary resettlement is not an exclusive issue in Pakistan. It has happened around the world in different countries. For example, in Japan, the involuntary 119 resettlement itself was a major social problem because fast economic development and consecutive dams‘ construction were all over the country. Though, in the beginning, the government totally ignored the resettlers but later on they set a model for the world to become the most developed country and become a major contributor to the development of the poor world (Takesada, 2009).

The same impact was found in this study. The resettlers were treated harshly. They lost their social relations in the native place and they also lost their neighbors and their family members too. Resettlement dispersed them from their native place to all over the country and hence their social interactions were adversely affected. The new generation had loose social bonds. They lived far away from each other and met only during wedding or death ceremonies in the family. Distance had created a big gap between them and had led to social issues among the resettlers. Government allotted them land in Punjab and

Sindh provinces but these lands were far away from their reach. Taking care of that land from here was very difficult for them. That land was not irrigated before. They demanded for irrigation water but even after 10 years they did not get enough water to quench the thirst of their barren lands. That land was completely different from their native land. In addition, selection of proper seeds, crops and vegetables took almost 10 to 12 years. Their relatives were geographically scattered far away from each other due to allotted land in different provinces. Their previous social interaction had almost finished. The resettlers considered it injustice as they thought the government took all their assets and left them like dead bodies in a jungle.

The government of Pakistan as discussed in previous chapters carried out an involuntary resettlement and thus resettlers were not happy with the government‘s plan.

Since then almost 42 years have passed, but the affected people still condemned that act of the government. According to the respondents, the government just needed and used them 120 for their interest. While resettlers‘ sacrificed their whole life for the development of the country and they still lived in depressed situation.

The practice is not exclusive to Pakistan. India also faced similar problems after construction of Pong Dam. A study by Rania (2010) found that after 30 years of its completion, majority of the resettlers have yet to be resettled. According to one of the senior advisers for social policy and sociology in the World Bank, the forced population displacement caused by dam construction is the simple most serious problem in water sector. A senior environmental adviser at World Bank said that the involuntary resettlement is debatably the most serious issue in hydro projects these days (Nakayama, et al., 2009).

Similarly, those affected by Tarbela dam were extremely critical of the government of Pakistan. Majority of the people was of the opinion that the government promised to resettle the displaced people initially but after moving to a new place, the government only pretended to be sympathetic towards with them and painted a rosy picture to the donor regarding the resettlers‘ happiness with the resettlement program. The government agreed upon some terms and conditions but they did only that which it thought best for them (resettlers). A male respondent in an FGD at Kalabut Township said that the government treated them like a step mother. The government officials treated them like children born to a family but put them in Masjid67 as orphans. When they inquired about their compensation, the government slapped them in the face and the process of slapping was still on. The resettlers were still in shock and said that they rendered sacrifices for their country but the government still treated very harshly. More than 42 years had passed but the poor people still had to pursue cases in court. The

67Masjid is a place of Muslims worship 121 resettlers still resented the government. If there had been a resettlement policy their problems could have been solved decades ago.

What is evident is that the government did not devise good resettlement strategy at the time of Tarbela dam construction. Therefore, majority of resettlers were not satisfied.

They faced various problems due to involuntary resettlement. Their cases were still in different courts of law. However, scholars, such as Rania (2010), argue that nationwide development cannot be achieved without a positive sum of sacrifices. Perhaps it was this line of thinking that was adopted by Tarbela Dam project authorities. This apparently

‗positive sum of sacrifices‘ made the life hell for the resettlers of the Tarbela Dam project.

Hong, et al., (2009) found that forced domestic resettlement, or ‗positive sum of sacrifices‘, frequently affects resettlers‘ income, destroy all kind of assets, and ruins their social bonding with each other. It further leads to failing mental health condition of resettlers. While some problems were of low magnitude and were bearable for resettlers, others were unbearable and of quite serious nature and caused grave physical or psychological problems for them either in short- or long-term. Similarly, a female respondent who shared her views at Kalabut Township said that more or less 40 years have passed but they have not visit their neighbors frequently until and unless there was an important function in the neighborhood. Their male family members, back in the village, allowed them to attend the functions while here they were strictly restricted to their household boundaries. Now, there were no festivals and no visits to the river banks in this township. They spent their life like show pieces in the houses. They missed their relatives and childhood friends. Therefore, most of the women were quite dissatisfied with the displacement. During the displacement, almost all of the women went through trauma. 122

I observed that a number of elderly people suffered from mental health issues which the locals associated with displacement. They could not tolerate this sudden change in life and it was difficult for them to adjust in the new vicinity/environment easily.

Females were more sensitive than the male population. According to the female investigator (see Chapter III for detail), same were the cases inside the houses, i.e. many of the elderly women also had mental health issues.

This development induced displacement, involuntary for the most part, left the affected people with numerous problems for which they were unprepared. It resulted in poor adjustment. The new social and physical environment was hard for them to digest.

6.2. Acculturation of resettlers in the host community Acculturation refers to ―the process in which a minority is absorbed into the majority and entirely loses its distinctiveness‖ (Bruce & Yearlay, 2006: 2). The Penguin

Dictionary of Sociology further explains the term and describes that it refers to two things:

(i) process of contact between different cultures, and (ii) the outcome of such contacts.

The outcomes of contact between two different cultures may have varying results. It may result into changes in group identity, tension between two cultures, or create an identity crisis (Abercrombie, Hill, & Turner, 1994).

Originally the concept of acculturation was used to explain the contrast in cultures.

According to the traditional explanation by Redfield, et al. (1936:149), acculturation refers to those facts which affect people either individually or in group when they start living together, their different cultures mixed and merged in one or both culture model.

Acculturation Theory, as described by Berry (1990), refers to migrants who have to adjust to new situations; differences in environment, verbal communication, work behavior, belief and clothing. It can further be explained as a double procedure of prolonged contact 123 between at least two culturally different groups which involve changes in social structures, cultural practices, and in a person‘s behavioral and psychological processes.

The above mentioned definitions show that whenever two different cultures, either in the past or the present, meet they bring changes taking place either in one culture or both. The question arises; which culture changes in the process and why? Perhaps, the culture having strong influence in the area remains dominant. But it may also be possible that the dominant culture may also adopt characteristics from the new culture.

Liking acculturation to Tarbela Dam resettlers, a respondent from Kalabut

Township said that Hujra played an important role in their (resettlers) lives. It helped resolve the issues of the neighborhood and taught the youth the local standards of living.

Weddings and funerals were also held in it. In short, it was utilized for every kind of special ceremony or routine activity. In the native places of resettlers, Hujra system played a strong role in people‘s daily life. After shifting to the new area, they were restricted to a small room used as a guest room for guests and people had no spare time to get together in the Hujra. It was because the culture of resettlers and locals were different. Resettlers were not getting adjusted easily with the locals and locals were not accepting them readily.

Thus, in order to normalize the situation, both the cultures adjusted to each other somehow.

Similarly, change of language was another problem in cultural adaptation. Those resettlers as shown in chapter IV and V, who went to Punjab faced more language problem as compared to the resettlers in the Townships. There (Punjab), locals spoke

Punjabi language, which was very hard for them to understand. Several fights broke out because they did not understand the native language of the locals. The residents of Tarbela frequently visited Haripur in connection with business etc and got familiar with the local 124 language, Hindko, and, therefore, had faced fewer problems in their resettlement. The resettlers‘ native language was Pashto but the host communities were speaking Hindko.

Many researchers, such as Gomez, et al., (2004) and Berry (1990), assert that the culture of one community which will not dominate will be changed either partially or completely. In the host communities, the dominant language was Hindko, so the resettlers had to adopt it because there was no other choice. Routine dealing with locals, carrying out businesses in the surrounding villages and city was carried out in Hindko. It was not easy to converse with the locals in other languages. I also observed that if someone does not understand the language of the area and culture, then he/she may look a different kind of person amongst the commoners. The locals will make fun of such a person. He/she will also consider him/herself a misfit among the locals and try to keep silent amongst them in order to avoid such feelings and to keep the routine going. It was compulsory for the resettlers to mix up with them and change their language for comparatively better life with them.

In addition, loss of veil (Pardah system) in the new area was another problem.

Acculturation as discussed above, results in the transformation of the unique culture of either one or both communities (Redfield, 1936). Here the transformation is in the culture of one party i.e. the resettlers‘ and they had to change their Pardah system (veil) which was one of their identities in the native place. All females in the native place wore Burqa68 with small dots on it a sign of identity of those females belonging to a particular area from the Pathans belt of Pakistan. But moving brought changes in their whole Burqa system. It seemed a little awkward when they moved to the township with the Burqa on. Majority of local men, particularly the youngsters, made fun of anyone wearing a Burqa. The

68Burqa is a type of veil and is similar in looks to that of a shuttle cock of badminton. 125 resettlers‘ females found it insulting, so they had to change the Burqa and had to wear chaddar or a shawl69 instead.

6.3. Assimilation of the resettlers in the host community Assimilation is the diffusion of one cultural group into another. For Bruce and

Yearley (2006: 2), it refers to ―achieving a degree of cultural solidarity sufficient at least to sustain a national existence‖. This concept was introduced by Park in 1950 while conducting relations-research in America. He used the term to describe ―the processes by which immigrant groups were integrated into the dominant white culture‖ (Abercrombie,

Hill, & Turner, 1994: 33). He identified four stages of assimilation contacts, competition, accommodation and assimilation (Abercrombie, Hill, & Turner, 1994: 33). In resettlement research, the issue of assimilation has also been focused by many researchers (for example, Gomez, et al., 2004). For Bruce and Yearley (2006), assimilation happens when resettlers move to new resettlements and try to adopt new culture while sustaining their own traditions as well. People greatly value their forefathers‘ traditions and culture and will not easily allow anyone to make changes to it.

A similar process was identified in the case of Tarbela dam resettlers. They faced many challenges after mixing and mingling in the new culture. As mentioned by

McMichael, et al. (2011), life in their host community is not without challenges. The host community, in the case of Tarbela Dam, would not allow them to influence their ways of life. The host community was not in a position to accept them easily. Resettlers from

Tarbela Dam and the locals practiced different cultures and had no interaction among themselves. Therefore, the locals were very angry at them. Another reason for the bad blood between the two communities was that the government had purchased land from the locals at very low price and distributed it among the resettlers and this led to ill will

69Shawl refers to a long robe worn by women and men as well. 126 between both communities which led to different kind of problems both social and physical. Resettlers wanted respect in the townships while the host community did not welcome them, and wanted to throw them out of the new area.

In Kangra Township, as discussed in Chapter IV, the locals faced assimilation problems. After the initial contact, there was competition. There were many fights amongst the resettlers and the locals over water usage. The locals would not let the sheep/goats etc enter their pastures. They strictly prohibited the resettlers from using their water. They were not accepting them and did not approve of their ways of living. The locals considered resettlement as an unjust practice, as the government bought their lands at cheap price and allotted it to the resettlers as compensation. The locals would direct their anger from the government to the resettlers.

Resettlers faced grave problems in Ghazi hamlet too. The resettlers were not happy in the new area, and they were all depressed by the new situation. The host community did not accept them that created a distance in the two communities and developed distress in the migrants. It was observed that the host community felt some animosity towards the resettlers. They believed that the government had overburdened them with resettlers which were not acceptable to them. They also believed that those people were from poor areas and would commit theft and robbery in their areas. The resettlers being poor and having nothing were felt to be prone to using wrong and illegal ways to fulfill their basic needs.

Similarly, local people became angry when changes in their local customs and traditions were introduced. Thus, a huge disconnect existed between the locals and resettlers. Locals viewed them as alien who entered and destroyed their established community and thwarted their development (Gyuse & Gyuse, 2008). 127

The picture was not different in Pehur also. A respondent from Pehur hamlet in his interview said that he wished to go far away from Uttmans70 because they (locals) were not polite to the resettlers. Hindko people were accommodative but the Pathans were highly competitive. Locals were not fair to them. The locals still did not like the resettlers.

But resettlers were trying to establish good relations with locals. The locals in Topi still did not allow resettlers to work and mingle with them. Their kids also frequently went into fights with kids of resettlers on the way to school. It seemed that locals did not want children of resettlers to get education.

In short, the resettlers of Tarbela Dam initially kept a distance from the host community as the host community was reluctant to interact with them in a cooperative manner. Nonetheless, with the passage of time, the locals started accommodating the resettlers and the resettlers also started accepting the local culture. Thus, the process of assimilation was going on as identified by Abercrombie, Hill, and Turner (1994).

6.4. Adjustment of children and youth (3rd generation) Resettlement has an effect on new generation too but from different angles and can be both positive and negative. The process is very difficult to identify and directly affects children‘s development. New generation, almost everywhere, adopts the surrounding culture very quickly. It quickly adopts the culture of the new community and leaves behind their parent‘s culture. This happens due to fast learning from their surroundings, for example schools. Children frequently learn the verbal communication more rapidly than their parents and, therefore, they adjust more quickly to new environment.

Furthermore, children have the advantage of schools where they learn languages from the teachers and other children (Gomez, et al., 2004).

70Uttman is a local Pathan tribe. 128

Similarly, the resettlers of Tarbela dam in townships and hamlets in three districts of KP faced the same situation. The host communities demanded that they ought to absorb the new culture which proved very difficult for them. Initially, children and elders faced the same cultural problems. In new Darband Township, the resettlers were faced with a change in dress code. They wore Shalwar/Qamees in their native towns while in the new place there was a need for western style dress (jeans, t-shirt, pent-shirt etc). The resettlers faced many problems as a result of this change in dress. Some even refused jobs that required a trouser-shirt uniform (see Chapter IV for details). The resettlers were also willing to admit their children to schools with trouser-shirt as uniforms. For the employable youth, their parents encouraged them to go for jobs outside the town and city

(for example to Karachi and Lahore). The reason was that the new culture was alien for them and there were very limited job opportunities. Yoshida, et. al. (2012) observed that dams affected resettlers in Japan are encouraging their children to get higher education and to do work in urban region. The working youth, however, found it difficult to work in other cities with a change in dress code (See Chapter IV).

This difficulty in adjusting to new dress code was a problem for the first generation of resettlers. The next generation who were born in new resettlements did not have this problem. The second generation was born in the place they migrated to, and had no strong attachment with old native place of their parents. They liked the new townships and hamlets. They got their education there. They wanted to go back to the native places and had no difficulty wearing western dress. A similar scenario has been observed in almost every village of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa when it was announced in 2016 by Pakistani government that all the Afghan refugees should go back to their native land (Afghanistan).

Many Afghanis opposed the decision and did not want to go back as they were born, raised, married, and employed here in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. 129

Similarly, some members of the new generation in Tarbela dam resettlements enjoyed various facilities and had access to modern technology by living in cities. But they still understood their parents‘ feelings for their native places which created some distances between them (parents and children). They had not seen their villages as the villages had sunk into water before their birth. Their parents however had gone through a very hard time at the start of the resettlement in different townships. These parents made every effort to provide better education facilities to their children for a better future but they still had many problems. Some people sent their children abroad for education and employment purposes. All of them were aware of the role of education playing a key role in their lives and country as well. Resettlement also changed the female education trends because in the native place they had no trend of female education. A respondent from Kalabut Township said that she was illiterate in her native place as their males did not care to educate them.

According to her, males used them as decoration pieces in the houses and made them work like machines for the family. But moving to these townships changed the trend of female education. Now all females studied in schools, colleges and universities. Some women received higher education at foreign universities too.

It can be observed that the third generation did not have those problems that were faced by their parents. Neither did they have any attachment to the native town nor did they want to go back there. They also had little difficulty understanding new culture. In other words, they assimilated into the new culture (Abercrombie, Hill, & Turner, 1994).

6.5. Poverty among the resettlers Resettlement also gives rise to poverty in resettlers. Compensations in such cases play a major role in increasing or decreasing poverty. A study conducted in Indonesia by

Fujikura, Nakayama, and Takesada (2009) found that majority of the resettlers measured their cash compensation in accordance with the promised amount while the remaining 130 minimum was considered less than the promised amount. How did they spend their compensation money? 85% of the resettlers paid for houses and/or land where they resided at the time of resettlement. While other uses of the money included buying food, motorcycles etc about 10% used the money was spent for pilgrimage to Mecca, and 9% spent it on wedding ceremonies.

In the compensation processes of Tarbela Dam, the compensation was not according to the resettlers‘ wishes and demands. As mentioned in Chapters IV & V, the resettlers believed that the government did injustice to them as far as the compensation was concerned. All their assets were purchased at a rate far below the market price.

Resettlers in Kalabut Township, as mentioned in Chapter IV, were shocked to know the rate at which the government was going to compensate them for their losses. The assessment officer was not in their favor to assess their property with justice but was just completing formalities as part of his job. He did not take any interest in solving their problems because he had some other intentions. A respondent in FGD at Kalabut

Township said that once his brother came to know about the assessment of their assets which was very low then his brother invited the assessment officer for re-assessment.

When he came and started assessment, his brother asked him about reassessment but the officer demanded bribery. So his brother took him to a separate room and beat him brutally. The officer wearing a three piece suit was covered with mud and he ran fast from the Hujra. For this unjust assessment of their properties, they all went on strikes on the roads and burned the government vehicles and property. They think that the government did not show any sympathy to the resettlers. Many were imprisoned and their cases are yet to be resolved in courts (even after 42 years). The unjust government betrayed them by giving them low compensation. The government official, tasked with carrying out an 131 assessment of the property of resettlers, did not do his duties honestly. Therefore, the resettlers faced poverty and many other financial issues.

It is clear that assessment was not carried out properly and honestly by the government. The resettlers were shocked at the compensation amount and asked the government for re-assessment of all their houses, trees and property. But the officers concerned were thoroughly dishonest; instead they asked these helpless and poor people for bribery. And then, to cap it all, the government paid them the compensation amount to the resettlers long before they moved to new locations. The resettlers were not far-sighted enough to see the future consequences and most of them spent that money on luxury items for weddings and buying expensive electronic items long before they moved to the new place.. By the time they were moving, they were almost broke and had no money for the new place. Thus, they were struck by poverty.

What happened in Tarbela Dam resettlement compensations does not always happen in every mega development project around the world. For example, a study conducted by McMichael, Gifford, and Correa-Velez (2011) in Australia, found that the resettlers were 100% satisfied with the compensation. But here in Pakistan, satisfaction level was almost zero. It might be owing to difference in the customs and traditions as well as the working systems in Pakistan and Australia. Pakistan is an under-developed country with less resources utilization system. While Australia follows a systematic and satisfactory way and procedure in the resettlement of the displaced people. The resources and development in the two countries are different. Nonetheless, there is a need for a further analysis of Australian development projects to see how they achieved a 100% satisfaction from the resettlements. The literature in Chapter II shows that not every country is similar to Australia in terms of resettlement. Most of the development projects involving resettlements face issue of satisfaction by resettlers. 132

6.6. Increase in unemployment Joblessness in new resettlements was a big issue in most of resettlement plans. In previous sections, it was observed that resettlements caused enormous sufferings to the resettlers. The causes of psychological sufferings of resettlers were mainly due to socio- economic factors such as fewer education opportunities, low income, and change in the social class and joblessness (Bahar, Henderson, & Mackinnon, 1992; Patel & Kleinman,

2003; Saraceno & Barbui, 1997). The process of assimilation also caused numerous issues including fighting between the host community and the resettlers which created physical insecurities, unemployment, and internal family breakdown. In a study, Bird (2006) found that the unfamiliar accommodation structure continues to increase the stress of all in

Timor-Leste71. Further, they (resettlers) had to purchase building material from the market at high costs resulting in artificial price hike in the market. Joblessness also ensued.

Skilled manual workers could not utilize their old skills (from the native place). For example, masons in their native places were skilled in stone masonry while they could not utilize it as an alternate to the masonry using bricks, steel and concrete. Furthermore, their traditional farming skills and tools used therein had been replaced by modern equipments of agriculture, so they could not make any use of them (Bisht, 2009).

In Indonesia, Sunardi, et al. (2013) found that the Sanguling dam caused many families to evacuate the native places. In a study on 147 families who evacuated their native lands for Sanguling dam, Indonesia, Sunardi, et al. (2013) found that the number of self-working farmers was actually reduced after resettlement while the number of share croppers and unemployed individuals increased. Resultantly, the net and cage aquaculture industry failed within a few years due to fish disease, poor quality of water, and the 1998 national economic disaster in Indonesia. Similarly, most of the resettled individuals in

71 Previously part of Indonesia, Timor-Leste is an independent nation on the eastern half of the island of Timor in Southeast Asia. 133 both villages were not able to rebuild the services necessary for aquaculture because of their limited access to resources and support. Majority of the resettled persons, however, were satisfied with their advanced living surroundings and earning opportunities even when they were financially poorer than before. Further, unemployment is the most general negative impact of resettlement (Fujikura & Nakayama, 2012).

The situation was not different in the case of Tarbela dam resettlers. According to respondents (see Chapters IV & V), the government dehumanized them through this project. The resettlers were in a state of shock as to how can a government behave in this manner towards its own citizens. Compensation amount that the government paid to the resettlers was spent mostly in the native towns. Resettlers had no required job skills now.

The employment opportunities were also extremely scarce in new settlements. Those families who were respectable in the native towns also faced economic difficulties as they were now required to do similar jobs as others were doing. Members from those families were shy of doing the similar job as it was against their honor. Those families who were had servants working for them in their houses and farm fields themselves became servants to others. Resettlement also caused many families to try their luck in foreign countries.

This research established that the resettlers experienced hard time after resettlement. They had been paid compensation amount which was not acceptable to them but they had to accept it as there was no other way or source of income. In addition, compensation payment before resettlement also created numerous problems for the resettlers. Majority had spent it in the native places on luxury items by the time they moved from the native places, they had nothing or very less amount left in their pockets and it was not enough to start a new life in a new place. 134

Unemployment, as mentioned by Fujikura and Nakayama (2012), is one of the most frequently occurring negative impacts of resettlement. It is because the new area is overcrowded and employment opportunities are scarce to the bulk of additional people. In the case of Tarbela dam, firstly, the government had not planned it in advance for the future employments of the resettlers. Therefore, the resettlers faced so many problems in finding jobs matching their skills. However, there were few jobs matching their skills which resulted in unemployment of many.

Further, the host community did not want resettlers to get good and decent jobs in the new place because they thought that it might lower their respect. They believed that if the resettlers dominated the job market, then natives would lose control over them host community wanted control over the resettlers in shape of keeping them submissive. They

(locals) thought that the resettlers had settled on their lands only for a short period of time and somewhere in near future, they would go back. In addition, locals had the fear that the resettlers would snatch their jobs from them which might increase unemployment. The resettlers, however, had come to live permanently there and the host community called them names including ‗Khana Badosh72‘ and ‗Mohajir73.‘

Besides Tarbela dam, China had a different experience with resettlers.

Construction of Three Gorges dam project caused displacement and resettlement of many families residing near dam area. Although their housing and other infrastructure indicated general development, the lack of agricultural land, an increase in unemployment, and lack of the social security system compelled them to work hard to bring some security to their life again (Duan and Wilmsen, 2012). The main reason for increase in the level of unemployment was that maximum business units were closed down due to new

72Khana Badosh mean nomads 73Mohajir refers to Refugees 135 resettlement plan. Before the construction of dam started, a working plan for overcoming the prevalent unemployment in resettlement areas was also drafted. The working plan was drafted to create opportunities of jobs exclusively for the resettlers (Duan & Wilmsen

2012).

Cernea (2004) points out that unemployment happens both in countryside and towns due to displacement. People having unemployment may be landless farming laborers, service workers, or skilled manual workers. Unemployment or underemployment among resettlers may persist for a long time after physical displacement. Generating new jobs for them is complicated and requires large investment, new resourceful advances, and relying more on distribution project profit (Ibid).

A similar observation was made in Kalabut (see Chapter IV). Their males were very good at farming and some other small-scale business in the native place. The males earned enough money to make a living. However, after they moved to the new resettlements, they lost the source of income as well as their houses. It was quite difficult to adjust themselves with nor or very little prospects of a substitute business in the new settlements. They had skills and experiences in farming and in the new area they

(resettlers) had no lands for farming. They knew no other skills to earn. The resettlers were fully involved in agriculture and had a good knowledge of farming in the native place.

When moved to new townships and hamlets, they could not make any use of their skills in the host community. They had been allotted only land/a plot for house construction in the townships and hamlets. They had been allotted land for agricultural purposes in different areas of the country far away from their residence, managing those lands from where they lived were not a simple job. Therefore, the new place could not make use of their talent from the native place. On the other hand, skilled resettlers like carpenters, blacksmiths and laborers easily adjusted to new environment. Majority, however, were shy of starting some 136 kind of work or any work which they believed did not match their personality. The need for survival in the new place, however, compelled them to do manual work or any hard job.

Some families amongst the resettlers, as referred earlier, were highly respected in their native places; they had servants working in their houses, and people working on their lands as farmers but in the new places they all became servants themselves which created a psychological stress among the resettlers. Some of them cried hard while telling me the stories of their past life. They still saw their native place in their dreams and had an emotional attachment with it after the passage of such a very long period of time.

In line with the above observations, studies such as Scudder (2001), also observe that indigenous/tribal people displaced as a result of mega development projects experienced negative impact on their culture, economy and health. It directly affected their assets. Unemployment and hunger resulted in cultural breakdown.

In Kangra Township (see Chapter IV) the resettles in their native places grew opium on their small piece of land. They made a lot of money per year from this cash crop. It helped them live a lavish life. The profit from the crop was enough to meet all their basic needs. If a person had one kanal74 of land, he grew opium and earned a good amount of money from it. In addition to this, he grew onions, potato, other vegetables, maize, wheat and sugarcane. These crops generated good income which was enough for a better living.

It means that resettlers owned fertile agricultural land which produced several crops per year in the native place. It was the main source of income of the people and their life was easy with agricultural activities there. Therefore, they grew vegetables and a few

74Kanal refers to a particular size of piece of land. One Kanal is equal to 20 Marlas while one Marla is equal to 272 Sq/Ft. 137 other crops free from their land. While, they would only buy a very limited number of everyday items from the market and spent almost nothing on food items. According to them, they just purchased salt, little sugar and clothes. It means that the resettlers spent less and had a very satisfied life. But when they moved to the township and hamlets, they needed money to buy vegetables, fruits, and other food items. The resettlers did not have land to grow vegetables and crops. Even they did not have land for kitchen garden.

Therefore, to buy everyday foods items, the resettlers needed some money, which they did not have in their pockets and their living conditions were getting worse day by day due to more and more expenses. Only when they started jobs abroad and in other cities, then their lifestyle improved.

One of the issues in occupation emerged owing to the fact that the resettlers of

Tarbela Dam had no technical skills and knowledge to be employed for the dam construction. Manual work was the only choice available to them. Resettlers were complaining that the government was not hiring their people. However, the reason behind it was that they were not technically equipped and were inexperienced people with no basic qualification for the job. So, it was not possible for the government to hire a person having no technical know-how or credentials. The resettlers, however, complained about the bad attitude of the government towards them; they complained of having no jobs or quota for them on dam sites. They also had issues with the government‘s hiring people from the outside. As the resettlers did not to fulfill the criteria for jobs, they were left with menial work.

The resettlers were not happy with the government in terms of occupations.

Although both dams (Tarbela and Mangla) were built in Pakistan. However, due to the non-availability of a uniform policy different decision were taken regarding their 138 resettlement. Resettlers demanded the same decision as the government had taken regarding Mangla dam resettlers i.e. to send one person from each family abroad for financial support be taken in their favor too. Although Mangla people did not have qualification and technical knowledge, they were sent abroad (UK) in overseas quota system and became bread-earners for their families. The government did not provide such a facility to Tarbela dam‘s resettlers for their financial support.

Tarbela dam resettlers were pre-dominantly engaged in farming, low level of government jobs (such as peons) and had initiated private business (shops). Some families were able to support one member to go abroad for better income. Those who had gone abroad contributed a good amount to the family income. In the mountainous area, people acquired small pieces of land which was normally not enough to fulfill their families‘ needs. Owing to these facts, members of a household did different businesses / jobs to support / improve the family income. Therefore, in settlements near cities, private business was the first option of the people where no education was required for it.

6.7. Housing, security and environmental problems Resettlers experienced all forms of troubles at the start of their resettlement. One of the major problems was housing and infrastructure development. Research indicates that housing and infrastructure problems may compel some of the resettlers to move on to better locations, if they could afford to (Fujikura and Nakayama, 2012). In case of Bili-Bili dam, Indonesia, a similar scenario was observed. Some of the first generation resettlers moved to better locations. However, attachment to the native towns forced them to resettle somewhere near their original houses. Their attachment to their original houses was very strong in various cases. This was observed not only in Bili-Bili Dam, but also in Saguling,

Indonesia, Kotmale Dam, Sri Lanka, and Ataturk Dam, Turkey (ibid). 139

Housing was a one of the biggest problems in the case of Tarbela dam resettlers.

For example, in two of the resettlement schemes (Kalabut and Kangra) the resettlers narrated that their elderly could not tolerate the cold and hot weather condition of the new houses and that they died very soon. On the other hand in the native towns, they had best houses that were weather resistant. Clean and cold water of river was available to them and they spent leisure time in chopal (shed) along river bank. But displacement disturbed their entire previous life style. They received plots as compensation from government and built houses on it with their own money in the township. However, emotionally, they remained attached to the previous life style.

The resettlers of Tarbela dam were not happy with the new congested houses in the townships. They used to live in the open and wide houses in the native places; in the new area, however, they found a small piece of plot for a house which was to be constructed according to the government rules. The new infrastructure put all resettlers in a big trouble. As mentioned in Chapter IV & V, respondents observed that some elderly died at early ages due to hotter and congested houses in new resettlements. The reason for this was that the resettlers used to live in cold places. The resettlers believed that they had a very good life style in the native place. Environmentally they were very much satisfied with the native place. Houses were weather resistant and cold fresh water of river was available all the time. This was unlike the townships where the residents experienced extreme hot weather conditions and had small houses. All houses were made of bricks, concrete and steel which became hotter in summer and cold in winter.

Furthermore, resettlements not only put pressure on housing demands but also created ecological issues leading to large environmental decline (Sisinggih, et al.,2012).

The resettlers in Kalabut were used to living in the wide and spacious houses with a space 140 for keeping different kinds of animals. They also had a kitchen garden75near the house with a fresh air inside the home at all times. This was in contrast to life in the township where they led a miserable life with no access to cold and fresh water of river and no space for kitchen gardening and/or pet animals in the house. Owing to little space and congested houses, no fresh air could enter the houses.

Another problem was related to security: in the native place there were small boundaries and in some cases, no boundary walls around the houses. The concept of theft was almost alien to the resettlers in their native places. In the new area, on the other hand, a house was covered from all sides with one person working as a security guard. The reason behind it was that the resettlers and locals were two different classes of people. The locals were not willing to accept the resettlers easily and the resettlers did not have any trust in the locals because they both had no common interest. Both had different life styles and standard of living. The locals were reluctant to mix up with the resettlers and kept some distance from them in the beginning.

Resettlements always do not happen as it did in the case of Tarbela dam. In Sri

Lanka, for example, a proper plan was drafted for developing the quality of life of resettlers of Mahaweli Development Project. A well planned physical, social, institutional and economic infrastructure was provided in the early resettlement plans (Manatunge and

Takesada, 2012) which reduced those negative impacts to a great extent. Researchers also assert that a lack of proper resettlement planning might lead to a ‗humanitarian crisis‘

(Zetter & Deikun 2010).

Another problem for the resettlers was adaptation to the new housing designs and infrastructure. Besides, clashes between locals and resettlers were also common. Research

75 Kitchen Gardens are small gardens adjacent to the house where the locals used to grow fresh vegetable and salad items. 141 indicates that resettlement might result in clashes between host and displaced population

(Tibaijuka, 2010). In case of Tarbela dam resettlements, male resettlers had problems with bathroom inside the house in Ghazi resettlement. They used to use open air toilet and were not used to congested houses and indoor toilets. The resettlers and the locals fought as the locals were not allowing them to visit their fields to use it as open air toilets. The resettlers had no alternative. In the case of indoor toilets, they believed that they were just for females use and males must go outside to answer the call of nature. Another reason for going to open farm fields may have been that they felt shy of using the indoor toilets in front of their females; open air toilets gave them feeling of satisfaction and strength.

Although using open air toilets in the new area was a big problem but they were used it and many people died even of snake bite.

Another big issue that resettlers faced was scarcity of water. They fetched water form far way and did fight with the locals over water. Resettlers did not allow their females to fetch water from the water source because the locals, according to them, were not trustworthy. Hence, the males did laborer work during the day and fetched water in the evening. The government did not arrange water for them. The project management just allotted a plot to them and left them alone to construct it themselves. They lived in the tents and mud houses which were dangerous for living. Therefore, male went to work in the morning and left their females alone for the entire day. While, at night the threat of wild animals was also there. Resettlers needed more water for construction as well but there was no proper planning for that in the townships. Therefore, construction of houses in the townships and hamlets took a very long time due to many problems. Tarbela dam resettlers are not the only case in this regard. A study found that resettlement caused the resettles in Makassar City, Indonesia to live in poor conditions and with no power to purchase land for them. They also had no financial support in shape of compensation to 142 purchase house in the nearby area of the lake or in the municipality area of Makassar City

(Nakayama, et al., 2009).

On the basis of my personal observations, only a few families with good wealth and resources at that time had some plan for themselves. As soon as they got plots allotment from the government, they started visiting new settlements and constructed their houses. It was before they were forced to leave their native lands. When the time came to move to new area, they had almost completed their houses. The amount of work left was completed after their moving. They, therefore, faced less problems as compared to other resettlers. The resettlers with good planning and strategy did not waste time. They utilized all their resources in time and in the right place.

In a proper resettlement policy, it ought to be the responsibility of the government to provide assistance and guide lines to resettlers as to how to utilize the compensation money (Nakayama, et al., 2009). But the government did not take any interest in the resettlers‘ issues after resettlement in the new townships and had no idea about the perfect time for disbursement of compensation. Therefore, all resettlers had complaints about the government and hated its planning program. According to resettlers, no man in the government had the guts to fight for them. Beside, everyone was just playing with their emotions and all of them were enjoying their plight. Therefore, the resettlers now prefer land as compensation instead of cash money.

6.8. Improvement in education for both genders Resettlement may cause improvement or degradation in education. Many studies found that there are mental distresses amongst resettlers around the world with at least one relief: education (Bahar, Henderson, &Mackinnon, 1992; Patel &Kleinman, 2003;

Saraceno & Barbui, 1997). In a study conducted in Indonesia, Japan, Laos, Sri Lanka and 143

Turkey, it was found that the resettlers of numerous dams used their cash, besides others, on providing advanced education opportunities to their children (Fujikura & Nakayama,

2012). However, the first generation still faced troubles in adjusting to the new living conditions and achieving income stability.

This study found that the resettlers in the new area had one relief: their new generation was well-equipped with modern education facilities as compared to their parents after resettlement. Their children got better job opportunities than their forefathers had. Similarly, resettlers who moved to new area at the age of 15 to 25 year old made sacrifices for their new generation. They still wished for education. Although there were many negative impact, positive impact was also a fact. Owing to resettlement, the resettlers were now living nearer the city which is equipped with educational and medical facilities that could improve their standard of living. Trepp (2010) asserts that such changes also affected general socioeconomic liability of the resettlers. Similar to Tarbela dam Pakistan, in Japan, the resettlers in Ikawa paid high price for their children‘s education after resettlement and majority left Ikawa (Japan) for better future prospects

(Fujikura, et al, 2009).

In case of resettlers of New Darband (see Chapter IV & V), the resettlers faced education problems after moving to the new area, but in a few years‘ time they realized the importance of education in their life. They faced many problems which were not possible for them to solve without education. So they got their first generation enrolled in schools and colleges for their better future. This was a positive change in the life of resettlers after their resettlement in the new township and hamlets. Studies around the world assert that the availability of employment and education facilities for the new generation is the main reasons for resettlers‘ opting for the new area (Fujikura, et al., 2009). 144

Different studies about resettlement, as mentioned before, have mentioned one positive impact: the change in education ratio of 2nd and 3rd generations (Fujikura, et al.,

2009). I personally observed that the lifestyle of the resettlers in two townships (Kalabut and Kangra) was different from the ones in New Darband, Pehur and Ghazi. In Kalabut and Kangra townships, people were educated, advanced and had a better lifestyle as compared to residents of New Darband, Ghazi and Pehur. It was because Kalabut and

Kangra people resided near cities and had easy access to advanced schools, colleges and even universities. The resettlers of Darband, Ghazi, and Pehur, however, were resettled in rural settlements where they did not have access to those educational facilities.

In case of Darband, Ghazi and Pehur, the resettlers stayed near the native place due to their attachment with and love for their native places. Therefore, they settled near the reservoir and did not have a better lifestyle for their children. But people with a better understanding to achieve better life for their children settled near the cities and provided better education to their children. Now they were more advanced and had a better life as compared to those who settled near the reservoir.

Respondents in FGD from Pehur Township lamented that if they had moved to big city; their life must have been more urbanized. Their forefathers were illiterate and had no knowledge/awareness about their future. Therefore, they still lead a very poor life; their children could not get better education, and they were not given any jobs on the dam site.

Further, there was quota system for them in employment but they could not avail it because resettlers did not fulfill the education criteria for the dam related jobs. Therefore, majority of the resettlers were involved in manual labor work which did not get them enough money to fulfill their basic daily needs. 145

As for the question of resettlers in some cases not moving to cities is concerned, the answer was hard to find. According to a respondent in New Darband Township, at the time of resettlement a politically influential person once came to their township and delivered a speech to them to motivate them to move from the village to the nearby city like Abbottabad and Mansehra. Their forefathers, however, did not agree with him. The reason was business loans and credits. According to them (resettlers), their forefathers had credited a lot of money to the debtors from different places around the country. They did not agree to leave without money (credit) which was invested in business with different people from different places. So they settled near the reservoir in order to let the debtors know where to find them and pay credited money. That decision, according to them, made their future uncertain there.

Respondents also shared their views on schools infrastructure in the new area.

According to respondents in new Darband Township, when they moved from Darband village to the New Darband Township, they had no school for many years for six or eight years. They were not financially sound to build a school at their expense. Consequently, they realized it and began to construct a school on self-help basis in open space where they used to send their children for education. The importance of education was realized by government after 40 years though still half-heartedly. A college and a hospital were built for them after 40 years. There still was a communication gap between them and the government, and, therefore, no attention was paid to the development of infrastructure.

The resettlers of New Darband Township did not have a college even after 40 years. Beside different attitude of government the New Darband Township was located far away from cities and the link roads to cities were in a very pathetic condition. Therefore, they had no interest in higher education for their own children. Another reason according to the respondents was that they were neglected by the government and politicians: they 146 only took interest in their affairs at the time of the elections or when they were needed for some other thing. Therefore, their township was more backward and undeveloped than other towns. Similarly, New in Darband township people were not highly educated; they were just earning for their survival. Hence, they did not have any deep interest in their children‘s better education. It was observed that no one from the township went receive medical education till that time. Therefore, private doctors from different other cities came to New Darband Township for practice.

The decision of the forefathers of people from the New Darband Township to resettle nearby the reservoir may have been a good decision for them at that time but for the new generation it proved to be a bad decision. I observed that the people in New

Darband Township presented picture of their old native place. After 42 years of resettlement, there was no big change in their lifestyle and education as compare to other two townships (Kalabut and Kangra). Only mobile phone technology was introduced and houses changed from katcha (mud) to pakka (concrete) in majority cases.

Studies found that in numerous cases around the world, a greater population of the resettled persons, however, is happy with their new living conditions and educational openings despite the fact that they were economically worse than before (Fujikura &

Nakayama, 2012). In the case of Ataturk dam resettlement schemes in Turkey, services and openings for education were much better; all of the resettled people indicated that they were pleased with the development. Therefore, as a result, majority of the resettled people felt that the places where they currently resided were good in terms of education while some of them felt that their economic situation worsened after resettlement (Akça, et al.,

2012). 147

Likewise in the case of Ikwa dam resettlement in Japan, a major indicator of the resettlers‘ satisfaction was the modern education that their new generation was equipped with and as a result they became self-dependent either in Ikawa or in other areas of the world. Therefore, the resettlers‘ consideration regarding their children‘s better future played a key role in their life after resettlement (Takesada, 2009). The compensation received by resettlers from the government and their income helped them in getting higher education for the new generation higher than some parts of the world (ibid).

Further, in the case of Bili-Bili dam resettlement in Indonesia, Yoshida, et al.

(2012) found that majority of the resettlers encouraged their children to achieve advanced education and to work in their own cities.

Resettlement may not only help improve male education but female as well. For example, in Nigeria, the resettlement plans included a special attention on guaranteeing full and equal participation of women and girls in educational activities (Oduwole &

Fadeyi, 2013). In case of Ghazi resettlement (see Chapter IV & V) the female respondents said that the female resettlers in the native place were not respected but the scenario changed after the resettlement. The females in the native place were treated like servants at home and had no value for their husbands. There was no concept of female education.

Nonetheless, the resettlement changed their system and they developed tendency towards higher education of both genders. Likewise, female respondents in Kalabut Township expressed that they were illiterate in their native towns and their males did not educate them. Males used them as decoration pieces in the house and made them work like machine for the families. But moving to the new place changed a trend of female education. Now all females were in the schools, colleges and university. Some females were even sent abroad for higher education. 148

It indicates that the resettlement left a positive impact on education for the next generation only in two townships (Kalabut and Kangra). Now females had got the right to get higher education either at home and abroad as well. This was a very positive change after resettlement. I observed that the townships of Kalabut and Kangra were located near cities and had better opportunities for a better life as compared to New Darband and the hamlets of Pehur and Ghazi. Opportunities for them were scarce as these hamlets and townships were far away from cities. Kalabut’s and Kangra’s resettlers were more advanced and more sociable as compared to the resettlers of the rest of three hamlets and town.

It means that for development and socialization one must avail education opportunities. If resettlers do not have the education opportunities then advancement through higher education is not possible. The residents of Darband, Pehur and Ghazi were not advanced and were uncivilized. Females also received education. However, they only got education to the secondary level. The ratio of the female in higher education was very low as well. They (males) still followed old norms and values for the females. Therefore, they did not allow their females to get higher education alongside males in colleges and universities. Hence, their females had secondary education and Primary Teacher Course

(PTC) to get teaching job in the female school at their own town or hamlets. The males had only farming skills and had no other qualification. Therefore, it was one of major problems for the government to employ them for the dam project jobs. The resettlers demanded quota from the government for dam related jobs but they did not for any job due to lack of skills and education. Therefore, government had to hire people from other places.

This happened in other parts of the world as well. In the case of Three Gorges dam,

China, Duan and Wilmsen (2012) found that the project employed workers as per their 149 skills and qualifications. The resettlers, on the other hand, lacked proper education and training. Hence, the project had to hire applicants from other regions. This problem still does exist in other places around the world. In Indonesia, Japan, Sri Lanka and Turkey, for example, it was found that a similar problem existed in different dam projects. The resettlers usually did not have a ―sufficient education level or skills to be employed as workers for dam construction‖ (Nakayama, et al., 1999: 451).

6.9. Politics and tiresome litigations Mega development projects usually have a political flavor at national and local levels. It might also result in unending litigations. Taking part in the developmental activities provides the influential persons (politicians) of the area with an opportunity to prove themselves as good leaders and to advance their political career.

In the case of Tarbela dam, majority of the resettlers were tenants of Nawab of

Amb. Nawab was the owner of all the land and property. When the compensation stage arrived, most of the compensation amount was sent to the Nawab‘s account. The people had no choice but to go to the court of law. They lost their sources of income, houses and happy lifestyle but were left with no compensation. The Nawab was very powerful and had a strong hold on the area with his own army and ammunition set-up in his state. No one was allowed to enter his state without his proper permission. The tenants could not compete him and many cases are still pending in the court of law.

Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) can play a major role in such cases.

They can support people in court cases and may also create political awareness (Biswas,

2007). In East Timorese, NGOs provided guidance within the circle of law and advised people how to manage these issues in the court through the Judicial System Monitoring 150

Program (JSMP) (Ferguson, 2010). However, no NGO came forward to support Tarbela

Dam resettlers in the court of law.

The resettlers of the Tarbela Dam were fed up with the compensation processes and resettlement plan (guide lines). They developed a belief that no one could get any benefit from government even in the court of law. Because the process of court cases is very slow and the right person for the compensation waited for decades to get compensation. It was the failure of the government‘s planning for resettlement. But in the third world countries states usually fail to provide security to citizen and they show lack of interest in the affairs of displaced people compelling people to go to the court of law to get support. In the case of Tarbela dam, many resettles were shy of speaking about their cases publically. However, they were suffered enormously owing to their silence.

In addition, Woube (2005) asserts that most of the resettlement projects are planned with little prospects of political achievements in mind. Respondents in Pehur believed that the Tarbela Dam was built with political motives in mind, benefitting the state alone. Many people were displaced and their sacrifices became a symbol of development for the whole nation. Majority of the resettlers believed that Ayub Khan, the then President of Pakistan, displaced them from their native place. He destroyed Nawab

Fareed ullah Khan by building the dam that would drown his territory. The resettlers believed that Ayub Khan might have taken the decision to construct the dam because of a

‗cold war‘ between the two families (Nawab and Ayub).

In addition, some people believed that Tarbela dam was built to weaken and finally destroy the Nawab of Amb, Fareed Khan as he was one of the biggest producers of opium in the state. The opium he grew was exported to different countries and was used in the making of different lethal drugs. USA was one of the countries suffering, especially its 151 younger generation, from the effects of those drugs,. So America planned to protect its new generation from the harmful effects by stopping the drug producers in different countries. Tarbela dam was thus designed in such a way that it will automatically submerge the Nawab’s lands and reduce his power. An Urdu proverb fits here which says:

―Kill the snake without breaking your stick‖.

This is what people call politics. On the other hand, however, there was an extensive anxiety about corruption, bias, and unreliable actions by some government officials and traditional influential functionaries of the government in the allotment of land. Those without power, political contacts, and money panicked as they will have problems when seeking to obtain land or protect their right to land ownership. There was an extensive distress among the people that some government departments misused their power in the purchase and allotment of land; they had no proper consultation with the resettlers and the communities concerned.

Nawab of Amb was an influential and resourceful person, so all land compensation went to his account instead of going to the resettlers account. People have cases pending in the courts against the Nawab and the government to date. It was because the resettlement action plan was not there at the time of their resettlement. Government did not involve the resettlers in their compensation planning and other resettlement issues. Therefore, after resettlement the resettlers had many legal issues with the government and amongst each other as well. There were just few guidelines from the government side about legal issues as well as compensation but there was no well-structured and coherent policy which could guide the resettlers in the court of law in a better way.

All affected by Tarbela dam were entitled to receive compensation when they did not. They had no other option but to go to the court of law. It took cases generations to be 152 to be decided by a court: a case was filed by a grandfather or father and the grandson or son still awaited the court‘s decision. Some people even did not have the old documents to prove their identity or to prove that they were descendants of the real resettlers. They could not prove that they deserved the compensation. They all were bitterly disappointed in the government by delaying the court cases. Their parents were deceased and the cases were still not decided.

In Indonesia, a similar story was observed in many of the Indonesian resettlements

(Nakayama, et al, 2009; Karimi, et al., 2005). For example, the resettles of Kotapanjang dam Project, Indonesia were unsatisfied with compensations and applied to the local courts. The Indonesian local courts decided many compensation cases in a short while.

Many were paid full compensation; others were paid partial compensation. Many of the claims were rejected as well. However, this did not satisfy the resettlers who then applied to the Supreme Court. However, the decisions are still pending (Karimi, et al., 2005).

In addition to the above, gender disparity also exist in times of resettlements.

Women happened to receive less compensation as compared to men (Biswas, 2007). In case of Tarbela Dam, women were given less rights by the government in land compensation. Although, I personally observed that female, were remained in the house for domestic work with less involvement in other activities, this, however, needs a separate study.

CHAPTER SUMMARY This chapter presented an analysis of the primary data and compared it to the literature discussed in Chapter II. The chapter discussed that adjustment problems of

Tarbela dam resettlers basically represented a problem in assimilation. There were problems of education, housing, weather, politics, drinking water, jobs, and alienation in 153 the host communities. These problems, however, are also faced by resettlers of mega projects around the world. This, in a final analysis, represents a problem of assimilation.

Further, the chapter also presented that international politics may also influence a country‘s mega development projects. The cold war between Nawab and Ayub Khan, the politics of opium and marijuana, resulted in Tarbela dam‘s construction. However, dams also improved education of resettlers only in that case where the resettlers move to places which are nearer cities. Those who resettle in rural areas do not benefit from education.

154

CHAPTER VII

CONCLUSIONS

This study, as explained in chapter I, explores the adjustment problems of resettlers of Tarbela dam in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. The study has employed qualitative research methodology and it found that the resettlers, despite their long stay in the new townships and hamlets, still felt restless and unsettled. The factors that discourage their settlement are explained below.

7.1. Conclusions 7. 1.1. Extraction of the Hujra system Non-existence of their Hujra was one main reason which caused their non- adjustment in the new area. They all had Hujra system in the native place but in the new place they were restricted to their homes. Hujra is the place where majority (males) spend their leisure time, and utilize it for social gatherings after dusk (on daily basis) and for attending weddings and funeral ceremonies (respondent from Kalabut township). In the new area, the Hujra culture almost vanished which stopped their social gathering. It had a big psychologically impact on the life of the resettlers. Also, for the elders of the migrating community the Hujra was respectable place where they were treated with honor and sympathy. With the diminishing Hujra culture, however, these values became part of past.

Furthermore, Hujra is also a seat of learning social norms and values for the new generation. The resettlement put an end to opportunity for the new generation as Hujra was no more there for these purposes. Hence, most of the resettlers who participated in this research had complaints about their children not respecting elders; they have forgotten about social norms, and precious cultural values. They further complained that their 155 children are also not interested in reviving Hujra culture. Resettlement, thus, had a profound negative impact on the life of children.

Furthermore, Hujra was not only a place of social gathering but a center of sharing and gathering informal knowledge for the people in the village. Jirga76would take place where the children from the entire village would observe how the elders peacefully resolve a conflict between two opponents. With the closure of Hujra, the jirga system came to an end too. There was very little sharing of information among the people on daily basis now.

The new generation had no opportunity to see how conflicts are peacefully resolved by the elders.

With the loss of this source of entertainment, learning, and socialization, people had no alternative outlets for catharsis. This had a direct impact on their mental health and most of the respondents in this research narrated that they were on the verge of going mad.

Most of them then lived miserable lives due to a lack of opportunities of socialization and entertainment etc.

Further, before being displaced from their native places, they held their social functions in the Hujra free of cost and majority of the people participated in it. After resettlement, however, there was no space for holding such functions free of cost. They had to hire wedding halls and open spaces for functions now. The cost of celebration increased owing to loss of Hujra.

7.1.2. Loss of native language Language was another problem for the resettlers. In the native place, all of them spoke Pashto language. Pashto was their mother tongue and they all felt comfortable with it. Pashto was spoken everywhere by them. It was a language of communication at

76Jirga is an informal justice mechanism which is prevalent in most of villages in Khyber Pakhtunkwha, Pakistan 156 schools, in markets, at religious places (mosques). It was the language of all social gatherings. It was spoken in play grounds and at Jirgas. Neighbors would converse in

Pashto language. Owing to this shared language, there was a sense of oneness, belongingness, and unity amongst the resettlers in their native places.

This changed when they were resettled to new settlements where the host communities used different languages: Hindko and Punjabi. The resettlers had no contact with the hindko or Punjabi speaking communities before. The culture of host communities was also very different from the native communities. Now, their system of communication was completely changed. They had to go to markets, schools, social gatherings, etc. and communicate in an alien language. It was very difficult for resettlers to learn the new language and adapt the norms and delicacies of new cultures. Language barrier created numerous challenges and sometimes misunderstanding of meaning would result in fights between the host and resettlers‘ communities. Resultantly, this is not only led to bad feelings between the two communities but also ruined their peaceful co-existence.

7.1.3. Loss of veiling (Pardha) Loss of veiling (Pardah) was an additional reason for their non-adjustment in the new area. Female would observe limited veiling (Pardah) in the native place because almost everyone was a relative or were well-known to one another, and belonged to one ethnic group. Therefore, veiling (Pardah) to ensure gender segregation was not very strictly observed. Furthermore, in the native place they were free to visit their neighbors‘ next door to socialize with them and engage in other neighborhood affairs. They would visit river banks to fetch water and wash clothes. They would visit the fields to collect vegetables and firewood. 157

Resettlement changed this altogether. After resettlement in the new area, females were restricted to their homes because in the new area there was no river bank. They used tap water for drinking and washing clothes. There was no firewood so they used kerosene oil or gas for making fire. There was no agriculture or free land for kitchen gardening, so they bought vegetables from the market unlike getting them for free in their villages. They had no agriculture land to cultivate. Although they had neighbors, they had no relation or poor relation with one other even after many decades of resettlement.

This all happened because of change in veiling culture. Now veiling became an essential element of the culture of resettlers. Regarding veiling, it is essential to mention that veil is worn by females to segregate themselves from strangers. It‘s a protective robe that females wear in order to show others that they are from a respectable family and are not available for strangers to socialize with. The strong observance of veiling caused all those changes in the resettlers‘ life. Most of the research participants of this research were still in an emotional and psychological shock. Therefore, it had a big psychological, economic and social impact on the life of females after they moved to the new area.

7.1.4. Change in the wedding pattern Resettlers‘ indigenous wedding ceremonies pattern also changed after resettlement.

In the native place, they had traditional style of wedding. They invited their relatives to the wedding house for a few days and different tasks were assigned to different relatives. They enjoyed the ceremony almost for a week. Wedding house received rice, meat, ghor (raw form of sugar), and services in shape of gifts from the wealthy people in the village. All villagers were to look after the guests during wedding days. A wedding in the native village would bring happiness to the entire village. It was a common responsibility shouldered by almost the entire village. 158

But in the new settlement, a significant change was observed in the marriage institution. Now the resettlers lived with narrow streets around and with less open space for completion of elaborate functions as well as time constraints. After resettlement, all relatives were scattered in different parts of the country, making it difficult for them

(relatives) to visit each other frequently. So inviting them (relatives) for wedding for a short time was difficult for them to digest. In the face of wedding ceremonies, now the resettlers had no place to accommodate guests for days in their houses as they use to be in their native villages.

Now, the trend was to hold weddings in wedding halls and the invitation to relatives was rarely extended. Accommodating guests on such occasions along with arrangement of food and other necessities for them was extremely much difficult for the hosts in the new area. These functions now require more money. In the final analysis, the weddings have become more costly and tiresome for the resettlers.

7.1.5. Loss of traditional housing system Resettlement also changes housing patterns. It changes not only the physical structure of houses but also the culture associated and social relationships. In the native villages, the resettlers use to have spacious houses made of clay (known as kacha house).

Those houses had large rooms (if would not be wrong to call them halls) and relatively wider courtyards. Such houses were warmer in winter and cooler in summer seasons.

There was a good ventilation and lighting system in old houses. There was never a scarcity of space for family members. Males used to go outside the houses in order to answer the call of nature. Toilets inside the houses were reserved for females only. Those houses would rarely require electricity for daily life affairs such as ceiling fan, water cooler, and electric heater etc. The reason was that the houses were weather resistant. These electric appliances were usually used to neutralize the damaging impact of weather. Besides, there 159 were trees and plants inside the houses and in the community. There was also river flowing near the native villages. In summer, the villagers used to go to river banks and enjoy cold swimming baths there or would sit in the shadows of the trees to neutralize the hotness of summer. Sitting in the shadows of the tree was almost a social institution.

Children, young and elderly all would sit under trees or near river banks; they all had chat, and socialized with each other.

The new houses in resettlement towns were, however, made of concrete blocks.

They were smaller in size and were not weather-resistant. These houses were hotter in summer and cooler in winter. Unlike their hometowns, there were no rivers to swim in, no shady trees and no agricultural land here. These houses required electricity and electric appliances which were usually unaffordable for many resettlers. Therefore, they had very hard lives and faced problems in adjustment to weather conditions and new housing system. It had a big economic and psychological impact on their life. In the native place they went to open air toilets and did not feel good about using indoors toilets. When they moved to the new area, there were no open air toilets. The resettlers would go to the farm fields for toilet needs but the host communities did not allow them for using their lands.

This resulted in numerous fights between the hosts and resettlers. This had a negative effect on the social and psychological health of the residents.

7.1.6. Feeling of alienation Alienation was another associated problem of resettlement in the case of Tarbela dam resettlement schemes. The host communities usually considered the resettlers as aliens and were very unwelcoming towards them. The host communities initially assumed that the resettlers would ultimately return to their native places. However, when they did not go back, feelings of antagonism struck both the parties. 160

This basically represents a problem in cultural assimilation. Assimilation, as mentioned in Chapter VI, requires at least four steps: contact, competition, accommodation, assimilation. At initial stages of assimilation in this study area, the host and resettlers communities made initial contacts where the host assumed that the resettlers would return back to the native towns. However, soon the process moved into second stage of competition. Even after more than forty (40) years since initial contact, the process of competition still affects both the parties. A bit of accommodation also occurred as people started to inter-marry amongst each other. However, proper assimilation has yet to be achieved.

7.1.7. Education system in the new area It was found that education of both the genders was positively influenced by resettlement. However, there was a variation between rural resettlers and resettlers near cities. The education of the first generation was not influenced by resettlement. Most of the first generation resettlers were illiterate and remained illiterate after resettlement.

However, the second and third generation grew fonder of education and now in the third generation, both males and females received education in schools, colleges, and universities.

The reason why second and third generation had more education than the previous lies in grounded realities. The first generation resettlers could not receive benefit from the government schemes of job quota as they jobs required selective education and skills. The market economy in new resettlements also required education and new skills while there previous job skills did not fit realities. Therefore, the second and third generation started attaining higher education in order to fulfill job requirements and ground realities. 161

However, this positive development in education caused a wide gap between generations. The new generation, according to parents, was not only equipped with modern education and skills but also adopted modern values and attitudes. They did not pay any regard to elders and/or traditional cultural norms and values. That created a psychological burden for the first generation elders.

7.1.8. Prejudiced behavior of government in compensating the affectees It was found that the resettlers considered the government‘s role as biased in this project. The government functionaries showed prejudiced behavior while compensating the affected people. They had precious agricultural land, good business and big houses in the native places. The government, however, conducted an unfair assessment of their assets which ruined lives of the resettlers. Therefore, they did not accept it willingly. The government‘s assessment involved only compensation for the lost land and there was no compensation for the loss of business or buildings. Hence, resettlers tried to convince the government of the unjust assessment but did not receive any positive response from the government (see Chapter IV and V for more details). The government was only interested in evacuating the affected people from their native towns by hook or by crock.

Government officials were biased and assessed the assets at a very low price as for proper assessment the officials asked to be bribed which the resettlers did not.

This unjust assessment and low compensation created unemployment amongst many of the settlements. In the native place they cultivated agricultural land and owned small scale businesses but the resettlement brought endless miseries to their life. They were not fully equipped with new skills to get good jobs or even to survive in the new area. They had no land for agriculture and they had fewer business opportunities or not the same as they had in the native place. The compensation, on the other hand, was also not enough and did not cover the economic loss of the resettlers. 162

7.1.9. Litigations It was found that resettlement of Tarbela Dam resulted in many litigation. Some were against the government while others were against the Nawab. Majority of the resettlers fought for their rights with government after resettlement. They had still court cases against government and other resettlers. They spent their maximum time and money to get justice in the court of law. However, in the absence of no proper and clear-cut resettlement policy to solve the cases of compensation, the resettlers found little help from the courts. They had no other choice to get their privileges but to catch the attention of courts. It remained a big issue for many resettlers in the new area because majority lost their respect by visiting courts again and again and spending maximum money on those cases. Furthermore, most of them they had never been in the court of law before.

Culturally, it was a sign of insult for them. In addition, they remained dissatisfied with government‘s decisions on the issue of resettlement (see Chapters IV and V for more details). It carried psychological and economic impact on resettlers‘ life. Although more than 40 years have passed, the cases are yet to be decided in the courts.

In order to explain the entire phenomenon of resettlement and the problems thereafter, the following theoretical implications are provided.

7.2. Theoretical Implications In this research, the data presented two puzzles: government‘s inaction and sometimes indifference to the problems of resettlers, and the adjustment of resettlers in the host communities.

The first puzzle raises the issue of justice. Tarbela dam project affected 96,000 people and forced them to leave their native lands and move to new communities which were alien for them. It separated families and relatives from each other. How can we 163 justify and explain the government‘s action of forcing people to migrate to new areas owing to a developmental project?

To my understanding, this action can be explained under some egoist and utilitarian philosophies. Egoist philosophy focuses on self-interest. According to egoism, an action is morally right if it maximizes one‘s own self-interest (Shiver, 2014). The utilitarian philosophy focuses on usefulness of an action (Hook, 2009). Promoted by

Jeremy Bentham and George Stuart Mills, this theory holds that if an action maximizes the utility of a larger number of people, it is good (Kelly, 1990). As far as the resettlement issue of Tarbela dam is concerned, the government‘s actions were egoist and utilitarian simultaneously. The entire nation is benefiting from Tarbela dam at the cost of the sufferings of 96,000 populations (egoist position). However, the compensations made to resettlers by the government also show that government‘s action was utilitarian as it maximized the happiness and utility of the maximum number of population.

As far as the adjustment of resettlers and the host communities are concerned, their problems were those of assimilation process. Assimilation, as mentioned in Chapter VI, involves four steps: contact, competition, accommodation, and assimilation. A thorough discussion on this topic has already been made in Chapter VI. To briefly mention it here, the resettlement of aliens created competition followed by accommodation and now the host communities and resettlers are at the stage of assimilation. However, the color of competition still dominates the process.

7.3. Recommendations 7.3.1 Resettlers involvement in all the processes and at all the stages of projects Resettlers must be involved in the planning, designing and implementation stages of resettlement plan. Resettlers are the only people fully aware of their ground realities and 164 upcoming issues after displacement. Therefore, involving resettlers in the planning process would help the implementation agencies/planners to be aware of the ground realities in the best interest of a country and resettlers too. It might reduce the post-resettlement court cases against the government.

Similarly, government should plan the improvement of resettlers‘ financial conditions in the new locality. The government must establish industries/factories for resettlers to generate income and provide technical training for them. Utilizing their technical training skills within the country or abroad will improve their economic conditions. Furthermore, the government should also try to utilize their traditional skills as well.

As a norm, all the project documents, plans, policies, guidelines, in Pakistan are in

English language. Common man with low literacy level, does not understand English language. Even if guidelines area available to the people, they are unable to understand them owing to a foreign language. Therefore, it is recommended that all such documents concerning the resettlers should be published in local languages may be in Urdu. This shall help the resettlers what to expect and how to act in the light of those guidelines.

7.3.2. Uniformity of resettlement strategies Similarly, resettlers must be given a choice of resettlement according to their appropriate requirements. The Tarbela dam resettlers asked the government for the same opportunity as that of Mangla dam‘s resettlers, one person from each affected family was sent abroad to developed countries such as UK by the government. Therefore, one person from each family of the Tarbela dam‘s resettlers ought to be sent abroad too by the government. Both dams (Tarbela and Mangla) are in Pakistan. However, different resettlement strategies were adopted. Mangla dam resettlers were more satisfied with the 165 government but Tarbela dam resettlers still resented the government for this discrimination. In order to end discrimination, a uniform policy ought to be adopted for such resettlements.

Further, compensation plays very important role in the resettlement planning.

Therefore, government should award proper compensation to resettlers for their assets in the resettlement plan. It should healthy financial help for resettlers in the new area so that they can start better life in the new area with something in their hands. Not only compensation but a proper guidelines and training on how to spend the compensation amount should also be formulated.

7.3.3. Documentation of policy guidelines In addition to the above, resettlement policy must be established and documented in the form of ‗policy guidelines‘ for implementation of future resettlement plans. In order to frame such policy guidelines, Pakistan may follow the World Bank guidelines on resettlement, or it may draft its own guidelines keeping in view the lessons learned from

Tarbela dam and other such projects.

7.3.4. Protection of resettlers’ culture by employing social scientists Protection of resettlers‘ culture and their values is also recommended. It was found that some resettlements were conducted in such host communities who had different culture, language and ethnicities. This created the problem of assimilation. Therefore, it is recommended that resettlers ought to be resettled in the communities having the similar culture and geography as that of the resettlers‘. Different languages and geographies in the new area destroy the immigrants‘ social life. They feel uneasy with the new language and geography and this creates misunderstanding and leads to law and order situation among the resettlers and locals. However, if the same is not possible, the government can employ social workers to help the resettlers to assimilate in the host communities. 166

Social scientists, particularly community workers, can play a key role in addressing the social issues which happen owing to resettlement. An engineer/planner might design a township for resettlers with his/her technical expertise. However, it is a community worker who can provide expertise in social engineering, i.e. mending relationships. Social scientists ought to be involved at all the stages of the project, i.e. in designing, planning, and implementation. The role of social scientist is also very important in assimilation.

It is further recommended that the implementation agencies must arrange wedding halls, vocational centers, libraries, and play grounds to the resettlers. Offering such facilities to resettlers might reduce their financial burden and help in other social and cultural issues.

167

7.4. Areas for Future Research After completing my study, I realize that the following areas need further research:

1. A comparative study on those families whose members (at least one) are abroad

and those whose family members are in Pakistan

2. Comparative study on urban and rural resettlement

3. A study on change in family structure

4. Study on resettlers declining health

168

REFERENCES

Abercrombie, N., Hill, S., and Turner, B.S. (1994). The Penguin Dictionary of Sociology.

[Third Edition]. Toronto: Penguin Books

About Dams. (2010). British Dam Society. Retrieved July 12, 2015 from

http://www.britishdams.org/about_dams/embankment.htm

Abrahamsson, S., and Simpson, P. (2011). The limits of the body: boundaries, capacities,

thresholds. Amsterdam: Amsterdam Institute for Social Science Research,

University of Amsterdam.

Abu-Zeid, M.A., and El-Shibini, F.Z. (2010). Egypt's High Aswan Dam. International

Journal of Water Resources Development, 13 (2), 209-218.

Adapting to urban displacement. (2010, Feb). In Forced Migration Review, issue 34.

Retrieved December 02, 2015 from http://www.fmreview.org/urban-displacement.html

Agoramoorthy, G., Chaudhary, S., and Hsu, M.J. (2009). Sustainable Development Using

Small Dams An Approach to Avert Social Conflict and Relive Poverty in India's

Semi-arid Regions. Asia Pacific Journal of Social Work and Development, 19(2),

52-69.

Ahmad, A., Crowley, H., Pinho, R., and Ali, Q. (2010). Displacement-Based Earthquake

Loss Assessment of Masonry Buildings in Mansehra City, Pakistan. Journal of

Earthquake Engineering, 14(S1), 1-37.

Aiken, S. R., & Leigh, C. H. (2015). Dams and indigenous peoples in Malaysia:

development, displacement and resettlement. Geografiska Annaler: Series B,

Human Geography, 97(1), 69-93. 169

Akça, E., Fujikura, R., & Sabbağ, Ç. (2013). Atatürk Dam resettlement process: increased

disparity resulting from insufficient financial compensation. International Journal

of Water Resources Development, 29(1), 101-108.

Alcrudo, F., and Mulet, J. (2007). Description of the Tous Dam break case study (Spain).

Journal of Hydraulic Research, 45(sup1), 45-57.

Alexander, J., and Price, S. (2012). Resettling Displaced People: Policy and Practice in

India. The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology, 13(4), 408-410.

Alexander, J.S., Wilson, R.C., and Green, W.R. (2012). A Brief History and Summary of

the Effects of River Engineering and Dams on the Mississippi River System and

Delta. Virginia: US Department of Interior, US Geological Survey.

Altinbilek, D. (2002). The Role of Dams in Development. International Journal of Water

Resources Development, 18(1), 9-24.

Arenillas, M. (2007). A brief history of water projects in Aragon. Water Resources

Development, 23(1), 189-204.

Arenillas, M., & Castillo, J. C. (2003, January). Dams from the Roman era in Spain:

Analysis of design forms. In Proceedings of the First International Congress on

Construction History (Vol. 20, p. 24th).

Aronson, J. (1995). A Pragmatic View of Thematic Analysis. The Qualitative

Report, 2(1), 1-3.

ASCE. (1975). Lessons from dam incidents, USA. The United States Committee on Large

Dams, USCOLD, and American Society of Civil Engineers. 170

Atahar, S.A. (2014). Development-driven forced displacement and compensation-based

resettlement: experiences from the Jamuna multi-purpose bridge project.

Development in Practice, 24(2), 258-271.

Babb, A. O., and Mermel, T. W. (1963). Catalog of dam disasters, failures, and accidents.

Washington, DC: U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Reclamation.

Babbie, E. (2008). The basics of social research. Belmont: Thomson Higher Education.

Bahar, E., Henderson, A. S., & Mackinnon, A. J. (1992). An epidemiological study of

mental health and socioeconomic conditions in Sumatera, Indonesia. Acta

Psychiatrica Scandinavica, 85(4), 257-263.

Balgos, B.C. (2014). People’s response to disasters: vulnerability, capacities, and

resilience in Philippine context. London: Routledge.

Bartolome, L.J. Wet, C.D., Mander, H., and Nagraj, V.K. (2000). Displacement,

Resettlement, Rehabilitation, Reparation, and Development. Cape Town:

Secretariat of the World Commission on Dams.

Baxter, A. (1891). History of the City of Grand Rapids, Michigan: With an Appendix--

History of Lowell, Michigan. Grand Rapids Historical Society.

Bazzell, B. (1902, September 11). The San Leandro Earth Dam of the Oakland Water

Works. Engineering News and American Railway Journal, 48, 187.

BDS Fact Sheet (2010). British Dam Society. Retrieved March 06, 2017 from

https://www.tes.com/teaching-resource/british-dam-society-reservoir-fact-sheet-6427900

Berg, B.L. (2001). Qualitative research methods for the social sciences. Massachusetts:

Pearson Education Company. 171

Berry, J. W. (1990). Acculturation and adaptation: health consequences of culture contact

among circumpolar peoples. Arctic medical research, 49(3), 142-150.

Bianco, P. G. (1995). Mediterranean endemic freshwater fishes of Italy. Biological

Conservation, 72(2), 159-170.

Billington, D.P., Jackson, D.C., and Melosi, M.V. (2005). The history of large federal

dams: Planning, design, and construction in the era of big dams. U.S. Department

of the Interior Bureau of Reclamation Denver Colorado.

Binnie, G. M. (1978). The collapse of the Dale Dyke dam in retrospect. Quarterly Journal

of Engineering Geology and Hydrogeology, 11(4), 305-324.

Bird, J. (2006). Dams and Development: A Source of Information, Guidance, and

Weblinks Related to Planning and Implementing Dam Projects. Asian

Development Bank (ADB). Retrieved, July 12, 2016 from

https://www.adb.org/publications/dams-and-development

Birda, D.K., Chagué-Goff, C., and Gero, A. (2011). Human Response to Extreme Events:

a review of three post-tsunami disaster case studies. Australian Geographer, 42(3),

225-239.

Bisho, C. (2004). Antagonism and Relational Aesthetics. Massachusetts: Massachusetts

Institute of Technology.

Bisht, T.C. (2009). Development-induced displacement and women: the case of the tehri

dam, India. The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology, 10 (4), 301-317.

172

Bissell, R.E. (2001). A Participatory Approach to Strategic Planning Dams and

Development: A New Framework for Decision-Making. Environment: Science

and Policy for Sustainable Development, 43(7), 37-40.

Biswas, A.K. (2007). Dams: cornucopia or disaster? International Journal of Water

Resources Development, 20(1), 3-14.

Biswas, A.K., and Tortajada, C. (2001). Development and Large Dams: A Global

Perspective. International Journal of Water Resources Development, 17(1), 9-21.

Black, J. A., & Champion, D. J. (1976). Methods and issues in social research. New York:

John Wiley & Sons.

Bovee, K. D., & Scott, M. L. (2002). Implications of flood pulse restoration for Populus

regeneration on the upper Missouri River. River Research and Applications, 18(3),

287-298.

Broich, K. (2002. Determination of inititial conditions for dam erosion due to overtopping

and possible integration into a probabilistic design concept. Munich, Germany:

University of the Federal Armed Forces

Brown, J. G., and Jackson. D.C. (2012). Dam. Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved July

12, 2016 from https://www.britannica.com/technology/dam-engineering

Brown, P.H., and Xu, K. (2010). Hydropower Development and Resettlement Policy on

China's Nu River. Journal of Contemporary China, 19(66), 777-797.

Bruce, S., and Yearlay, S. (2006). Sage Dictionary of Sociology. New Delhi: Sage

Publishers. 173

Bryman, A. (2004). Qualitative research on leadership: A critical but appreciative

review. The leadership quarterly, 15(6), 729-769.

Buddy Garcia, Larry R. Soward, Bryan W. Shaw (2009). Design and construction

guidelines for dams in Texas. Taxas: the Texas Commission On Environmental

Quality.

Bui, T.M.H., and Schreinemachers, P. (2011). Resettling Farm Households in

Northwestern Vietnam: Livelihood Change and Adaptation. International Journal

of Water Resources Development, 27(4), 769-785.

Bulmer, M. (2001). The ethics of social research. In Gilbert , N. (Ed), Researching Social

Life (3rd). London: Sage, 45-57.

Burgess, R. (1988). Conversations with a purpose: the ethnographic interview in

educational research. Studies in qualitative methodology, 1(1), 137-155.

Cabrera, E., & Arregui, F. (2010). Engineering and water management over time.

Learning from history. Water Engineering and Management through Time:

Learning from History, 1. London: CRC Press.

Cassidy, R. (n.d.). Involuntary and Voluntary Migrant Estimates. In The Council of

Professional Associations for Federal Statistics. Retrieved July 12, 2016 from

http://www.copafs.org/UserFiles/file/seminars/methodology_and_data_quality/Involuntary

%20and%20Voluntary%20Migarant%20Estimates.pdf

Castelán, E. (2002). Role of Large Dams in the Socio-economic Development of Mexico.

International Journal of Water Resources Development, 18(1), 163-177.

Cernea, M.M. (2004). Social Impacts and Social Risks in Hydropower Programs:

Preemptive Planning and Counter-risk Measures. Session on Social Aspects of 174

Hydropower Development. United Nations Symposium on Hydropower and

Sustainable Development. Beijing, China: Retrieved January 22, 2016 from

http://www.un.org/esa/sustdev/sdissues/energy/op/hydro_cernea_social%20impacts_backg

roundpaper.pdf

Cernea, M.M. (2009). Introduction: Resettlement – An Enduring Issue in Development.

The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology, 10(4), 263-265.

Chanson, H. (2009). Embankment Overtopping Protections System and Earth Dam

Spillways (101-132). In Dams: Impact, Stability and Design. New York: Nova

Science Publishers.

Chanson, H., & James, D. (2001). Historical Development of Arch Dams: From Cut-stone

Arches to Modern Cconcrete Designs. Australian civil engineering

transactions, 43, 39.

Charles, J.A., Tedd, P., and Warren, A. (2011). Delivering benefits through evidence,

Lessons from historical dam incidents. Bristol: Environment Agency, Horizon

House.

Chaturvedi, A. K. (2015). Scope for Small Hydro Projects in India. In Energy

Sustainability Through Green Energy (pp. 427-452). Springer India.

Chibba, M. (2014). Contemporary issues on human trafficking, migration and exploitation.

Migration and Development, 3(2), 163-173.

Clark, I.G. (1975, March). The Elephant Butte Controversy: A Chapter in the Emergence

of Federal Water Law. The Journal of American History, 61(4), 1006-1033.

Clifford, C. (1997). Qualitative research methodology in nursing and healthcare. London:

Churchill Livingstone. 175

Cohen, L., Manion, L., & Morrison, K. (2004). A guide to teaching practice. 5th edition.

Hove, UK: Routledge.

Comentario, D. (2012, January 17-22). The oldest dam in Europe is in Alicante. You First.

Retrieved February 22, 2017 from http://www.aguayriego.com/en/2012/03/el-pantano-

mas-viejo-de-europa-es-alicantino/

Connell, J. (2010). Population Resettlement in the Pacific: lessons from a hazardous

history? Australian Geographer, 43(2), 127-142.

Costa, J. E., and Schuster, R. L. (1988). The formation and failure of natural

dams. Geological society of America bulletin, 100(7), 1054-1068.

Creswell, J. W. (1994). Research design: Quantitative and qualitative

approaches. Thousand Oakes: Sage Publication.

Crouch, M., & McKenzie, H. (2006). The logic of small samples in interview-based

qualitative research. Social science information, 45(4), 483-499.

Dam. (2015). Cambridge Dictionary. Retrieved July 12, 2016 from

http://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/dam

Dams and Reservoirs. (n.d.). The British Dam Society. Retrieved January 12, 2016 from

http://www.britishdams.org/student_zone

Daschuk, J., and Marchildon, G.P. (2006). Historical Chronology of the Oldman River

Dam Conflict. Retrieved September 01, 2016 from

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/237615480_Historical_Chronology_of_the_Old

man_River_Dam_Conflict

Davenport, L.A. (2013). Living with the Choice: A Grounded Theory of Iraqi Refugee

Resettlement to the U.S. [PhD dissertation]. University of Tennessee. 176

DeSilva, S.S., Zhitang, Y. and Lin-Hu, X. (1991). A brief review of the status and

practices of the reservoir fishery in mainland China. Aquaculture and Fisheries

Management, 22: 73–84.

De Vaus, D. A., & De Vaus, D. (2001). Research design in social research. London: Sage.

Degeorges, A., and Reilly, B.K. (2008). Eco-Politics of Dams on the Gambia River.

International Journal of Water Resources Development, 23 (4), 641-657.

Dogan, E., Gumrukcuoglu, M., Sandalci, M., & Opan, M. (2010). Modelling of

evaporation from the reservoir of Yuvacik dam using adaptive neuro-fuzzy

inference systems. Engineering Applications of Artificial Intelligence, 23(6), 961-

967.

Doty, C.W., Moore, R.M., and Foutz, T.L. (1986). Performance of inflatable dams during

extreme events. Applied engineering in agriculture, 2(2), 108-113.

Drever, E. (1995). Using Semi-Structured Interviews in Small-Scale Research. A Teacher's

Guide. ERIC. Retrieved July 12, 2015 from https://eric.ed.gov/?id=ED394990

Du, P., & Koenig, A. (2012). History of water supply in pre-modern China. In By

Angelakis, A.N., Mays, L.W., Koutsoyiannis, D., and Mamassis, K. (Eds),

Evolution of Water Supply through the Millennia, 169-226. London: IWA

Publishing.

Duan, Y., and Wilmsen, B. (2012). Addressing the resettlement challenges at the Three

Gorges Project. International Journal of Environmental Studies, 69(3), 461-474.

Duda-Gromada, K. (2012). Use of river reservoirs for tourism and recreation case study:

Solińskie lake in Poland. PUBLISHER UWM, 367. 177

Duflo, E., and Rohini, P. (2005, Oct). Dams. CEPR Discussion Paper No. 5325. Retrieved

January 12, 2015 from https://ssrn.com/abstract=873608

Dunlop, D.M. (1987). A dam appraisal in Ancient Egypt. Project Appraisal, 2(3), 197-

198.

Égré, D., and Senécal, P. (2003). Social impact assessments of large dams throughout the

world: lessons learned over two decades. Impact Assessment and Project

Appraisal, 21(3), 215-224.

Ellen, R. F. (1984). Ethnographic Research. New York: Academic Press.

El-Yussif, F. (1983). Condensed history of water resources developments in

Mesopotamia. Water International, 8(1), 19-22.

Eshchanov, B. R., Stultjes, M. G. P., Salaev, S. K., & Eshchanov, R. A. (2011). Rogun

Dam—path to energy independence or security threat?. Sustainability, 3(9), 1573-

1592.

Etkin, D. (1999). Risk transference and related trends: driving forces towards more mega-

disasters. Environmental Hazards, 1(2), 69-75.

Faruqee, R., and Hussain, Z. (1997). Future of Irrigation and Drainage in Pakistan. The

Pakistan Development Review 36(4), 565-91.

Ferguson, P. (2010). IDP camp closure and gender inequality in Timor-Leste. Forced

Migration Review, (34), 67. Retrieved October 12, 2015 from

http://www.fmreview.org/urban-displacement/furguson.html

Fetterman, D.M. (2010). Ethnography, (3rd edition). Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications. 178

Fielding, N. G. (1993). Mediating the message: Affinity and hostility in research on

sensitive topics. In Claire M. Renzetti and Raymond M. Lee, (Eds), Researching

sensitive topics, London: Sage Publishers, 146-180.

Firoozabadi, A., & Ramey Jr, H. J. (1988). Surface tension of water-hydrocarbon systems

at reservoir conditions. Journal of Canadian Petroleum Technology, 27(03).

Flick, U. (2002). Qualitative research-state of the art. Social science information, 41(1), 5-

24.

Fread, D. L. (1975, March). Discussion on: Comparison of four numerical methods for

flood routing, by R. K. Price. Journal of the Hydraulics Division, 01(101), HY3,

March, 565-567.

Frey, J. H., & Fontana, A. (1991). The group interview in social research. The Social

Science Journal, 28(2), 175-187.

Fujikura, R., and Nakayama, M. (2012). The long-term impacts of resettlement

programmes resulting from dam construction projects in Indonesia, Japan, Laos,

Sri Lanka and Turkey: a comparison of land-for-land and cash compensation

schemes. International Journal of Water Resources Development, 29(1), 4-13.

Fujikura, R., Nakayama, M., and Takesada, N. (2009). Lessons from Resettlement Caused

by Large Dam Projects: Case Studies from Japan, Indonesia and Sri Lanka.

International Journal of Water Resources Development, 25(3), 407-418.

Ganapatia, N.E., and Ganapati, S. (2008). Enabling Participatory Planning After Disasters:

A Case Study of the World Bank's Housing Reconstruction in Turkey. Journal of

the American Planning Association, 75(1), 41-59. 179

Garbrecht, J. D., & Garbrecht, G. K. (2004). Siltation behind dams in antiquity. In Water

Resources and Environmental History (pp. 35-43). American Society of Civil

Engineers. Retrieved July 13, 2015 from

http://ascelibrary.org/doi/abs/10.1061/40738(140)6

Garnier, A. (2013). Migration Management and Humanitarian Protection: The UNHCR's

‗Resettlement Expansionism‘ and Its Impact on Policy-making in the EU and

Australia. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 40(6), 942-959.

Gaskell, G. (2000). Individual and group interviewing. Bauer, M. W., & Gaskell, G.

(Eds.), Qualitative researching with text, image and sound: A practical handbook

for social research. Sage. 38-56.

Geniş, S., and Maynard, K.L. (2009). Formation of a Diasporic Community: The History

of Migration and Resettlement of Muslim Albanians in the Black Sea Region of

Turkey. Middle Eastern Studies, 45(4), 553-569.

Ghazanfar, M. (2008). Kalabagh Dam and the water debate in Pakistan. The Lahore

Journal of Policy Studies, 02(1), 153-180.

Gilbert, N. (2001). Research, theory and method. In N. Gilbert (Ed), Researching Social

Life (2nd ed). London: Sage

Godden, L. (2015). Law and the practices of ‗damming‘: Tasmanian Dams Case as a

turning point. Griffith Law Review, 24(1), 127-146.

Gomez, S. L., Kelsey, J. L., Glaser, S. L., Lee, M. M., & Sidney, S. (2004). Immigration

and acculturation in relation to health and health-related risk factors among

specific Asian subgroups in a health maintenance organization. American Journal

of Public Health, 94(11), 1977-1984. 180

Government of Pakistan. (2013). Annual Report 2012-13. Islamabad: State Bank of

Pakistan.

Government of Pakistan. (2014). Social and resettlement management plan: Dasu

hydropower project. Lahore: WAPDA.

Gruner, E. (1963). Dam disasters. Proceedings, Institution of Civil Engineers, Vol. 24,

London. p. 47-60. c.f. Singh, K.P., and Snorrason, A. (1982). Sensitivity of outflow

peaks and flood stages to the selection of dam breach parameters and simulation

models. Illinois: State Water Survey Division Surface Water Section at The

University of Illinois.

Gruner, E. (1964). Dam disasters, discussion. Proceedings, Institution of Civil Engineers,

Vol. 27, London. p. 350-370. c.f. Singh, K.P., and Snorrason, A. (1982). Sensitivity

of outflow peaks and flood stages to the selection of dam breach parameters and

simulation models. Illinois: State Water Survey Division Surface Water Section at

The University of Illinois.

Gyuse, R.S., and Gyuse, T.T. (2008). Kainji resettlement housing: 40 years later. Journal

of Urbanism: International Research on Placemaking and Urban Sustainability,

1(3), 247-264.

Halls, K.M. (2014). The story of the Hoover dam. Michingan: Cherry Lake Publishing.

Hammersley, M., & Atkinson, P. (1983). Ethnology: Principles in practice. New York:

Tavistock. 181

Harkins, B., Direkwut, N., and Kamonpetch, A. (2011). The Process and Prospects for

Resettlement of Displaced Persons on the Thai-Myanmar Border. Bangkok,

Thailand: Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University.

Harrison, C. L., and Woodard, S.H. (1904). Lake Cheesman Dam and Reservoir.

Transactions of the American Society of Civil Engineers, LIII (2), 89-132.

Harrison, J. (2008). Dams: History and purposes. Retrieved January 12, 2016 from

https://www.nwcouncil.org/history/DamsHistory

Hawe, R., Degeling, D., & Hall, J. (1990). Evaluating Health Promotion. Artarmon,

NSW: MacLennan & Petty.

Hazel, N. (2004). Resettlement of Young Offenders: Can practice make perfect? Criminal

Justice Matters, 56(1), 30-31.

Heming, L., Waley, P., & Rees, P. (2001). Reservoir resettlement in China: past

experience and the Three Gorges Dam. The Geographical Journal, 167(3), 195-

212.

Hong, P.Y.P., Singh, S., and Ramic, J. (2009). Development-induced impoverishment

among involuntarily displaced populations. Journal of Comparative Social

Welfare, 25(3), 221-238.

Hook, S. (2009). Utilitarianism. In Microsoft® Encarta® 2009 [DVD]. Redmond, WA: Microsoft Corporation, 2008.

Hopkins, P. E. (2007). Thinking critically and creatively about focus groups. Area, 39(4),

528-535.

Howorth, H. H. (1901). The Early History of Babylonia. The English Historical

Review, 16(61), 1-34. 182

Hughe, J.D. (2000). The dams at Aswan: Does environmental history inform decisions?‖

Capitalism Nature Socialism, 11(4), 73-81.

Hughes, D.M. (2006). Whites and Water: How Euro-Africans Made Nature at Kariba

Dam. Journal of Southern African Studies, 32 (4), 823-838.

ICLD. (2004). Concrete face Rockfill dams: Concepts for design and construction.

Committee on Materials for fill dams. Retrieved, October 16, 2016 from

http://www.icold-

cigb.org/userfiles/files/CIRCULAR/CFRD%20partie%201%20chap%201%20a%205.pdf

ICOLD. (1973). Lessons from dam incidents. (Reduced edition), Paris: C.I.G.B.

International Commission on Large Dams

ICOLD. (2000). Dams and the environment: A View point from International Commission

on Large Dams. Retrieved October 12, 2015 from

http://ussdams.com/ussdeducation/Media/Dams%20and%20the%20Environment.pdf

ICOLD. (2000). Dams and World Water: An Educational Book that Explains how Dams

Help to Manage the World’s Water. Retrieved October 12, 2015 from

http://ussdams.com/ussdeducation/BookforY.pdf

ICOLD. (2007). Oldest dams. In ICLD. Retrieved March 10, 2016 from http://www.icold-

cigb.org/gb/world_register/general_synthesis.asp?IDA=212

ICOLD. (2012). Dams and the world’s water. An educational book that explains how

dams help to manage the world’s water. Retrieved January 12, 2016 from

http://www.ancold.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/DWW-damsandworldwater.pdf

Iqbal, M. (2013). The Political Economy of Dams in Pakistan. The Massachusetts

Undergraduate Journal of Economics, 1(Spring), 113-140. 183

Isaacman, A., and Sneddon, C. (2000). Toward a Social and Environmental History of the

Building of Cahora Bassa Dam. Journal of Southern African Studies, 26(4), 597-

632.

Issar, A. S., & Zohar, M. (2012). The Impact of climate changes on the evolution of water

supply works in the Region of Jerusalem. Evolution of Water Supply Through the

Millennia, 147.

Iuchi, K. (2014). Planning Resettlement After Disasters . Journal of the American

Planning Association, 80(4), 413-425.

Jain, A. (2005). Resettlement in the Narmada valley: Participation, gender and sustainable

livelihood (PhD Thesis). London School of Economics and Political Science.

Janesick, V. J. (1998). " Stretching" exercises for qualitative researchers. Thousand Oaks,

CA: Sage.

Jansen, R.B. (1980). Dams from the beginning. In Robert B. Jansen (Ed). Dams and

Public Safety (Part I). U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Reclamation

Jansen, R.B. (1983, 1992, 2000). Dams and Public Safety. Denver: United States

Government Printing Office.

Jansson, R., Nilsson, C., and Malmqvist. B. (2007). Restoring freshwater ecosystems in

riverine landscapes: the roles of connectivity and recovery processes. Fresh Water

Biology, 52 (4), 589-596.

Johnson, C.A. (2012). Governing climate displacement: the ethics and politics of human

resettlement. Environmental Politics, 21(2), 308-328. 184

Jonah1,A., and Dawda, T.D. (2014). Improving the Management and Use of Water

Resources for Small-Scale Irrigation Farming in the Garu Tempane District of

Ghana. Journal of Sustainable Development, 7 (6), 2014-222.

Jones, B., and Licroix, S. (2006). Dam safety remediation in the Snowy Mountains. Hydro

power and dams, 3, 110-113.

Jones, M.M. (2009). There is no such thing as a natural disaster: Race, class, and hurricane

Katrina. An International Journal for Research, Policy and Practice, 4(3), 318-

320.

Kahrl, W.L. (1982, 1991). Floods, Droughts, and Lawsuits: A Brief History of California

Water Policy. New York Times. Retrieved July 24, 2015 from

http://www.ppic.org/content/pubs/report/R_211EHChapter1R.pdf

Kalabagh dam won‘t be allowed whatever the cost: ANP. (2014, November 24). Daily

Dawn, Retrieved February 12, 2017 from http://www.dawn.com/news/1146543

Karimi, S., and Taifur, W.D. (2012). Resettlement and development: a survey of two of

Indonesia's Koto Panjang resettlement villages. International Journal of Water

Resources Development, 29(1), 35-49.

Karimi, S., Nakayama, M., Fujikura, R., Katsurai, T., Iwat, M., Mori, T., and Mizutani, K.

(2005). Post-project Review on a Resettlement Programme of the Kotapanjang

Dam Project in Indonesia. International Journal of Water Resources Development,

21(2), 371-384.

Karlsson, T., and Tallberg, J. (2011). Concrete Face Rock-fill dam compared to Roller

Compacted Concrete dam: A case study of dam constructions in Panama. [MSc.

Geo and Water Engineering Thesis]. Göteborg, Sweden: Chalmers University of

Technology. 185

Kassymbekova, B. (2011). Humans as territory: forced resettlement and the making of

Soviet Tajikistan, 1920–38. Central Asian Survey, 30(3-4), 349-370.

Kelly, P. J. (1990). Utilitarianism and distributive justice: Jeremy Bentham and the civil law. London: Oxford University Press.

Khan, M. I., Jamil, S. M., Ali, L., Akhtar, K., & Salik, M. (2014). Feasibility Study Of

Kalabagh Dam Pakistan. Life Science Journal, 11(9s), 458-470.

Kirby, R. S. (1990). Engineering in history. New York: Dover Publications, Inc.

Kistemann, T., Claßen, T., Koch, C., Dangendorf, F., Fischeder, R., Gebel, J., & Exner,

M. (2002). Microbial load of drinking water reservoir tributaries during extreme

rainfall and runoff. Applied and environmental microbiology, 68(5), 2188-2197.

Barbour, R., and Kitzinger, J.(Eds.). (1999). Developing focus group research: politics,

theory and practice. London: Sage.

Kleinmann, C.M. (2012). The ―Dam Talk‖ of Butler, Tennessee: Tracing the Stability and

Change of Historical Memory in Newspaper Coverag. American Journalism,

29(3) 40-58.

Kondo, K. (2012). Measurement and Control of Liquid-borne Particles in the

Semiconductor Manufacturing Process. Cleaning Technology, 22(12), 37.

Kumar, K. (1989). Conducting key informant interviews in developing countries.

Washington DC: Agency for International Development.

Lafitte, R. (2007). The Indus water treaty 1960, Baglihar hydroelectric plant. Allied

publisher. 186

Lafrenz, M.D., Bean, R.A., and Uthman, D. (2013). Soil ripening following dam removal.

Physical Geography, 34(2), 124-135.

Lampl, E.J. (1997, June). National Register of Historic Places Registration: Druid Hill

Park Historic District. Maryland Historical Trust. Retrieved February 22, 2017

from https://mht.maryland.gov/secure/medusa/PDF/NR_PDFs/NR-167.pdf

Law, M., Stewart, D., Letts, L., Pollock, N., Bosch, J., & Westmorland, M. (1998).

Guidelines for critical review of qualitative studies. McMaster University

Occupational Therapy Evidence-Based Practice Research Group.

Leea, W.C., Viswanathanb, K.K., and Ali, J. (2014). Compensation policy in a large

development project: the case of the Bakun hydroelectric dam. International

Journal of Water Resources Development, 30(2),1-11

Lin, N. (1976). Foundations of social research. New York: McGraw-Hill.

Lunt, N., & Davidson, C. (2003). Introduction: evaluation matters. Evaluating Policy and

Practice: A New Zealand Reader. New Zealand: Pearson Education Limited.

Mack, N., Woodsong, C., MacQueen, K, M., Guest, G., and Namey, E. (2005). Qualitative

Research Methods: A Data Collector’s Field Guide. North Carolina: Family

Health International

Manatunge, H., and Takesada, N. (2012). Long-term perceptions of project- affected

persons: a case study of the Kotmale Dam in Sri Lanka. International Journal of

Water Resources Development, 29(1), 87-100.

Marwasti, A.B. (2004). Qualitative Research in Sociology . London: Sage Publications. 187

Mason, J. (2002). Qualitative researching. London: Sage.

McCartney, M., and King, J. (1996). Use of decision support systems to improve dam

planning and dam operation in Africa. Battarmulla, Sri Lanka: International Water

Management Institute.

McMichael, C., Gifford, S.M., and Correa-Velez, I. (2011). Negotiating family, navigating

resettlement: family connectedness amongst resettled youth with refugee

backgrounds living in Melbourne, Australia. Journal of Youth Studies, 14(2), 179-

195.

Mefford, B. W. (1983). Lake Sherburne Dam Model Study. Report. Retrieved February

23, 2017 from

https://scholar.google.com.pk/scholar?q=Sherburne+Dam&btnG=&hl=en&as_sdt=0%2C5

Menga, F. (2014). Building a nation through a dam: the case of Rogun in Tajikistan. The

Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity, 43(3), 479-494.

Middlebrooks, T. A. (1953). Earth-dam practice in the U.S. Centennial Transactions, CT

(2620), 697-722, ASCE.

Morgan, D. L., & Krueger, R. A. (1998). Analyzing and reporting focus group

results (Vol. 6). London: Sage.

Morikawa, S. (2009). Policies and Resettlers Perception: Adaptation and Acceptance A

Case Study of Southern Transport Development Project. Retrieved January 02,

2015 from http://www.geocities.jp/marimolake/mtE.pdf

Murray, G. (n.d.). Handbook for Preparing a Resettlement Action Plan. Washington DC:

International Finance Corporation, World Bank. 188

Nabi, P.G. (2014). Coordinating post-disaster humanitarian response: lessons from the

2005 Kashmir earthquake, India. Development in Practice, 24(8), 975-988.

Nakayama, M., Gunawan, B., Yoshida, T., and Asaeda, T. (1999). International Journal

of Water Resources Development, 15(4), 443-458.

Nakayama, M., Takesada, N., and Fujikura, R. (2009). Taking Good Care of Project-

Affected- Families in Dam Construction Projects. International Journal of Water

Resources Development, 25(4), 629-639.

Nash, T., Bell, D., Davies, T., and Nathan, S. (2010). Analysis of the formation and failure

of Ram Creek landslide dam, South Island, New Zealand. New Zealand Journal of

Geology and Geophysics, 51 (3) 187-193.

Nüsser, M. (2003). Political Ecology of Large Dams: A Critical Review. Bonn: Universität

Bonn, Geographisches Institute.

Ocampo, J.A., and Vallejo, J. (2012). Economic Growth, Equity and Human Development

in Latin America. A Multi-Disciplinary Journal for People-Centered Development,

13(1), 107-133.

Oderteich. (2017, January 12). In Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. Retrieved 11:08,

February 22, 2017,

from https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Oderteich&oldid=759599426

Oduwole T.A. and Fadeyi A.O. (2013). Issues of Refugees and Displaced Persons in

Nigeria. Journal of Sociological Research, 4(1), 1-18 189

Onwuegbuzie, A.J., and Leech, N.L. (2007). Sampling Designs in Qualitative Research:

Making the Sampling Process More Public. The Qualitative Report, 12(2), 238-

254.

Orum, A.M., Feagin, J.R., and Sjoberg, G. (1991). A Case for the Case Study. The

University of North Carolina Press.

Oviedo, M. B., Parra, M. A., & Rodríguez-Malo, J. M. R. (2014). En torno a la red romana

de abastecimiento de agua a toledo: excavaciones en los terrenos de la academia

militar de infantería/roman water supply to Toledo (Spain): excavations in the

fields of the Military Academy of Infantry. Zephyrus, 74, 203.

Parry, D. (2005). Engineering the ancient world. London: The History Press.

Patel, V., & Kleinman, A. (2003). Poverty and common mental disorders in developing

countries. Bulletin of the World Health Organization, 81(8), 609-615.

Patton, M. Q. (1990). Qualitative evaluation and research methods. London: SAGE

Publications, Inc.

Plessis, C.D. (1999). Sustainable development demands dialogue between developed and

developing worlds. Building Research & Information, 27(6), 378-389.

Poff, N.L., and Hart, D.D. (2002). How Dams Vary and Why It Matters for the Emerging

Science of Dam Removal. BioScience, 52 (8), 659-738.

Poverty in Pakistan. (2012, September 26). Daily Dawn. Retrieved February 12, 2017

from http://www.dawn.com/news/752099

Priemus, H. (2010). Mega-projects: Dealing with Pitfalls. European Planning Studies,

18(7), 1023-1039. 190

Puig, M.E., and Glynn, J.B. (2004). Disaster Responders. Journal of Social Service

Research, 30(2), 55-66.

Punch, S. (2002). Research with children: the same or different from research with

adults?. Childhood, 9(3), 321-341.

Rafiq, Y. (1999). Tarbela dam introduction. In Pakistan Economist. Retrieved April 25,

2016 from http://www.pakistaneconomist.com/issue1999/issue30/f&m4.htm

Raju, A.B. (2015). Types of Dams: Introduction and Classification. Retrieved February

21, 2017 from

https://www.academia.edu/10982226/Types_of_dams_Introduction_and_classification

Rania, V. (2010). Why people oppose dams: environment and culture in subsistence

economies. Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, 1(1),145-161.

Redfield, R., Linton, R., & Herskovits, M. J. (1936). Memorandum for the study of

acculturation. American anthropologist, 38(1), 149-152.

Reisman, J. Gienapp, A., and Stachowiak, S. (2007). A handbook of data collection tools:

Companion to A guide to measuring advocacy and policy. Annie E. Casey

Foundation. Retrieved December 23, 2015 from

https://www.k4health.org/toolkits/family-planning-advocacy/handbook-data-collection-

tools-companion-guide-measuring-advocacy

Roemermann, A.C. (1965). Prestressed Concrete Dams 1934 – 1964. PCI JOURNAL,

10(1), 76-88. Retrieved February 22, 2017 from

http://www.pci.org/uploadedFiles/Siteroot/Publications/PCI_Journal/1965/DOI_Articles/J

L-65-FEBRUARY-4.pdf 191

Romanescu, G., Romanescu, A. M., & Romanescu, G. (2014). History of building the

main dams and reservoirs. 2nd International Conference - Water resources and

wetlands. 11-13 September, 2014 Tulcea (Romania). Retrieved March 06, 2017

from http://www.limnology.ro/water2014/proceedings/64_Romanescu.pdf

Ross, D. A., & Vaughan, J. P. (1986). Health interview surveys in developing countries: a

methodological review. Studies in family planning, 17(2), 78-94.

Rossi, P. H., Lipsey, M. W., & Howard, E. (1999). Evaluation: A Systematic

Approach. Aufl., Thousand Oaks ua Kapitel, 7.

Rossman, G. B., & Rallis S. F. (1998). Learning in the field: An introduction to qualitative

research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications

Santolini, R., Morri, E., Pasini, G., Giovagnoli, G., Morollie, C., and Salmoiraghi, G.

(2014). Assessing the quality of riparian areas: the case of River Ecosystem

Quality Index applied to the Marecchia river (Italy). International Journal of River

Basin Management, 13(1), 1-16.

Saraceno, B., & Barbui, C. (1997). Poverty and mental illness. The Canadian Journal of

Psychiatry, 42(3), 285-290.

Schultz, B. (2002, 2010). Role of Dams in Irrigation, Drainage and Flood Control.

International Journal of Water Resources Development, 18(1), 147-162.

Scudder, T. (2001). The World Commission on Dams and the Need for a New

Development Paradigm. International Journal of Water Resources Development,

17(3), 329-341. 192

Sharma, R. N. (2003, March, 1-7). Involuntary displacement: A few encounters. Economic

and Political Weekly, 38(9), 907-912.

Shaw , Q.H.W., and Hakin, W.D. (2000). Factors of influence on the selection of surface

spillway control systems in developing countries. International Commission on

Large Dams. Retrieved December 12, 2015 from http://www.gbv.de/dms/tib-ub-

hannover/345944445.pdf

Shaw, J., and Sutcliffe, J. (2003). Ancient dams, settlement archaeology and Buddhist

propagation in central India: the hydrological background. Hydrological Sciences

Journal, 48(2), 277-291.

Sherbinin, A., Castro, M., and Gemenne, F. (2010). Preparing for Population

Displacement and Resettlement Associated with Large Climate Change

Adaptation and Mitigation Projects. Background Paper for the Bellagio Workshop

2-6 November 2010

Shiver, R. (2014). Egoism. In Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Retrieved, March 10, 2017 from https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/egoism/

Short, R. A., Canton, S. P., & Ward, J. V. (1980). Detrital processing and associated

macroinvertebrates in a Colorado mountain stream. Ecology, 61(4), 727-732.

Shrestha, C. (2011). Power & politics in resettlement: a case study of bhutanese refugees

(MA Thesis). The College of Arts and Sciences, University of Kentucky.

Shrubsole, D., Kreutzwiser, R., Mitchell, B., Dickinson, T., and Joy, D., (1993,2013). The

history of flood damages in Ontario. Canadian Water Resources Journal / Revue

canadienne des ressources hydriques, 18(2), 133-143.

Silverman, D. (1998). Qualitative research: meanings or practices?. Information systems

journal, 8(1), 3-20. 193

Singh, K.P., and Snorrason, S. (1982). Sensitivity of outflow peaks and flood stages to the

selection of dam breach parameters and simulation models. Illinois Department of

Energy and Natural Resources. Retrieved January 12, 2015 from

http://www.isws.illinois.edu/pubdoc/CR/ISWSCR-289.pdf

Singh, P. (2012). The Diamer Bhasha Dam in Gilgit Baltistan: India's Concerns. Strategic

Analysis, 36(4), 597-611.

Singh, V. (2013). Dam breach modeling technology (Vol. 17). Springer Science &

Business Media.

Sisinggih, D., Wahyuni, S., and Juwono, P.T. (2012).The resettlement programme of the

Wonorejo Dam project in Tulungagung, Indonesia: the perceptions of former

residents. International Journal of Water Resources Development, 29(1), 14-24.

Smith, L.W., Dittmer, E., Prevost, M., and Burt, D. R. (2000). Breaching of a Small

Irrigation Dam in Oregon: A Case History. North American Journal of Fisheries

Management, 20 (1), 205-219.

Smith, L.W., Dittmer, E., Prevost, M., and Burt, D.R. (2000). Breaching of a Small

Irrigation Dam in Oregon: A Case History. North American Journal of Fisheries

Management, 20(1), 205-219.

Spradley, J. P. (1979). The Ethnographic Interview. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.

Stanley, J. (n.d.). Development-induced displacement and resettlement. In forced

migration online. Retrieved January 11, 2016 from

http://forcedmigration.org/research-resources/expert-guides/development-induced-

displacement-and-resettlement/fmo022.pdf 194

Stephens, T. (2010). Manual on small earth dams A guide to siting, design and

construction . Rome: UNFAO.

Sterling, G. (1914). Failure of the dam of the Hatchtown Reservoir, Utah. Eng. News-

Rec, 71(23), 1274-1275.

Stroh, M. (2000). Qualitative interviewing. c.f. D. Burton (2011). Research Training for

Social Scientists. New Delhi: Sage, 196-214.

Sunardi, Gunawan, B., Manatunge, J., & Pratiwi, F. D. (2013). Livelihood status of

resettlers affected by the Saguling Dam project, 25 years after

inundation. International Journal of Water Resources Development, 29(1), 25-34.

Tahmiscioğlu, M.S., Anul, N., Ekmekçi, F., and Durmuş, N. (2007). Positive and negative

impacts of dams on the environment. Ankara, Turkey: Department of Investigation

and Planning, State Hydraulic Works General Directorate.

Takahasi, Y. (2007). Dams, environment and regional development in Japan.

International Journal of Water Resources Development, 20 (1), 35-45.

Takahasi, Y., & Uitto, J. I. (2004). Evolution of river management in Japan: from focus on

economic benefits to a comprehensive view. Global Environmental Change, 14,

63-70.

Takesada, N. (2009). Japanese Experience of Involuntary Resettlement: Long-Term

Consequences of Resettlement for the Construction of the Ikawa Dam.

International Journal of Water Resources Development, 25(3), 419-430. 195

Tank, M. (2016, October 14). In Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. Retrieved 11:31,

February 22, 2017,

from https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Minneriya_Tank&oldid=744237051

Terminski, B. (2013). Development-Induced Displacement and Resettlement: Theoretical

Frameworks and Current Challenges. Indiana University. Retrieved March 20,

2017 from http://dlc.dlib.indiana.edu/dlc/handle/10535/8833?show=full

Thabchumpon, N., Moraras, B., Laocharoenwong, J., and Karom, W.. (2011). Sustainable

Solutions to the Displaced Person Situation On the Thai-Myanmar Border. Asian

Research Center for Migration, UNDP/EU.

Thandaveswara , B.S. (1992). History of dams failure. Madras: Indian Institute of

Technology Madras.

Tibaijuka, A. (2010). Adapting to urban displacement. Forced Migration Review, (34), 4.

Retrieved October 2015 from

http://www.fmreview.org/sites/fmr/files/FMRdownloads/en/urban-

displacement/tibaijuka.pdf

Tilt, B. (2015). Dams and development in China. New York: Columbia University Press.

Tong, A., Sainsbury, P., & Craig, J. (2007). Consolidated criteria for reporting qualitative

research (COREQ): a 32-item checklist for interviews and focus

groups. International journal for quality in health care, 19(6), 349-357.

Tortajada, C. (2005). International Workshop on Impacts of Large Dams Istanbul, Turkey,

October 25–27, 2004. Water International, 30(1), 127-127. 196

Toscano, G. (n.d.). Seismic behavior of gravity dams. Retrieved March 10, 2016 from

http://www.metec.unina.it/allievi_files/file_33_qlupqbla.pdf

Tremblay, M. A. (1957). The key informant technique: A nonethnographic

application. American Anthropologist, 59(4), 688-701.

Trepp, E. (2010). Chandoli National Park and Resettlement: impacts on local communities

in Maharashtra, India. Environment and Resource Management. Amsterdam, Vrije

Universiteit.

Ubbelohde, C., Benson, M., & Smith, D. A. (2006). A Colorado history. Boulder, CO:

Pruett Publishing.

UNEP. (2010). Africa Water Atlas. Nairobi, Kenya: Division of Early Warning and

Assessment (DEWA). United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP).

US Department of Interior. (1960,1937,1977,1983). Design of small dam. Bureau of

Reclamation. Retrieved March 10, 2016 from

http://www.usbr.gov/pn/programs/ea/wash/potholes/techreport-alta-attachmentK.pdf

Vallera. D., and Wood, A. (2009). Conceptualizing Local and Regional Economic

Development in the USA. Regional Studies, 44(2), 139-151.

Van Hear, N. (2014). Refugees, diasporas and transnationalism. In O. Jurasz. (Ed). The

Oxford Handbook of Refugee and Forced Migration Studies. London: Oxford

University Press, 176.

Wadley, D., and Ballock, M. (2007, 1980). Satisfaction and Positive Resettlement:

Evidence From Yallourn, Latrobe Valley, Australia. Journal of the American

Planning Association, 46(1), 64-75. 197

Walsh, D. (1998). Doing ethnography. In Seale, C. (2004, Ed)). Researching society and

culture, London: Sage, 217-232.

White, B. (1997). Reflections of Old Mission Dam. Historyandculture.com. Retrieved

February 22, 2017 from http://www.historyandculture.com/writings/missiondam.html

White, G. (1998). Building a democratic developmental state: Social democracy in the

developing world. Democratization, 5(3), 1-32.

White, R. (2001). Evacuation of Sediments from Reservoirs. Thomas Telford Publishing.

pp. 163–169

Wiersma, W. (Ed.). (2000). Research methods in education: An introduction (Vol. 1).

London: Allyn & Bacon.

Wilmsen, B., Webber, M., and Yuefang, D. (2011) . Development for Whom? Rural to

Urban Resettlement at the Three Gorges Dam, China. Asian Studies Review, 35(1),

21-42.

Wold , B., Flatby, R., Konow, T., and Lokke, K. (2007, 2010). Licensing for dam

construction and operation ‐ Practical decision support developed and improved

over 100 years. International Journal of River Basin Management, 5(3), 245-250.

World oldest dams. (n.d.). National performance of dams program, Stanford university.

Retrieved March 10, 2016 from https://npdp.stanford.edu/node/87

Woube, M. (2005). Effects of resettlement schemes on the biophysical and human

environment. Florida: Universal Publisher. 198

Xu, X., Tan, Y., Yang, G., and Li, H. (2011). Three Gorges Project: effects of resettlement

on nutrient balance of the agro-ecosystems in the reservoir area. Journal of

Environmental Planning and Management, 54(4), 517-537.

Yoshida, H., Agnes, R.D., Solle, M., and Jayadi, M. (2012). A long-term evaluation of

families affected by the Bili-Bili Dam development resettlement project in South

Sulawesi, Indonesia. International Journal of Water Resources Development,

29(1), 50-58.

Yüksel, I. (2009). Dams and Hydropower for Sustainable Development: Energy Sources,

Part B. Economics, Planning, and Policy, 4(1), 100-110.

Yüksel, I. (2009). Dams and hydropower for sustainable development. Energy Sources,

Part B, 4(1), 100-110.

Yun-Fei Ji's. (2010). Three Gorges Dam Migration. Art Journal, 69(3), 73-78.

Zainal, Z. (2007). Case study as a research method. Jurnal Kemanusiaan, 9 (June), 1-6.

Zenga, G.M., Xie, Z., Zhang, S.F., and Luo, X. (2001). Flood Disaster and Non-

engineering Mitigation Measures in Dongting Lake in China. Water International,

26(2), 185-190.

Zetter, R., & Deikun, G. (2010). Meeting humanitarian challenges in urban areas. Forced

Migration Review, (34), 5-7.

199

ANNEXURE

Source: Gravity dams images (https://www.google.com.pk/search?q=gravity+dam+images&biw=1242&bih=585&site=webhp&tbm=isch &t bo=u&source=univ&sa=X&sqi=2&ved=0ahUKEwijopig2uLLAhXD2RoKHWFZD- IQsAQIGA#imgrc=0nVKnx040lxWjM%3A

Source : Buttress dam

(https://www.google.com.pk/search?q=gravity+dam+images&biw=1242&bih=585&site=webhp&tbm=isch&tbo=u&source=univ &sa=X &sqi=2&ved=0ahUKEwijopig2uLLAhXD2RoKHWFZD-IQsAQIGA#tbm=isch&q=buttress+dam&imgrc=uRgwA- miYcAAeM%3A) 200

Source: Embankment dams images (https://www.google.com.pk/search?q=gravity+dam+images&biw=1242&bih=585&site=webhp&tbm=isch&tbo=u&source=univ& sa=X &sqi=2&ved=0ahUKEwijopig2uLLAhXD2RoKHWFZD-IQsAQIGA#tbm=isch&q=embankment+dam&imgrc=_

201

Source: Arc dam images (https://www.google.com.pk/search?q=gravity+dam+images&biw=1242&bih=585&site=webhp&tbm=isch&tbo=u&source=univ &sa=X &sqi=2&ved=0ahUKEwijopig2uLLAhXD2RoKHWFZD-IQsAQIGA#tbm=isch&q=arc+dam) 202

Source: Marib dam images https://www.google.com.pk/search?q=Alcantarilla+Dam+images&biw=1093&bih=479&site=webhp&tbm=is ch&tbo=u&source=univ&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi9g9ro4OXLAhVBnRoKHXPyCCMQsAQIGA#tbm=isch &q= Marib+dam++++images&imgrc=5iA6DhCcxl0L7M%3A

Source: Alcantarilla Dam images https://www.google.com.pk/search?q=Alcantarilla+Dam+images&biw=1093&bih=479&site=webhp&tbm=is ch&tbo=u&source=univ&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi9g9ro4OXLAhVBnRoKHXPyCCMQsAQIGA#imgrc=_ 203

Source : Cavdarhisar Dam images https://www.google.com.pk/search?q=Alcantarilla+Dam+images&biw=1093&bih=479&site=webhp&tbm=is ch&tbo=u&source=univ&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi9g9ro4OXLAhVBnRoKHXPyCCMQsAQIGA#tbm=isch &q= Cavdarhisar+Dam++images&imgrc=QZI1q1pdSwpkbM%3A

Source: AI-Harbaqa Dam images https://www.google.com.pk/search?q=Alcantarilla+Dam+images&biw=1093&bih=479&site=webhp&tbm= is ch&tbo=u&source=univ&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi9g9ro4OXLAhVBnRoKHXPyCCMQsAQIGA#tbm=is ch&q= AI-Harbaqa+Dam++images&imgrc=NjFfyaeNfUayMM%3A 204

Source: Sayamaike dam images https://www.google.com.pk/search?q=Alcantarilla+Dam+images&biw=1093&bih=479&site=webhp&tb m=is ch&tbo=u&source=univ&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi9g9ro4OXLAhVBnRoKHXPyCCMQsAQIGA#tbm=isch&q=S ayamaike+dam+++++images

Source: Rio Guadalquivir reservoir https://www.google.com.pk/search?q=Alcantarilla+Dam+images&biw=1093&bih=479&site=webhp&tbm=is ch&tbo=u&source=univ&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi9g9ro4OXLAhVBnRoKHXPyCCMQsAQIGA#tbm=isch &q= Rio+Guadalquivir+++images&imgrc=LrATht8W4r4BnM%3 205

Source: Almonacid de la Cuba Dam https://www.google.com.pk/search?q=Alcantarilla+Dam+images&biw=1093&bih=479&site=webhp&tbm=is ch&tbo=u&source=univ&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi9g9ro4OXLAhVBnRoKHXPyCCMQsAQIGA#tbm=isch &q= Almonacid+de+la+Cuba+Dam++++images

Source: Alicante Dam Images https://www.google.com.pk/search?q=Alcantarilla+Dam+images&biw=1093&bih=479&site=webhp&tbm=isch&tbo=u&source=univ &sa

=X&ved=0ahUKEwi9g9ro4OXLAhVBnRoKHXPyCCMQsAQIGA#tbm=isch&q=Alicante++Dam++++images&imgrc=_ 206

Source: Orderteich dam images https://www.google.com.pk/search?q=Alcantarilla+Dam+images&biw=1093&bih=479&site=webhp&tbm=isch&tbo=u&source=univ &sa

=X&ved=0ahUKEwi9g9ro4OXLAhVBnRoKHXPyCCMQsAQIGA#tbm=isch&q=Oderteich+Dam++++images

source: Druid Lake Dam images https://www.google.com.pk/search?q=Alcantarilla+Dam+images&biw=1093&bih=479&site=webhp&tbm=is ch&tbo=u&source=univ&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi9g9ro4OXLAhVBnRoKHXPyCCMQsAQIGA#tbm=isch &q= Druid+Lake+Dam++images&imgrc=_ 207

Source: Minneriya dam images https://www.google.com.pk/search?q=Alcantarilla+Dam+images&biw=1093&bih=479&site=webhp&tbm=is ch&tbo=u&source=univ&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi9g9ro4OXLAhVBnRoKHXPyCCMQsAQIGA#tbm=isch &q= Minneriya+dam+++images

Source: Elephant Butte dam images https://www.google.com.pk/search?q=Alcantarilla+Dam+images&biw=1093&bih=479&site=webhp&tbm=is ch&tbo=u&source=univ&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi9g9ro4OXLAhVBnRoKHXPyCCMQsAQIGA#tbm=isch &q= Elephant+Butte++Dam++images 1

Source: Tarbela Dam images https://www.google.com.pk/search?q=Alcantarilla+Dam+images&biw=1093&bih=479&site=webhp&tb m=is ch&tbo=u&source=univ&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi9g9ro4OXLAhVBnRoKHXPyCCMQsAQIGA#tbm=isch&q=T arbela+Dam++++images

2

PEHUR HAMLET ENTRANCE

FGD AT PEHUR HAMLET

3

GHAZI HAMLET

4

5

CLASSROOM OF GOVERNMENT HIGH SCHOOL NEW DARBAND

FGD AT KANGRA TOWNSHIP

6

KANGRA TOWNSHIP ENTRANCE

7

MAIN HALL OF GOVERNMENT HIGH SCHOOL NEW DARBAND TOWNSHIP

OLD TREE AT NEW DARBAND TOWNSHIP

8

FINAL EXAM AT GOVERNMENT HIGH SCHOOL NEW DARBAND TOWNSHIP

PLAYGROUND AT NEW DARBAND TOWNSHIP

9

FUNERAL CEREMONY AT GHAZI HAMLET

10

MAIN ENTRANCE OF KALABUT TOWNSHIP