Life and Teachings Con F U C Ius

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Life and Teachings Con F U C Ius THE LIFE AND TEACHINGS OF CON F U C IUS. WITH EXPLANATORY NOTES. BY J.AMES LEG-G., E, D.D • LONDON: N. TRUBNER & CO.,60, PATERNOSTER ROW. 1869. un 1l1llhts reseroe<! J ", THE CHINESE CLASSICS: '.rRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH, .... .1 • WITU PRELIMINARY ESSAYS AND EXPLANATORY NOTES. (REPRODUCED FOR GENERAL READERS FROM THE AUTBOR'~ ,..OR][ CONTA.INING THE ORIGINAL TEXT, 11;('.) BY JAMES ~EGGE, D.D. VOL. 1. THE LIFE AND TEACHINGS OF CONFUCIUS. LONDON: N. TIrUBNER & CO.,60, PATERNOSTER ROW. 1869. [All Riglct•..... """'] fL ;..,~! 1;"'/ 1 Jorr~ CIlJLD8 AND SO~, PRINTEllS. PREFACE. WHEN the author, in 1861, commenced the publication of the Chinese Classics, with an English translation and such a critical apparatus as was necessary to the proper appreciation of the ongmal Works, he did not contemplate an edition without the Chinese text and simply adapted for popular reading. It was Boon pressed upon him, however, from various quarters ; and he had formed the purpose to revise the separate volumes, when he should have completed the whole of his undertaking, and to publish the English text, with historical introductions and brief explanatory notes, which might render it acceptable for general perusal. He is sorry that circumstances have arisen to call for such an issue of his volumes, without waiting for the completion of'the last of the Classics;-principally because it adds another to the many unavoidable hindrances which have impeded the onward prosecution of his important task. A Mr Baker, of Massachusetts, in the United States, having sent forth the prospectus of a republication of the author's translation, his publisher in London strongly represented to him the desira- bleness of his issuing at once a popular edition in his own name, as a counter-movement to Mr Baker's, and to prevent other similar acts of piracy :-and the result is the appearance of the present volume. It will be followed by a second, containing the Works of Mencms, as soon as the publisher shall feel himself authorized by public encouragement to go forward with the undertakmg. The author has seen tbe first part of Mr Baker's repub- Iication, containing the English text of his first volume, and the indexes of Subjects and Proper Names, without alteration. The only other matter III It is an introduction of between seven and eight pages. Four of these are occupied with an account of Confucius, taken from Chambers' Bncyclopedia, IV P.REFACE. which Mr Baker says he chooses to COp!! :-so naturally does It come to him to avail himself of the labours of other men. "Con- vey the wise it call. Steal? Foh ! A fico for the phrase! " In the remainder of his Introduction, Mr Baker assumes a controversial tone, and calls in question some of the judgments which the author has passed on the Chinese sage and his doc- trmes, lie would make it out that Confucius was a most religious man, and abundantly recognized the truth of a future life ; that the worship of God was more nearly universal in China than in the Theocracy of Israel; that the Chinese in general are not more regardless of truth than Dr Legge's own country- men; and that Confucius' making no mention of heaven and hell is the reason why missionaries object to his system of practising virtue for virtue's sake! Mr Baker has made some proficiency in the art of c, adding insult to injury." It is easy to see to what school of religion he belongs; but the author would be sorry to regard his publication as a specimen of the manner in which the members of it" practise virtue for virtue's sake." In preparing the present volume for the press, the author has retained a considerable part of the prolegomena in the larger work, to prepare the minds of his readers for proceeding with advantage to the translation, and forming an intelligent judg- ment on the authority which is to be allowed to the original 'V arks. lie has made a few additions and corrections which his increased acquaintance With the field of Chinese hterature en- abled him to do. lie was pleased to find, in revising the translation, that the alterations which it was worth while to make were very few and unimportant. He has retained the headings to the notes on the several chapters. as they give, for the most part, an adequate summary of the subjects treated in them. All critical matter, interesting and useful only to students of the Chinese language, he has thrown out. In a few instances he has remodelled the notes, or made such additions to them as were appropriate to the popular design of the edition. JIo/lg-Kong, 26th October, 1866. CONTENTS. 1. PRELIMINARY ESSAYS. CHAPTER 1. OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS GENERALLY. 6ECTION PAGll I. nOOKS DICLUDED UNDER THE NAME OF THE CIllNESE CLASSICS. • 1 II. TIlE AUTIIORITY OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS 3 CHAPTER II. OF THE CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 1. FORMATION OF THE TEXT OF THE ANALECTS BY THE SCHOLARS OF THE HAN DYNASTY 12 n. AT WHAT TIME, AND BY WHOM, THE ANALECTS WERE WRITTEN; THEIR PLAN; AND AUTHENTICITY 15 HI. OF cOMMENTARIES UPON THE ANALECTS.. 19 CHAPTER III. OF THE GREAT LEARNING. I. HISTORY OF THE TEXT; AND THE DIFFERENT ARRANGE- MENTS OF IT WHICH HAVE BEEN PROPOSED 22 II. OF THE AUTHORSHIP, AND DISTINCTION OF THE TEXT INTO CLASSICAL TEXT AND COMMENTARY 26 Ill. ITS SCOPE AND VALUE 27 VI CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. OF THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. SECTION PA(lB I. ITS PLACE I~ THE LE KE, AXD ITS PUBLICATION SE- I'AUATEI.T 35 II. ITS AUTHOR; AND SOME ACCOUlIT OF HIM 36 III. ITS SCOPE AXD VALUE 43 CHAPTER V. CONFUCIUS; HIS INFLUENCE AND DOCTRIKES. I. LIFE OF CONFUCIUS 55 II. HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS 91 II. THE CLASSICS. I. CONFUCIAN ANALECTS 116 II. THE GREAT LEARNING 264 Ill. THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN 282 III. DWEXES. 1. SUBJECTS IN THE COKFUCIAN ANALECTS 321 II. PROPER NAMES IN THE CONFUCIAN ANALECTS 330 III. SUIlJECTS IN THE GREAT LEARNING 334 IY. PROPER NAMES IN THE GREAT LEARNING 335 Y. SUBJECTS IN THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN 336 VI. PROPER NAMr:S IN THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN 338 PRELIMIN ARY ESSAYS. CHAPTER 1. OF THE CHIKESE CLASSICS GEKERALLY. SECTION 1. BO,)KS IXCLUDEDU::-WERTIlEKAMEOFTIlECIlIKESECLASSICS. l. TIlE Books now recognized as of highest authorrty in Clnna are comprehended under the denominations of " The iive Kinq," and "The four Shoo." The term king is of L xtile origin, and sigmfies the warp threads of a web, and L~:ciradjustment. An easy application of it is to denote what is regular and insures regularity. As used with refer- ence to books, it mdicates t.hon- authority on the subjects of which they treat. cc The five King" are the five canonical Works, contammg the truth upon the highest subjects from the sages of China, and which should be received as law by all generations. The term shoo simply means Wl'itillys or books. 2. The five King are :-the Yih, or, as it has been styled, " The Book of Changes;" the Shoo, or " The Book of His- torical Documents j" the She, Or "The Book of Poetry j " the Le Ke, or " Record of Rites j " and the Cli'un Ts'ew, or " Spring and Autumn," a chronicle of events, extending from B.C.i2l to 480. The auchorslnp, Or compilation rather, of all these works is loosely attributed to Confucius. But much of the Le Ke is from later hands. Of the Yih, the Shoo, and the She, it is only in the first that we find additions said to be from the philosopher himself, in the shape of appendixes. The Ch'un Ts'ew is the only one of the VOL I. 1 2 THE CHINESE CLASSICS GENERALLY. five King which can, with an approximation to correctness, be described as of his own "making." "The four Books" is an abbreviation for" The Books of the four Philosophers." The first is the Lun Yu, or "DIgested Conversations," being occupied chiefly with the sayingI' of Confucius. He IS the philosopher to whom it belongs'. It appears in this VVorkunder the title of" Confucian Analects." The second is the Ta Heo, or "Great Learning," now com- monly attributed to Tsang Sin, a disciple of the sage. He is the philosopher of it. The third is the Chung Yung, or "Doctrine of the Mean," ascribed to K'ung Keih, the grand- son of Confucius. He is the plnlosopher- of It. The fourth contains the works of Mencius. 3. This arrangement of the Classical Books, which is commonly supposed to have origmated with the scholars of the Sung dynasty, is defective. The Great Learning and the Doctrine of the Mean are both found in the Record of RItes, being t'he forty-second and thirty-first Books respect- ively of that compilation, accordmg to the usual arrange- ment of it. 4. The oldest enumerations of the Classical Books specify only the fire Eiu«. The Yo Ke, or " Record of Music," the remains of which now form one of the Books in the Le Ke, was sometimes added to those, makmg with them the six Kin!!. A division was also made into 'nine King, consisting of the Yih, the She, the Shoo, the Chow Le, or " Ritual of Chow," the E Le, or" Ceremomal Usages," the Le Ke, and the three annotated editions of the Ch'un 'I's'ew, by 'I'so- k'ew Ming, Kung-yang Kaou, and Kuh-leang Ch'ih, In the famous compilation of the classical Books, undertaken by order of T'ae-tsung, the second emperor of the T'ang dynasty (B.C.
Recommended publications
  • Early Confucian Concept of Yi
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Institutional Knowledge at Singapore Management University Singapore Management University Institutional Knowledge at Singapore Management University Research Collection School of Social Sciences School of Social Sciences 2-2014 Early Confucian concept of Yi (议) and deliberative democracy Sor-hoon TAN Singapore Management University, [email protected] DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/0090591713515682 Follow this and additional works at: https://ink.library.smu.edu.sg/soss_research Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Citation TAN, Sor-hoon.(2014). Early Confucian concept of Yi (议) and deliberative democracy. Political Theory, 42(1), 82-105. Available at: https://ink.library.smu.edu.sg/soss_research/2548 This Journal Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Social Sciences at Institutional Knowledge at Singapore Management University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Research Collection School of Social Sciences by an authorized administrator of Institutional Knowledge at Singapore Management University. For more information, please email [email protected]. PTX42110.1177/0090591713515682TanPolitical Theory 515682research-article2013 Ta n Published in Political Theory, Vol. Article42, Issue 1, February 2014, page 82-105 Political Theory 2014, Vol. 42(1) 82 –105 Early Confucian Concept © 2013 SAGE Publications Reprints and permissions: of Yi (议)and Deliberative sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0090591713515682 Democracy ptx.sagepub.com Sor-hoon Tan1 Abstract Contributors to the debates about the compatibility of Confucianism and democracy and its implications for China’s democratization often adopt definitions of democracy that theories of deliberative democracy are critical of.
    [Show full text]
  • Confucianism's Literature
    International Bulletin of Theology & Civilization (IBTC) Vol. 2 No. 4 (2020) Confucianism’s Literature Iqra Aziz University of Lahore Introduction of Confucianism‘s Literature Meaning of the Literature:- . Literature means, written works, especially those considered of superior or lasting artistic merit. Books and writings published on a particular subject. Definition:- Literature is a group of works of art made up of words. Most are written, but some are passed on by word of mouth. Literature usually means works of poetry and prose that are especially well written. There are many different kinds of literature, such as poetry, plays, or novels.1 Brief Intro of Confucianism:- Confucianism is a way of life founded by Confucius (551-749 BC) who was a Chinese sage and wise man. It Has Traditionally been the substance of learning ,the source of values, and the social code of Chinese as well as a religion and philosophy.Confucianism may be understood as an all-encompassing way of thinking and living that entails ancestor reverence and a profound human-centred religiousness.2 1 https://simple.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Literature 2 https://www.britannica.com/topic/Confucianism 29 Literature ( The Sacred Writings) Beliefs and practices of Confucianism are based on ancient Chinese Texts. According to Yale University, the sacred texts of Confucianism are five books that legend states Confucius wrote. Although Confucianism isn't strictly a religion, it does have a number of prominent texts, considered by many followers, to be sacred. According to the "Ancient History Encyclopedia," Confucius was an ancient Chinese philosopher, living in the 6th Century BCE.
    [Show full text]
  • Christian Missionaries and China's Canonical Writings
    CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES AND CHINA’S CANONICAL WRITINGS BY PROFESSORHARLAN P. BEACH THE canonical writings under discussion in this article are the classical books commonly regarded as the orthodox expositions of the Taoist, Confucian and Buddhist systems of ethics and religion. More specifically, the phrase includes for Taoism its original canon, the ‘ Tao Te Ching,’ or Classic of the Tao and its Manifestations, ascribed to Lao Tzii, and the ‘Nan Hua Chi% Ching,’ or True Classic of Nan-hua,l written by the most famous of Lao Tzii’s followers, Chuang Tzii, ‘ mystic, moralist and social reformer,’ whose aim, according to the historian, Ssii-ma Ch’ien, was to asperse the Confucian school and to glorify the mysteries of his master. We also include the thin volumes of a probable forgery ascribed to Lieh Tzii, but not the essays of Han Fei Tzii of the third pre-Christian century, the esoteric works of the prince of the Han dynasty, Huai-nan Tzti, nor a modern production of the Taoist School as in- fluenced by Buddhism, the ‘ Kan Ying P’ien,’ or Tractate upon Rewards and Punishments. Of course one would not mention a mass of mystical, magical and puerile writings that have degraded Taoism and made it a laugh- ing-stock and a hissing.2 The phrase ‘ Confucian Classics ’ is commonly sup- posed to include only the Five Classics, or Confucianism’s Old Testament, and the Four Books, roughly correspond- ing to our New Testament. Though they are relatively Dr Wilhelm translates it ‘ Das Wahrebuch vom siidliche Bliitenland.’ a In imitation of Confucian classics, Taoists later produced two sets of ‘ Five Classics’ and two sets of ‘Four Books,’ one set of each being mystical aiid the other magical.
    [Show full text]
  • Integrating the Thought of Mencius and Xunzi and the Problem of Modernizing Chinese Society
    Journal of chinese humanities 6 (2020) 21–42 brill.com/joch Integrating the Thought of Mencius and Xunzi and the Problem of Modernizing Chinese Society Huang Yushun 黃玉順 Professor of Philosophy, Collaborative Innovation Center of Confucian Civilization, Shandong University, Jinan, China [email protected] Abstract How should people today deal with the teachings of Mencius 孟子 and Xunzi 荀子? This is a question of utmost importance in reviving Confucianism. The thought of Mencius and Xunzi has many inherent complexities and contradictions. After all, they have been revised, reconstituted, and reused alongside shifts in lifestyles and social struc- tures; their respective influence also waxed and waned accordingly. Xunzi’s teachings flourished during China’s transition from monarchical feudalism to imperial autocracy, an indication that Xunzi’s thinking has Legalist elements. The rulers in the imperial period adopted “sole veneration of Confucian learning” [du zun rushu 獨尊儒術], so the suspiciously Legalist teachings of Xunzi went into decline while the orthodox Confucian teachings of Mencius were on the rise. At the same time, Xunzi’s thought continued to play an important, perhaps even fundamental, role in hidden ways. This is the political path of being “openly Confucian, covertly Legalist” [yang ru yin fa 陽儒 陰法] practiced under autocratic authority. As Chinese society began to modernize, Xunzi’s teachings enjoyed a revival, revealing that some of its strains were compatible with modern Enlightenment ideas. Further, this modern revival of Xunzi occurred on the heels of a Confucian revival. The fact that the two then more or less continued to coexist indicates the need to rethink the two schools of thought in an integrated way.
    [Show full text]
  • Seek and You Will Find It; Let Go and You Will Lose It: Exploring a Confucian Approach to Human Dignity Peimin Ni Grand Valley State University
    Grand Valley State University ScholarWorks@GVSU Funded Articles Open Access Publishing Support Fund 5-7-2014 Seek and You Will Find It; Let Go and You Will Lose It: Exploring a Confucian Approach to Human Dignity Peimin Ni Grand Valley State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/oapsf_articles Part of the Philosophy Commons ScholarWorks Citation Ni, Peimin, "Seek and You Will Find It; Let Go and You Will Lose It: Exploring a Confucian Approach to Human Dignity" (2014). Funded Articles. 19. https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/oapsf_articles/19 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Publishing Support Fund at ScholarWorks@GVSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Funded Articles by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@GVSU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Dao (2014) 13:173–198 DOI 10.1007/s11712-014-9381-2 Seek and You Will Find It; Let Go and You Will Lose It: Exploring a Confucian Approach to Human Dignity Peimin NI Published online: 7 May 2014 # The Author(s) 2014. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com Abstract While the concept of Menschenwürde (universal human dignity) has served as the foundation for human rights, it is absent in the Confucian tradition. However, this does not mean that Confucianism has no resources for a broadly construed notion of human dignity. Beginning with two underlying dilemmas in the notion of Menschenwürde and explaining how Confucianism is able to avoid them, this essay articulates numerous unique features of a Confucian account of human dignity, and shows that the Confucian account goes beyond the limitations of Menschenwürde.Itis arguably richer and more sophisticated in content, and more constructive for protecting and cultivating human dignity.
    [Show full text]
  • Confucian Classical Studies
    Handbook of Reference Works in Traditional Chinese Studies (R. Eno, 2011) CONFUCIAN CLASSICAL STUDIES The most dramatic turning point in traditional Chinese history was probably the reunification of the empire by the Ch’in state in 221 BCE, after over half a millennium of political fragmentation. During the era of disunity, the disorderly diversity of society had contributed to a view of certain texts as anchors of value: guideposts from a unified past that could serve the uncertain present to find its way back to stability. In pre-Ch’in historical texts and the texts of the early philosophical masters (referred to as chu-tzu 諸子) we see two such texts repeatedly cited as authoritative: the Shih ching 詩經 (Book of poetry) and Shang shu 尚書 (Documents). Many variant citations tell us that the specific contents of these two texts were not yet fully fixed, but it is clear that they enjoyed the type of authoritative status we call “canonical.” By the end of the “Classical” pre-Ch’in era, some works, particularly those associated with the rising movement of Confucianism (such as the Hsun Tzu 荀子), sometimes refer to (but not specifically cite) other texts in similar ways, for example, the Chou yi 周易 (Chou book of changes), and the Chun-ch’iu 春秋 (Spring and Autumn annals). The policy of the Ch’in towards intellectual texts seems to have had two somewhat contradictory elements. On one hand, the government appointed “erudites” (po-shih博士) of many intellectual persuasions, including Confucians, to be stewards of all knowledge on behalf of the court.
    [Show full text]
  • "Confucian" Classics, by Michael Nylan Endnotes
    Copyright 2001 Yale University The Five "Confucian" Classics, by Michael Nylan Endnotes Page ¶ Chapter 1— Introduction to the Five Classics 1 1 "…the Chinese system"—In Korea, a national university dedicated to classical education in Chinese was established in AD 372 in Koguryô, one of the Three Kingdoms absorbed into Unified Silla, but it was not until the fourteenth century that the Yi dynasty designated Zhu Xi's teachings as Korea's official state ideology (for 500 years). In Japan, elements of Chinese-style classicism were first promoted by the fourth and fifth shoguns of Tokugawa (from 1651), and fully systematized only in Meiji. See Kurozumi Makoto (1994). In Vietnam, Van Mieu, a university on the Chinese model, with classes conducted in Mandarin Chinese, was in operation after AD 1070. For more information on Vietnam, see Alexander Woodside (1971). For Zhu Xi (1130-1200), see below in the introduction and Key Terms. 2 1 "…well worth revisiting"—Thomas Wilson (Hamilton College, private communication) reminds us that the modernists disputed the view that the world is iinherently moral; the postmodernists, that the world is intelligible. For the phrase "real science of men," see Charles Calia (1998), p. 139. 2 1 "…squander their riches"—Of course, Zhu Xi once scoffed at this ardent desire, which he ascribed to the Han classical masters, to fully comprehend thhe Supreme Sage: "Short of recalling Confucius's soul (hun) so that he can explain in person, I do not know what is to be done" about interpreting the past. See ZZYL 83, no. 44 (VI, p.
    [Show full text]
  • Xiao Jing Com 4 Pdf-繁
    1 XIAO JING – THE CLASSIC OF XIAO With English Translation & Commentary 孝經 英語譯解 By Zeng Zi (505 - 436 B.C.E) 曾子 著 (前 505–436 年) http://www.tsoidug.org/Xiao/Xiao_Jing_Comment_Comp.pdf English Translation and Commentary by Feng Xin-ming (May 2007, revised February and May 2008) 馮欣明英語譯解 (2007 年五月譯,2008 年二月及五月修改) Complicated Chinese Version 简体版: http://www.tsoidug.org/Xiao/Xiao_Jing_Comment.pdf Home Page: http://www.tsoidug.org/ Xiao Page: http://www.tsoidug.org/xiao.php 2 TRANSLATOR’S NOTE Xiao 孝 is a fundamental concept in Chinese culture, and it is not possible to understand Chinese history and Chinese traditon without understanding the concept of xiao. What is xiao? The word has been translated since the Jesuits in the 1500's as “filial piety,” but I do not use the term here because it denotes a subjective state, i.e. a state of mind, a state of worshipful piety, rather than an objective state, i.e. a way of conduct, indeed a whole way of living one’s life, as prescribed by the sages. Instead of “filial piety”, I think the phrase “being good to parents” captures more the essence of xiao. There remains, however, the problem that xiao, as set forth in this definitive work, is not confined to being good to one’s parents but also includes being good to one’s ancestors. Thus the phrase “being good to parents and ancestors” may be more appropriate. Since that is a bit long-winded and clumsy, I have decided to just use the transliteration, “xiao”.
    [Show full text]
  • Han Dynasty Classicism and the Making of Early Medieval Literati Culture
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2013 In Pursuit of the Great Peace: Han Dynasty Classicism and the Making of Early Medieval Literati Culture Lu Zhao University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, and the Asian History Commons Recommended Citation Zhao, Lu, "In Pursuit of the Great Peace: Han Dynasty Classicism and the Making of Early Medieval Literati Culture" (2013). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 826. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/826 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/826 For more information, please contact [email protected]. In Pursuit of the Great Peace: Han Dynasty Classicism and the Making of Early Medieval Literati Culture Abstract This dissertation is focused on communities of people in the Han dynasty (205 B.C.-A.D. 220) who possessed the knowledge of a corpus of texts: the Five Classics. Previously scholars have understood the popularity of this corpus in the Han society as a result of stiff ideology and imperial propaganda. However, this approach fails to explain why the imperial government considered them effective to convey propaganda in the first place. It does not capture the diverse range of ideas in classicism. This dissertation concentrates on Han classicists and treats them as scholars who constantly competed for attention in intellectual communities and solved problems with innovative solutions that were plausible to their contemporaries. This approach explains the nature of the apocryphal texts, which scholars have previously referred to as shallow and pseudo-scientific.
    [Show full text]
  • A Summary of Textual Research on the Liji 禮記 (Rites Records) Liu Yucai and Luke Habberstad
    A Summary of Textual Research on the Liji 禮記 (Rites Records) Liu Yucai and Luke Habberstad The Status of the Liji as a Classical Text The Liji is one of three texts that for centuries comprised the most important sources for classical ritual. The other two of these so-called san li 三禮 (Three Rites texts) are the Yili 儀禮 (Ceremonial) and Zhouli 周禮 (Rites of Zhou). After the collapse of the Eastern Han 東漢 (24 CE-220), the authority of the Liji increased gradually. While an important step in the Liji’s ascendance came when Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (127-200 CE) completed his commentary on the text in the late Eastern Han, it was not until the Tang dynasty that the Liji became officially designated as a jing 經 (classic).1 Later, in the Song period, it was recognized as the first and most important of the Three Rites texts, occupying a key position amongst the Four Books (Sishu 四書) and Five Classics (Wujing 五經). To wit, two of the Four Books, the “Da xue” 大學 (Great Learning) and “Zhong yong” 中庸 (Doctrine of the Mean), were actually chapters from the Liji. As first-time readers of the Three Rites texts quickly discover, the Liji, Yili, and Zhouli analyze ritual from significantly different perspectives.2 The Zhouli outlines an idealized political system, describing the duties of more than three hundred bureaucratic offices. The Yili details specific procedures to follow during different ceremonies, including capping, marriage, mourning, sacrificial offerings, archery competitions, banquets, official visits, and court audiences. The seventeen chapters of the Yili all lay out specific sets of protocol, with significant overlap in content across chapters.
    [Show full text]
  • One Classic and Two Classical Traditions the Recovery and Transmission of a Lost Edition of the Analects
    One Classic and Two Classical Traditions The Recovery and Transmission of a Lost Edition of the Analects BENJAMIN A. ELMAN N both China and Japan in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the turn away from the interpretive commentarial approach to classical texts associ- Iated with the Song and Ming traditions of Confucian scholarship led to an emphasis on textual criticism and philological approaches. It also spurred inter- est in older, pre-Song commentarial traditions. A certain degree of mutual aware- ness and exchange of knowledge accompanied this common interest, but until late in the Tokugawa period, to a large extent the pursuit of critical textual studies in the two countries followed separate trajectories. The discovery, editing, and publication in Japan of rare texts or texts that had been lost in China and the subsequent Chinese reception of these Japanese edi- tions exemplify these circumstances. In Japan, Ogyû Sorai (1666– 1728), who led the challenge to the interpretations of the Confucian canon asso- ciated with the Song scholars Cheng Yi (1033–1107) and Zhu Xi (1130–1200), encouraged his followers to search out copies of the pre-Song com- mentaries. Several of his disciples traveled a hundred kilometers north of Edo to the Ashikaga Gakkô in Shimotsuke province (modern Tochigi pre- fecture), a center of learning that had flourished from the mid-Muromachi to the THE AUTHOR is professor of East Asian studies and history, Princeton University. He would like to thank William Boltz for introducing him to the philological issues discussed here and Ping Wang at Princeton for her comments.
    [Show full text]
  • Analects of Confucius in Western Han and the Discovery of the Qi Lun : with a Focus on the Bamboo Slips Unearthed from the Haihunhou Tomb
    Popularization of the Analects of Confucius in Western Han and the Discovery of the Qi Lun : With a Focus on the Bamboo Slips Unearthed from the Haihunhou Tomb Kyung-ho KIM Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies, Volume 19, Number 2, October 2019, pp. 213-232 (Article) Published by Duke University Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/739803 [ Access provided at 26 Sep 2021 07:54 GMT with no institutional affiliation ] Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies Vol.19 No.2 © 2019 Academy of East Asian Studies. 213-232 DOI: 10.21866/esjeas.2019.19.2.005 Popularization of the Analects of Confucius in Western Han and the Discovery of the Qi Lun: With a Focus on the Bamboo Slips Unearthed from the Haihunhou Tomb Kyung-ho KIM Academy of East Asian Studies, Sungkyunkwan University ABSTRACT Through an examination of copies of the Analects excavated since the 20th century, particularly the materials unearthed from the Haihunhou 海昏侯 Tomb, this paper attempts to understand the popularization of Confucianism in the Western Han and explore the possibility of the existence of a Qi Lun 齊論 (Qi version of the Analects). Archaeological findings have shown that during the reigns of Emperors Xuan and Yuan (74–49 BC and 48–33 BC), the Analects was popularized throughout the territory of the empire and read widely by different social groups, from members of the royal family to local bureaucrats. Moreover, the discovery of the chapter “Zhi Dao” 智道 in the Haihunhou Analects provided conclusive evidence for the existence of the Qi Lun mentioned in the Hanshu 漢書.
    [Show full text]