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Blood Ties: Religion, Violence, and the Politics of Nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878
BLOOD TIES BLOOD TIES Religion, Violence, and the Politics of Nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878–1908 I˙pek Yosmaog˘lu Cornell University Press Ithaca & London Copyright © 2014 by Cornell University All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or parts thereof, must not be reproduced in any form without permission in writing from the publisher. For information, address Cornell University Press, Sage House, 512 East State Street, Ithaca, New York 14850. First published 2014 by Cornell University Press First printing, Cornell Paperbacks, 2014 Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Yosmaog˘lu, I˙pek, author. Blood ties : religion, violence,. and the politics of nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878–1908 / Ipek K. Yosmaog˘lu. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8014-5226-0 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 978-0-8014-7924-3 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Macedonia—History—1878–1912. 2. Nationalism—Macedonia—History. 3. Macedonian question. 4. Macedonia—Ethnic relations. 5. Ethnic conflict— Macedonia—History. 6. Political violence—Macedonia—History. I. Title. DR2215.Y67 2013 949.76′01—dc23 2013021661 Cornell University Press strives to use environmentally responsible suppliers and materials to the fullest extent possible in the publishing of its books. Such materials include vegetable-based, low-VOC inks and acid-free papers that are recycled, totally chlorine-free, or partly composed of nonwood fibers. For further information, visit our website at www.cornellpress.cornell.edu. Cloth printing 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Paperback printing 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 To Josh Contents Acknowledgments ix Note on Transliteration xiii Introduction 1 1. -
IX. Nationale Ansprüche, Konflikte Und Entwicklungen in Makedonien
IX. Nationale Ansprüche, Konflikte und Entwicklungen in !akedonien, 1870–1912 Vasilis K. Gounaris 1. Vom bulgarischen Exarchat bis zur bulgarischen Autonomie Kraft des ersten Artikels des Firmans des Sultans vom 27. Februar (nach dem alten Kalender) 1870 wurde ohne Wissen des Patriarchats das bulgarische Exarchat gegründet. Von den 13 Kirchenprovinzen, die in seine Verantwortung übergingen, könnte man nur die Metropolis von Velesa rein formell als makedonisch bezeichnen. Doch gemäß dem zehnten Artikel des Firmans konnten auch andere Metropoleis dem Exarchat beitreten, wenn dies mindestens zwei Drittel ihrer Gemeindemitglieder wünschten. Dieser Firman gilt als die Geburtsurkunde der Makedonischen Frage, was jedoch nicht zutrifft. Die Voraussetzungen für die Entstehung feindlicher Parteien und die Nationalisierung dieser Gegensätze waren Produkt der poli- tischen, sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Umschichtungen, die der Erlass Hatt-i Humayun (Februar 1856) mit sich gebracht hatte. Dieser Erlass hatte zu Veränderungen des Grund- besitzsystems zu Gunsten der Christen geführt und die çifliks offiziell vererblich gemacht. Er hatte auch die Voraussetzungen für öffentliche Arbeiten und für eine Änderung des Steuer- und des Kreditsystems geschaffen. Und schließlich war, im Rahmen der Abfassung von Rechtskodizes, vom Patriarchat die Abfassung allgemeiner Verordnungen für die Verwaltung der Orthodoxen unter Mitwirkung von Laien verlangt worden. Die Fertigstellung und die Anwendung der Verordnungen führte nacheinander – schon in den Sechzigerjahren -
The Struggle of Hellenism Over Macedonia
THE STRUGGLE OF HELLENISM OVER MACEDONIA A SURVEY OF RECENT BIBLIOGRAPHY The rise of nationalities, European power politics and the impending dissolution of the Ottoman empire had converted the Balkans at the end of last and the beginning of this century into a field of fierce national antagonism. Events, especially in that vast area of the peninsula, geogra phically from very remote times known by the name of Macedonia, had gone far beyond the Turkish state’s boundaries and had become matters of international concern. "The Macedonian Question” drew at one time the attention of public opinion all over Europe and, up to this moment, presents a most interesting subject to the scholar of Balkan history. From the Greek side, the Macedonian Question has been nothing but the compulsory struggle of Hellenism to keep its position against Bulgarian infiltration strongly agitated by foreign power politics; the outcome of the struggle is primarily due to the overwhelmingly in all respects superiority of the Greek element in the disputed area, its vitality and will for resistance. The assistance given by the Kingdom of Greece at the last stage of the fight (1904- 1908) would have otherwise been fruitless. An effort to study this subject from a more general scope has re cently been undertaken under the auspices of the Institute f or Balkan Studies of the Society for Macedonian Studies in Thessalonike. The effort includes the collection of all published or unpublished material, of manuscripts, handwritten notes, letters, photographs, newspapers of that time, official consular reports, Turkish documents etc. and their examination by a special staff. -
1 Russian Policy in the Balkans, 1878-1914
1 Russian Policy in the Balkans, 1878-1914 At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the Balkans were the most turbulent region in Europe. On the one hand were the Balkan peoples with their aims of creating their own national states with the broadest borders possible, and on the other, the ambitions of the Great Powers to gain spheres of influence in the European territories of the Ottoman Empire. This led to a continually strained and unstable situation. 1.1 Between the Two Wars: 1856-1877 The Crimean War proved to be the turning point in the relations between Russia and the Near East. After this first serious defeat of the Russian army in a war with the Ottoman Empire, Christians of the Near East and the Balkans looked more and more towards Europe. The image of Russia as the liberator of the Orthodox inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire faded and the authority of the Russian tsar was to a great extent lost. Russian diplomacy after 1856 focused totally on the restoration of Russia’s former authority. Of great significance in this process were the activities of Count N. P. Ignatiev, the ambassa- dor to Constantinople from 1864 to 1877.11 His idea of creating ‘Greater Bulgaria’, a large south-Slavonic state in the Balkans, as a base for Russian interests and further penetra- tion towards the Straits, received the support of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and coincided with the intentions of Tsar Alexander II. In 1870, the Russian government declared that it would no longer comply with the restrictions of the Paris Treaty of 1856. -
Social Cleavages and National “Awakening” in Ottoman Macedonia 1 by Basil C
East European Quarterly 29 (1995), 409-426 Social cleavages and national “awakening” in Ottoman Macedonia 1 by Basil C. Gounaris In early summer 1992 a lavish monograph was published in Skopje entitled Macedonia on old Maps.2 In the first chapter of the book, which is called “A History without a Geography”, Ilija Petrushevski states that: “These maps present the undeniable historical and scientific facts about the distinctness of the Ìacedonian nation, which differs from its neighbours not only by its territory, which has always belonged to it, but also by its language, folklore, traditions and all the other elements of significance in ethnic differentiation”.3 Petrushevski’s attempt to support the existence of a nation by stressing its connection with an age-old ethnic core is not a new task in Balkan historiography, nor is it the first time that the testimony of old maps is being employed to serve such a cause.4 It has been stated that the advent of the European Enlightenment in the Ottoman Balkans involved a rather slow procedure. Describing, however, pre-independence nationalist feelings of the Balkan peoples, especially the situation in the hinterland of the peninsula (Macedonia included), is a demanding exercise, which far exceeds the purpose of this paper.5 In brief, modern Greek nationalism emerged in the 18th century and was affected by western ideas, but its actual roots lay in protonationalist phenomena noticed in the 13th century Byzantium.6 Under Ottoman rule these feelings were only partly preserved through the institutions of the millet system. The folk of the Ecumenical Patriarchate was the Rum-i-millet, with a population which, in addition to the Greek-speakers, included large numbers of Slav- Vlach and other non Greek- speaking Orthodox subjects of the Sultan. -
MACEDONIA What Went Wrong in the Last 200 Years?
MACEDONIA What went wrong in the last 200 years? A collection of articles By Risto Stefov MACEDONIA What went wrong in the last 200 years? A collection of articles Published by: Risto Stefov Publications [email protected] Toronto, Canada All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system without written consent from the author, except for the inclusion of brief and documented quotations in a review. Copyright 2003 by Risto Stefov e-book edition ********** February 2003 ********** 2 Index Part I - 1800 - 1878 ........................................................................4 Part II - 1878 - 1903.....................................................................27 Part III - Before 1903 ...................................................................48 Part IV - The 1903 Ilinden Aftermath..........................................71 Part V - 1908 - 1913.....................................................................96 Part VI - 1912- 1939 ..................................................................115 Part VII - 1939- 1949 - WWII & the Greek Civil War..............135 Part VIII - The Plight of the Macedonian Refugee Children.....161 Part IX - Conclusion ..................................................................181 3 Part I - 1800 - 1878 Even before Alexander’s time Macedonia was a single nation. With time she grew and shrunk but always remained a single nation until her partition in 1912-13. Today however, while new nations spring up and flourish, Macedonia is still partitioned and fighting for her identity. Why? What went wrong and who is responsible? If the Balkan roots lie in antiquity then the first stem that created the modern Balkan countries sprang up in the 19th century. The 19th century is the most important period in modern Balkan history and will be the subject of this and subsequent articles. -
Lora Gerd Russian Policy in the Orthodox East: the Patriarchate of Constantinople (1878-1914)
Lora Gerd Russian Policy in the Orthodox East: The Patriarchate of Constantinople (1878-1914) Lora Gerd Russian Policy in the Orthodox East: The Patriarchate of Constantinople (1878-1914) Managing Editor: Katarzyna Tempczyk Language Editor: Kerry Fast Published by De Gruyter Open Ltd, Warsaw/Berlin This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 license, which means that the text may be used for non-commercial purposes, provided credit is given to the author. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. Copyright © 2014 Lora Gerd ISBN (paperback): 978-83-7656-030-4 ISBN (hardcover): 978-83-7656-031-1 e-ISBN: 978-83-7656-032-8 Managing Editor: Katarzyna Tempczyk Language Editor: Kerry Fast www.degruyteropen.com Cover illustration: © ivan-96 Contents Preface VII 1 Russian Policy in the Balkans, 1878-1914 1 1.1 Between the Two Wars: 1856-1877 1 1.2 After the Congress of Berlin: Fin de Siècle 3 1.3 The Macedonian Question 8 1.4 Russian Cooperation with Austro-Hungary 11 1.5 Russo-Austrian Attempts at Reforms in Macedonia: The Mürzsteg Agreement 12 1.6 The Bosnian Crisis (1908-1909) 14 1.7 Preparation of the Balkan League 15 2 The Byzantine Legacy in Russian Foreign Policy in the Second Part of the 19th and the Beginning of the 20th Century 20 2.1 Historical Background 20 2.2 The Greek Megali idea 23 2.3 From Pan-Slavism to Imperial Nationalism 24 2.4 Russian Philhellenists 30 2.5 Plans for a Russian Constantinople during the First World War 36 3 Russia and the Patriarchate -
NOSTALGIA, EMOTIONALITY, and ETHNO-REGIONALISM in PONTIC PARAKATHI SINGING by IOANNIS TSEKOURAS DISSERTATION Submitted in Parti
NOSTALGIA, EMOTIONALITY, AND ETHNO-REGIONALISM IN PONTIC PARAKATHI SINGING BY IOANNIS TSEKOURAS DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Musicology in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2016 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Donna A. Buchanan, Chair Professor Emeritus Thomas Turino Professor Gabriel Solis Professor Maria Todorova ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the multilayered connections between music, emotionality, social and cultural belonging, collective memory, and identity discourse. The ethnographic case study for the examination of all these relations and aspects is the Pontic muhabeti or parakathi. Parakathi refers to a practice of socialization and music making that is designated insider Pontic Greek. It concerns primarily Pontic Greeks or Pontians, the descendants of the 1922 refugees from Black Sea Turkey (Gr. Pontos), and their identity discourse of ethno-regionalism. Parakathi references nightlong sessions of friendly socialization, social drinking, and dialogical participatory singing that take place informally in coffee houses, taverns, and households. Parakathi performances are reputed for their strong Pontic aesthetics, traditional character, rich and aesthetically refined repertoire, and intense emotionality. Singing in parakathi performances emerges spontaneously from verbal socialization and emotional saturation. Singing is described as a confessional expression of deeply personal feelings -
Why Macedonia Matters
AHIF P O L I C Y J O U R N A L Winter 2012-13 Why Macedonia Matters Panayiotis Diamadis With the formation of the Former Yugoslavian n Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) in 1991, there has been a systematic effort to undermine the legitimate rights of the Greek state, particularly of Hellenes in the Greek Province of Macedonia. Selectivity, omission, and distortions of the past by FYROM have become routine. This extensive campaign of disinformation is aimed at undermining the legitimacy of the present borders. Motivating the arguments about history, language, culture, religion, identity and heritage is a struggle for control of the strip of territory between the Aemos (Balkan) Mountain range and the Aegean Sea, the land of Macedonia. Since earliest antiquity, the people to the north of the mountains have sought control over the fertile plains, strategic ports and mineral resources of Macedonia. In the twenty-first century, this continues to be the case. Despite FYROM’s endeavors to present the Macedonian issue as being about human rights, it is about territory and power. While Greece and Bulgaria have somewhat resolved their differences over access to the Aegean Sea through the framework of the European Union, land-locked FYROM has resisted all efforts to reach similar accommodation with any of its neighbors. The Macedonian issue, therefore, is not just a bilateral problem between Greece and FYROM. Bulgaria is just as concerned about the policies of governments in Skopje that endeavor to falsify the historical record and de facto challenge its established borders as well as those of Greece. -
Contestations Over Macedonian Identity, 1870–1912
VICTORIA UNIVERSITY CONTESTATIONS OVER MACEDONIAN IDENTITY, 1870–1912 by NICK ANASTASOVSKI A THESIS SUBMITTED TO VICTORIA UNIVERSITY IN FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS OF THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES MELBOURNE, VICTORIA MAY, 2005 2 STUDENT DECLARATION I, Nick Anastasovski, declare that the thesis entitled Contestations over Macedonian Identity 1870–1912 is no more than 100,000 words in length, exclusive of tables, figures, appendices and references. This thesis contains no material that has been submitted previously, in whole or in part, for the award of any other academic degree or diploma. Except where otherwise indicated, this thesis is my own work. Nick Anastasovski May 2005 3 DEDICATION To my wife Sophie whose support and encouragement made the study possible 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Abstract 9 Acknowledgments 11 Glossary of terms 13 List of maps 28 List of tables 32 List of illustrations 39 List of photographs 40 Introduction 42 Context 42 Summary 48 Chapter One: Colonisation and Islamicisation 55 1.1 Colonisation and Islamicisation 55 1.2 Religion and nationality 92 Chapter Two: Peoples and Populations 99 2.1 Peoples of Macedonia 99 Macedonians: The contested majority 99 Vlahs: Romanian or Greek, a contested minority 107 5 Greeks: Fishermen, farmers or townsfolk? 112 Turks and Albanians: The colonists 114 Gypsies and Jews: The uncontested 120 2.2 Conflicts around population data 124 Territorial boundaries 124 2.3 Population statistics 128 Ottoman Turkish population data 128 Population statistics advocated -
Analysis of Historical Events in Greek Occupied Macedonia
Analysis of historical events in Greek occupied Macedonia An interview with Risto Stefov Analysis of historical events in Greek occupied Macedonia An interview with Risto Stefov Published by: Risto Stefov Publications [email protected] Toronto, Canada All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system without written consent from the author, except for the inclusion of brief and documented quotations in a review. Copyright 2016 by Helen V. & Risto Stefov e-book edition July 15, 2016 2 INTERVIEWER – Risto, I found your name on the internet and want to ask you a few questions about Macedonia. In the past we have heard much about the Macedonians from various sources, the majority of which were non-Macedonian. You are among the first Macedonians on the internet to have contributed to the Macedonian point of view and to Macedonian history. What can you tell us about that? RISTO – Macedonian history begins in prehistoric times but the Modern Macedonian nation’s unique history begins after the invention, if I can call it that, of nationalism and accelerates during the breakup of the Ottoman Empire in the early 1800’s. The people that existed in the Balkan Region before the invention of nationalism cannot be called “nations”, something that was not yet invented. Before these modern nations were created, by the nation building process, and before borders were placed around them, all the people in the Balkans lived together within the confines of one large borderless region. -
M E M O R a N D U M of the Bulgarian Cultural Club – Skopie Concerning the Name Issue Between Macedonia and Greece
M E M O R A N D U M of the Bulgarian Cultural Club – Skopie concerning the name issue between Macedonia and Greece CC: The President, Prime Minister and Minister of the Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Macedonia; The Presidents, Prime Ministers and Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Albania, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, China, Croatia, Czech Republic, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Turkey, United Kingdom, USA through the embassies of the corresponding countries in the Republic of Macedonia; The President of the European Commission through Mr. Erwan Fouere, EU Special Representative in the Republic of Macedonia; The United Nations President and the Special Mediator Mr. Matthew Nimitz through Ms. Maria Luisa Silva Mejias, Office of the United Nations Resident Coordinator in the Republic of Macedonia; The General Secretary of NATO through Brigadier General Stoyan Genkov, NATO Coordination Liason Office in the Republic of Macedonia; The Chairman of OSCE through Ambassador Giorgio Radiciati, OSCE Spillover Monitor Mission in the Republic of Macedonia; Media. I. Introduction At the last NATO summit held in Bucharest, Romania, the Republic of Macedonia was not invited to become a NATO member as a result of the name issue that was imposed by Greece on an international level. The Bulgarian Cultural Club - Skopie is of the opinion that with this, Greece aims to obtain international verification for its years long policy of denationalization, terror and cultural assimilation against the Macedonian Bulgarians. This memorandum is based on the document “The Cyprus Problem and Macedonia - An expose of Greece's oppression of her ethnic minorities”, prepared by the delegates of the 35th MPO convention held in 1956 in Pitsburg, USA, as well as the book “Bulgarian policies on the Republic of Macedonia” by professor Lyubomir Ivanov, Chairman of the Atlantic Club of Bulgaria and President of the Manfred Wörner Foundation.