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Greek-Macedonian Struggle

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Greek-Macedonian Struggle УДК 323.1(= 163.3):327(495) "18/19" Greek-Macedonian The Treasons fo r its Occurrence Dimitar L jo r o v s k i V a m v a k o v sk i Assistant Researcher, Institute of National History Skopje, Republic of Macedonia The idea for an organised armed action - coordinated and supported by the Greek Kingdom and aimed against the Macedonian revolutionary organi­ sation emerged few years before the Ilinden Uprising.1 During this period the Greek nationalistic circles in Greece and Ottoman Macedonia, primarily the of­ ficial representatives of the Greek state and the Patriarchate of Constantinople, becoming aware about the threat against Hellenism repeatedly demanded changes in the policy concerning the Macedonian question, including for the Kingdom to send some armed groups.2 On the other hand, after the defeat by the Ottoman Empire in 1897 and until the Ilinden Uprising, the officials in Athens led utterly cautious policy with a constant tendency of building good-neighbourly relations with the Ottoman Porte. The Greek governments during this period acted with no clear national policy and without defined foreign and domestic programme, while the whole activity of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was primarily ori­ ented towards the problem of Crete.3 The Greek official policy strived for and hoped that the Ottoman civil and military authorities were going to protect their interests in Macedonia, a practice which was giving results to a certain extent. 1 Христо Силјанов, Ослободителните борби на Македонија II, Скопје, 2004, стр. 151. 2 In his first report to the Greek government at the beginning of 1901, the Metropoli­ tan from Kastoria KaravengeJis, after looking into the situation in his Eparchy he paid special attention to the need of sending Greek chetas to Macedonia. Германос Каравангелис, Македонската борба, Скопје, 2000, сгр. 15. 3 Ο Μακεδονικός άγων και τα εις Θράκην γεγονότα, Γενικόν επιτελειον στρατού; Διευθυνσις ιστορίας στρατού, Αθηναι, 1979, σ. 123. 118 Dimitar LjOROVSKi Vamvakovski In any case, regardless of the negative attitude of the official Greek pol­ icy towards the idea of organising “armed defence of H ellenism” in Macedonia, certain nationalistic circles started the process on their own initiative.4 The Met­ ropolitan from Kastoria, Germanos Karavangelis, was resolute to realise the plan for initiating organised armed struggle against MRO (later known as IMRO). According to his concept, the armed forces coming from Greece would have not been intended for the liberation of “the Greeks” from the Ottoman rule, and even less would have acted on the territory populated with Greeks. On the other hand MRO’s goal was not to induce terror and killing against the Greek population, but later on they did apply certain reciprocity. In spite of yet offi­ cially not approved plan by the Greek government or still not thinking in that direction the resoluteness of Karavangelis was due to the gained rights of the Greek propaganda in the Ottoman Empire, and above all due to the coopera­ tion and assistance rendered by the local Ottoman authorities. In addition to re­ cruiting of the local population - former bandits and renegades from MRO by means of financial compensation, just before the Ilinden Uprising an armed group of about 10 Cretans had arrived to south-western Macedonia.5 The prime objective of these groups was to oppose the chetas of the Macedonian Revolu­ 4 The rapid development of the Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation at the begin­ ning of 20th century caused fear among the Greek national factors about the future of their plans in Macedonia. The joining of a great number of Mace­ donians — patriarchists, to the Organisation and the fact that they started to lose control over that portion of the Macedonian population caused uneasiness and panic among the Greek academic-propaganda circles. The process of unifica­ tion of the Macedonian population in the Kastoria district and the disappear­ ance of the “clash between the Exarchists and Patriarchists“ due to the MRO’s programme for fighting the Ottoman regime caused feelings of concern. The violation of the projected borders of “historical Greece” for the Greek prop­ aganda factors meant a reason for initiating merciless war against the Mace­ donian revolutionary movement, with the metropolitan Germanos Karaven- gelis as one of the leading protagonists. 5 More on the activity of the ten Cretans see in: Димитар Лэоровски Вамваковски, “Дејноста на десетмината критјани во југозападна Македонија“, Историја, бр. 1-2, Скопје, 2007, стр. 17 - 32; Весела Трайкова, “Наченки на андарско- то дело в Македония — Каравангелис, Јон Драгумис и десетината Крит- яни“, Македонски научен институг; Преглед, София, г. XXIV, 2001, бр. 1, стр. 45-60. _________ Greek-Macedonian Struggle: The Reasons for its Occurrence 119 tionary Organisation and to show that in the “contested” parts of Macedonia, H ellenism “did subsist”, but also to incite reaction in the Greek capital in order to motivate the government to become actively involved in the struggle that they had already started. A radical turn in the policy of the Greek state regarding the Macedon­ ian question happened after the Ilinden Uprising was crushed. The Greek gov­ ernment6 7 was no longer able to act indifferently towards the demands of the Greek propaganda representatives in Macedonia, since the Uprising clearly con­ firmed their constant warnings and urges that urgent action against MRO struc­ tures were necessary. Essentially, during the Ilinden Uprising Greece came to a conclusion that Hellenism’s foundations in Macedonia were no longer sound and that the Greek state with the propaganda activities, at that time based primarily on peaceful actions, was not able to realise the programme of the Megali ideaJ What the Ottoman authorities and even less the Balkans authorities were unable to accept, was the fact that the Internal Organisation basically presented itself as a legitimate representative of the majority of the Macedonian Orthodox Christian population. In parallel to this tendency the leading national ideologists in the Greek kingdom, along with the propaganda of the other pretenders for Macedonia* rightfully started identifying MRO as one of the main obstacles in achieving their national programmes. The slogan “Autonomy for Macedonia”, which was confirmed also in the most important Organisation program docu­ ment - the Constitution8 from 1897, clearly defined the political form of the fu­ ture state. Furthermore, especially important was the organisation of most of the territory of Macedonia in revolutionary districts which “resulted from the specific needs that imposed themselves in the course of the practical function­ 6 At that time there were frequent changes at the prime minister’s position in the Greek government. Thus, between December 1902 and June 1903 Prime Minister was Teodoros Delianis; he was followed by Georgios Theotolds (June - July 1903); then came Dimitrios Ralis (July - December 1903); and then again the Greek government was headed by Theotokis (December 1903 - December 1904). 7 Крсте Битовски, Грчката “Македонска борба“, Скопје, 2001, стр. 90. 8 Article 1 of the 1897 Constitution, which defined the goal of Macedonian Revolu­ tionary Organisation read: “to unify as a whole all dissatisfied elements from Macedonia and Edirne, regardless of their nationality, in order to achieve full political autonomy for these two regions by means of revolution”. Историја на македонскиот народ, том 3, Институт за национална историја, Скопје, 2003, стр. 187. 120 Dimitar LjOROVSKi Vamvakovski ing of TMORO on the ground”.9 In such a way the presented territorial sover­ eignty of the Macedonian revolutionary movement overlapped with some of the territorial plans o f the Megaliidea. The direct confrontation happened in the so called middle or “contested area” of Macedonia, according to the Greek views, where the intensity of the Ilinden Uprising was most strongly felt and where later on most of the Andart chetas would operate. The massive participation of the Macedonian Orthodox Christian pop­ ulation from western Macedonia, being exarchical and patriarchate, in the Ilin­ den Uprising caused a surprise and anxiety in Greece and among the Greek rep­ resentatives in the Ottoman Empire. The Secretary of the Greek Consulate in Bitola at the time, Ion Dragumis in a letter addressed to his father Stephanos dated 25 July 190310 concluded: “we have a Slavic uprising in Macedonia... All the Slavophones listen to the Committee (MRO, author’s note) both Orthodox Christians and Schismatics (Exarchists, author’s note) and most of them vol­ untarily”.11 W hat concerned them was the fact that the majority of that popula­ tion “that did not have the necessary national consciousness and patriotism” to follow the policy of Greek propaganda, had shown surprising consciousness and patriotism in accepting and following the policy and the programme pro­ pagandised by a secret organisation which offered liberty and constitution of its own Macedonian state.12 Another alarming moment, as one could notice, was the participation of a great percent of the Macedonian patriarchate population in the Uprising, which by the Greek policy was declared to be of Greek ethnic origin in the Ottoman Empire. In such a way the Greek state (with the excep­ tion of the small enclaves of Vlach and Albanian Orthodox Christian popula­ tion that were also considered to be “Greek”), which before the Uprising based on the church affiliation of the population, presented and recognised domina­ tion of the Greek ethnic population in parts of the Macedonian territory, de facto during the Uprising was left without most its self-proclaimed ethnic ele­ ment in Macedonia. This situation soon afterwards forced the Greek political 9 Марија Панлевска, Струмички револуционерен округ (1893-1903), книга I, Скопје, 2002, стр. 25. 10 The dates in the text from here onwards will be written in an old style (Julian calen­ dar). 111ωνος Δραγουμης, Τα Τετράδιά του Ιλιντεν, Γιωργος Πετσιβας, Αθήνα, 2000, σ.
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