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Home , Brazzaville, Mpoko River

La polit...iq,u:e indigene in t...he history o£

Bangui

William J. Samarin

impatltntly awaiting tht day when 1 Centrlllfricu one wHI bt written. But it must bt 1 history, 1 rtlltned argument biSed 01 Peaceful beginnings carefully sifted fact. Fiction, not without its own role, ciMot be No other outpost of' European allowtd to rtplace nor be confused with history. I mm ne colonization in central seems to have atttmpt at 1 gentral history of the post, ner do I inttgratt, had such a troubled history as that of' except in 1 small way, the history of Zongo, 1 post of the Conge , founded by the French in June 1889. Frte State just across tht river ud foundtd around the nme Its first ten or fifteen years, as reported by timt. Chronolo;cal dttlils regarding tht foundation of B~ngui ll't the whites who lived them, were dangerous to be found in Cantoumt (1986),] and uncertain, if' not desperate) ones. For a 1 time there was even talk of' abandoning the The selection of' the site for the post. that. Albert Dolisie named Bangui was undoubtedly post or founding a more important one a little further up the . The main a rational one. This place was not, to beiin problem was that of' relations with the local with, at far remove from the last. post at. Modzaka; it. was crucial in those years to be people •. The purpose of' the present study is able to communicate from one post to to describe this turbulent period in Bangui's another reasonably well by canoe as well as history and attempt to explain it. Why was it by st.eamer.z [28y ont &CCount it toet nint days to go from · different from that, for example, of Modz&R to the rapids and fivt days to return dewostrum Leopoldville, , and Bangala Gater

PAGEi absence boded ill for the future of the seen before. It was attacked by fifty canoes, establishment of French authority in this whose passengers threw at it spears, arrows, region.:t [3Jhll population wu probably nol 1 f~elor is sttn sticks, and stones, apparently seeking to in lht facl lhlt A. Dolisie rtporled only "trois petits viUqes" drive it off more than take lives. In any in the area , and Husy wrote on 28 September case, Grenfell was able to land somewhere 1889 lhat "il g a peu de 9ill•s aulour de nous" (quoted in hlct nearby and make friends with the people 1970a(2):351). Conlradiclorg dlta from others do not, in mg (Johnston 1908<1):132>. This must have been an opinion, weaten mg cue, because I am focussing on whal the impressive landing but a very peaceful one, founders of Bangui saw. They mag baH missed much, strange for Grenfell was in the habit of taking though thal mag seem lo us now. ftr example, Alis reported a along with him on his exploratory dense population &rtllld Bangui (1891:105), and Buatier a treat expeditions persons who would demonstrate number of people upri9tr of Zinga, in olher words bttween Bangui that his intentions were peaceful, not and this site .• r•However, we do not tnow ex~etlg de 9iUages" :133),5 [5 <1907, AIX 4<3)013; cf. AIX 4<3>D15), Tht matter of food is Characterizations lib 'suspicious,' 'wulib,' 'friendly,' and so discussed below.] forth mate up put of the wag Europeans rrsponded to Africans. That th_t_ wag Europeans were receiHd was determined in put by We make this historical Judgement in the wag they appeared amongst the Africans should need no .I hindsight. For Dolisie, and for Vangele, who argument. Whites were not simply 'discovering' Africans u thtg founded Zongo, there may have been were, regardless of what they mag have believed. They were reasonable grounds for hope in planting 'creating' 1 people by how they saw them and how thty behaHd themselves here at the Ubangi7s turn amongst them. Although this is not 1 principal theme of this eastward. If large plantations were not study, it is clear from the exposition. Elsewhere, dealing with this visible to them and if the people did not same area , it is the main thesis.] welcome them with open arms, the first contact was nonetheless more pacific than it The next explorer apparently had an was inimical. If this fact can be established, equally good if not better reception than then subsequent events take on a special Grenfell did. This was Vangele, who arrived significance. Explaining what happened at the rapids in October 1886 and then again later cannot, in any case, ignore how things in November 1887, when he claimed the began. There was a discontinuity in race territory around Zongo for the Congo Free relations, but all that whites saw was an State. Of the inhabitants he had nothing but unchanging and implacable hostility good to say: "'Les riverains sont paisibles et towards themselves. accueillants .... C7est le meilleur peuple que. J7aie Jamais rencontri" .' [5Jt The first white to arrive at the rapids was Grenfell. This was sometime in February is surprising therefore to read what Kalct has to sag about of 1885. The local people were apparently Uangele's arrival in 1886: "En raison de Ia forte crue de I'Oubugui, H ne put ni trouver de passage, ni mfme contourner Ia rive frightened by this apparent invasion by strangers on a noisy, smoke-bellowing boisfe, occupfe par des populations Boum hostiles ... ;" vessel, the likes of which they had never "£V111gele's expedition] fut trfs mal regue par les riverains, Bobangui, Hond,iembo et Bouua" . As so often

• PAGE2 happens in hick's history of the , one these transactions as being entirely worthless. If they did not finds here no reference to substantiate this shtemtnt.l constitute binding agrttments for the UbangiiiiS, there must have In the nearby area of what came to be bm somtthing in them that symboHzed good wiD on the part of called Bangui itself relations with the both partits.l residents began auspiciously. Five treaties were made on the Ubangi and three on the Bad behavior Mpoko in October 1888,7 [?The establishment of the In attempting a description of the post is described by Kalct <1970&(2):348) in thm words: "Aprb relations between whites and Ubangians Ia cirimonie de l'fchange des sangs avec It chef m'bika around Bangui one must determine what the propriitlire du Heu, if itlit indiqui que I' on avlit pro cedi i natives did to alarm those at the post, what l'enterrement de Ia guerre, symbolisie par une cartouche de fusil the whites did in response to these actions, et un fer de saglie." This chief is elsewhere identified as Bimbo and what whites believed about the local . Kalct has apparently misreprmnted the guilty of,t ['This is a survey of all the data at my disposal. facts. As for treaties, be also mentions that Husy bad exchanged Although my research covers a wide variety of sources, it blood with the chief of the village I'Boubi, about forty kilometers unfortunately did not include the reading of the journal of the in the interior in October 1889, who had brought him •quelques post.l vivres" (1970a(2):351), lo reference is cited. Jean Dybowsti, on an Remarkable for their absence from all expedition to the hinterland north of the Ubangi River, exchanged accounts are attacks upon the post,10 [101 am blood among Bondjo downriver of Baneui in 1891. Howtver, he slid using the werd attack in a somewhat military sense. The word that be did not reallg believe that whites got any benefit from 'attaquer' is in fact used bg whites of this period. Fer example, these rites, which did not hold the natives to their promises what was referred to as an •attaque du poste" is actually . In my but they mitht have served as the basis for opinion, this was burglary. We must therefore be careful to a stable amicable relationship with at least distinguish substance from rhetoric, a topic that is discussed some of the people. That would have been below. We will note, nonetheless, that Fr. Rimy wrote, possibly of something to betin with. It turned out not to the year 1892, that the Buzeru were "en guerre avec Ia station be the case. fran&lise" . Kalct asserts, without At any rate, it is explicitly stated in documentation, that Uzac (no date specified) •dut repousser October 1889 that relations with the plusieurs de leurs [i.e. Bouzerousl attaques" D1>. that FiHx Tulle, who had been chef de poste at Bangui, had had What went wront? Was there, indeed, twenty combats with Bondjo during seven months . in competition with other European powers and that due to problems of communication the whites' intentions were far from However, Kalct asserts, without argumentation, that •1es Bouata­ Bondjo devlient tenter, l de multiples reprises d'enlever les clear to the local people. It is nonetheless difficult to consider

PAGE3 postes de Bingui e\ de Zongo <1889-1890)" (1970a(2):37•>.J They Aussi ne peut-on pas sortir seuls et would, of course, have been at a great sans fusil, mime a 1/4 d'heure de la disadvantage, armed as they were with only mission. Nos Noirs, travailleurs de la traditional weapons. An alternative could Mission, ne vont pas non plus au have been persistent ambushing of soldiers travail sans le fusil-gras. Nous-mimes and workers who for one reason or another nous devons toujours itre armis. Mime found themselves away from the post. During a la maison nous devons this period, for example, armed personnel continuellement itre sur nos gardes. were busy at obtaining things that whites C'est ainsi que chaque nuit, deux needed (for which see below>. What we are Senegalais font une garde vigilante trying to establish is the difference between autour de nos logis" . fear of it. In 1891 whites certainly believed that the Buzeru had become "chaque jour What follows is surely a record of violence in plus mena9ants" and one always ran the risk 1897, the kind that whites came to expect of of being speared on going any distance from the locals: the post . itre exerces a diffirents mouvements, The list of violent deeds is a small one, as voila que tout a coup on entend the following chronological survey reveals. l'enfant-cuisinier s'icrier les Bondjos! At Bangui in October 1890 a Bobangi, having Il venait d'en voir un, arme d'une come to trade in ivory, was killed 150 m. sagaie courrir apres un enfant de 6 a 7 outside the post's palisade :388; 1970b:74),12 [12Kalct does not cite his indique et a quelques pas de la basse­ sourcts. lebout's report <1892:224) seems te be of the s1111e cour, dans le chemin du cimetiere je event. He says that the murder toot place 50 m. from the post rencontre un enfant itendu, blessi and that the body was dismembered, of which only a .. morceau d'un large et profond coup de sagaie d'intestin" was found.J At this same time a small dans le dos .n post of the Congo Free State on an island [UJHustrative of the way whites wrote their histories near the rapids had been assailed - as Kalck of the period is the report by anether missionary that puts it -again . We can at least deduce responsible .l

PAGE4 Included in any listing by whites of . Again, "Dans la nuit du 5 murderous acts by the Bondjo would have au 6 octobre [18931, les Bouzerou penetraient been the deaths of Musy and Comte, who were dans le magazin d'armes, tuaient 2 miliciens killed in military expeditions, as well as the et volaient plusieurs fusils" S6verin and of the 1970a(2):503, no reference cited>. The lad who was accompanying him. Fr. Gourdy situation two year·s later is described as was also wounded as he went from St. Paul to follows: Ste. Famille further upriver .n [170f &omtt's duth, which toot place in a Aucune pirogue ne pourrait etre alors deliberate aDd premeditated at tact on the Bondjo on the tt poko conservee dans le peste sans etre River, Georges Bruel, then at tt obaye, wrote this to Dr. Sambuc, aussitot volee. Nuit et jour les cases the grieving survivor at Bugui: nrtomtel qui est tombl au champ devaient etre gardees afin que les d'honneur, victime de son divouement a Ia cause coloniale. &'est villageois des environs ne puissent venir les incendier. Les vols et les un nom de plus a ajouter a Ia liste de Ia longue de ceux qui sont morts pour faire de Ia Fruce une grude puissaDct Africaine. incidents divers: etaient a peu pres Comte a contribue pour sa part aI' extension de notre empire ... " quotidians et leurs mentions remplissaient alors les pages du :510>. As late as 1901 there is a report of seventeen blacks having been killed by What is clear from these reports is that stealing was done at night. This happened Bondjo at a trading post in the Haut­ Oubangui, although the location is not again in November 1896 and January 1897 . fearful of these nightly visits were the two One might consider arson an act of white residents that for forty nights in May violence. The whites certainly did. In 1893 the and June they stood guard by turns all Bondjo are supposed to have set fire to some night long (Comte, ASOM 823-38). And there storehouses . Three were nightly visits in July (Jacquot, ASOM years later the administrator fears so much 831-22). that the Bondjo might set fire to the It is a significant fact that there is not storehouses that he passes half the nights on guard . I unfortun&tely havt no information about they could. The people must have been afraid. this event. I would, however, assume that he was a notable person who had been tilted by the French.) De Kerraoul, who had such denigrating things to say of them, observed that "ils No, it was not violence that the people sont aussi laches qu'ils sent feroces et were so much guilty of as it was theft. Even s'enfuient sans resistance des qu'ils the reported cases of fire were apparently aper~;oivent un fusill" 03). It was apparently It is of theft that we have the greatest more prudent for the people to see what they information. Several incidents are reported could get by stealth. for the year 1892 . Visiting Bangui in 1893 to select the site for . Stealing was, therefore, a real problem. a mission, Mgr. Augouard wrote on 9 We will come back to this topic below when February: "La situation est trh tendue avec we consider its impact on the whites. For the moment we can assume that the local people les deux villages voisins du Peste droi te et a tried to get anything they could put their gauche, cause des nombreux vols commis a a hands on. There was a lot in the storehouses par les feroces indigenes, qui pillent avec that was of value to them. Guns were, of une audace incroyable. Plusieurs fusils ont course, of particular interest.u [UBruel wrote in ete voles, soit au Peste, soit a la residence"

PAGES 1896 that at Bangui there were three postes de garde at night IU.D14a).l They were also distributed over a because the Bondjo "sont grands voleurs de fusils surtout" greater distance: e.g. "ils ont des villages en D2).J since the Buzeru were considered to be part Moreover, stealing went on even after the of the Bondjo race to locate the Buzeru as starting ,..... CBondjol n'est pas un vice, c'est leur nature around 3~0' I and ending about 4'0' 11 When lebout said that /I mime. ... Ceux-ci [volsl sont quotidians, et "Leur peau a Ia couleur du cafi peu griHi, certains mime sont ,, accomplis avec une adresse vraiment jaunitre ... <1892:228>, he must have been describint a Bantu~ v admirable" . from Hbaiti (but probably eriginally from the Bantu zone of the We conclude from this survey that there Ubangi basin), for example, who might be described in this way. was reason for the French at Bangui to be Because most writers use the name for those around Bangu~ we constantly on guard. The first contact must conclude that lebout included other troups incorrectly. This whites had with the local people may have lind of error was common in the nineteenth century. We will see been encouraging, but residence in the this in connection with the term Bondjo.l On the other . country proved to be far from peaceful. hand, others saw these two as different ethnic groups . such a nuisance of themselves? Unlike the name Buzeru the designation The people at Bangui of Bondjo owes nothing onomastically to a place or ethnic name around Bangui. It has The people who were making life so been argued already , this sugeestio \ Q g ~ Bangui was M'Bouzerous , (how the phonological form l or Bouzerous

PAGE6 erroneous. Its use, according to the starting from Zongo. The lgwata, whose language is relattd to aforementioned argument, is that the ethnic If and~a, are found inland, separated from the river by Banda­ group . However, in 1891 Bwata were located on the lett bank as mmple of the br~ad use of the term is the following, rtferring far away as Hotouangui DD. In 1887 the to. p~ople found mt~way between Lirranga and Bangui: "Le pays, distance from Zongo to Hokouangue was estimated as twenty prmctpalement Its rtves sont occupls par les Bondjos qui toujours miles (Janssens and &ateaux 1908:172).] The present ont itt turbulents et hostiles aux Europiens" , and not distinguishing source for this information does not indicate how close they were to Bangui (1908, between two tinds of lgbata, for which see below: 1970a(l):2~7; 1970a(2):341, 348, 351, 376, 388, 511.] The name appears ANX 4<3>D14). Moreover, when Ponel was in as early as 1891, when E. Ponel wrote that Gbaya territory far to the west, he wrote the French were in a state of hostility with this: "Nous semmes ici dans l'OuBangui, meme the Bwakas, neighbors of Mokouangue D1>. These would have been the [between that at a certain point the Pandes cease and the mouth of the and the the N'Drys begin, going eastward, and Elephant rapids] .... " (Jacquot, ASOM B31-27>. "offrant la plus parfaite similitude avec les The following year the Due d'Uzes identified N'Drys de l'Oubangui" . Although the identification with as Mbouaka . And by 1909 the identified with N'jiere , we the Bondjo race , and the group today identified by scholars as "N'jiere parle le mandjia ... qui Cla langue] Ngbaka-Ma'bo, extensively studied by resemble tout a fait. au langage de la Sanga Jacqueline Thomas (e.g., 1964>, it would ... " . appear that the people around Bangui were We will now consider how the French of this ethnicity. Another ethnolinguistic perceived the Ngbaka -that is, the Buzeru group also goes by the name Ngbaka, but its and Bondjo. language belongs to the large Gbaya family. The people and language are distinguished from the other Ngbaka as Ngbaka-Gbaya or The whites' perception Ngbaka-Mandja,Z7 [Z7for a linguistic classification see The French had a low opinion of the Samarin 1971. In Zaire today people called lgbaga, presumably people around Bangui in marked contrast to lgbata-H a'bo, are located along the lett bant of the Ubangi, their estimation of those who were found

PAGE7 further upriver. The least that was said of being "les itres les plus degrades de la them was that ftces Bondjos, de natural creation ... ," people who "mangent les paresseux, ne posstldent rien ou presque cadavres" D2>. Even their physical 11.1.1894, CSE>. Doctor Briand a few years features could be held against them. The later wrote: "Imaginez tout ce qu'on peut people of Yakuli, for example, were held to .be faire de plus hideux et de plus cruel et vous inferior just because of the shape of their serez encore au-dessous de la realiti, au skull . savage by nature and hostile to whites. Although most if not all central Africans Perhaps it was because of their constant were considered more or less cannibalistic in thieving that one white wrote that the river the nineteenth century, the Bondjo had a population were ftgeneralement composee special reputation, and their practices were d'anciens esclaves de l'Interieur devenus described in the most degrading manner. For bandits" . and that it was spoken of at Brazzaville, What puts these kinds of statements in where whites heard of it before going to the relief is a contradictory one. But this is Haut-Oubangui. Long before going up to certainly an exception: People have Bangui Mgr. Augouard had this to say: "C'est exaggerated "le danger couru au milieu de A Zongo . This is what is said around Bangui . aux chefs indigines que nos intentions Someone who played an important role in sont absolumant pacifiques, qua nous this area in the 1890s had this to say of venons leur apportar le concours de them: notre civilisation et la forca qua nous Les Banziris constituaient une des plus an tirons, que nous voulons ameliorer puissantes peuplades riveraines de leurs conditions d'existence, faire l'Oubangui. De tous les noirs que ron naitre le bien itre chez eux et qu'en rencontrait sur la route du Congo au echange de tous ces avantages nous Nil, ils Uaient incontestablement les demandons seulement la soumission a plus sympathiques. Leur physionomie nos ordres et une retribution soit en relati vement agriable, leur caractere prestations soit en produit du pays" communicatif et enjoue, produisaient le CCillegibleJ, 31.1.1901, ANX 4C3)D8),l1 [l1&iven the difficulties of linguistic communication at plus heureux contraste lorsqu'on les this time, there being only a very limited Africu pidgia comparait ces affreux Bondjos, a in use, ud the abstractness of the administrator's sombres, rebarbatifs, mefiants" CBobichon 1932:2), message, we tate this sentence with a grain of salt,] Therefore avery appearanca of Another wrote, "La tribu Banziri est sans unfriendlinass was treated as rebelliousness. contredit la plus belle de la contree, pour la It was expacted of the peopla that they beaut! physiqua at la douceur de ses moeurs" submit themselves to French authority. CNabout 1892:230), Within a short tima after the founding of The Ngbaka, behaving as they did, and Bangui, 20 October 1889, to ba precise, whan tha French, believing as they did, it was tha chief of a "grand village" opposite inevitable that the latter would have a Zongo "ne voulait pas vanir pour faire difficult time at Bangui. In the next section camarade (c'est !'expression consacrea)[,J M. wa examine the natura of the French Uzac, avec 10 hommas, debarque un bon response in their predicament,lo [lOThe local people matin, tue 5 hommes, enlive 7 pirogues, des also found themselves in a predicament. Its nature is sugguted cabris, das poules et brule tout de fond en in what follows for the period we are considering. A fuller comble" CMusy 1891:133), In 1901 the account would include a discussion of the wag the people of the commander at Bangui, wanting to astablish Haut -Oubugui were called upon to provide provisions, cuoes, relations with the Bagba on the Omballa labor, and so forth. Their behavior might be seen as itself a River, was going to "entamer ... une action responst te their immediate situation.] soit pacifique soit militaire suivant les circonstances" C[Illegiblel, 31.1.1901, ANX The French response 4C3)D8), Force was the French response to their This same document raises the question of situation at Bangui. It was expressed in the ona of the desperate needs of the post: food use of firearms and the taking of hostages. to nourish both the whites, their soldiers,

PAGE9 and their workers. His object was to "ouvrir ASOM B31-23). les portes de ce grenier qu'est l'inU!rieur entre l'Ombella et la M'Poko." There had not A more forceful response was the taking yet been established at Bangui, if another of hostages. According to Kalck <1970a<2>:387, document is read correctly, a market where no documentation) the three Europeans at militiamen and concessionnaires could buy Bangui in 1890 [Ponel, Fondere, and Daurell were in such a state of fear that, to prevent things. Eighteen precious 1ardes pavillons attacks, they kept hostages at the post. were placed at seven locations, presumably Another reason for taking hostages was in to extract provisions from the villagers seeking retribution for thefts committed by CDucq, ANX 4C3>D8>. villagers. According to Crampel around 1890 Frequent are statements in the records these were usually women . It was the Gbanziri, for most of this returned, hostages could be sure of time apparently, "qui approvisionnent execution (Jacquot., ASOM B31-26>. This kind presque exclusivement le peste" . village that later administrators were to Repressive action was taken apparently have to so much trouble with, was rated the in the case of murder or the refusal to settle best D13),3Z [l2Jn tht light of all that a question of theft. The records do not we tnow about provisioning the post we are not obliged, I believe, justify every one. It is not clear, for to tate at face value the statement that it toot sixty porters example, why Comt.e deliberately set out in two days to destroy the banana and corn gardens of the Buzeru July 1897 to attack what he called the not far downriver from Bangui in a repressive action (lebout Bondjo of the M'Poko CComte, 28.7.1897, ASOM 1892:225>. We can saftly assume, to begin with, that a lot of time B23-4D>, unless this was a kind of pre­ was spent in pillaging the destroyed village and thr widrly emptive strike. All that he had written of scatterrd gardens. Kalct Cl970a<2>:346> wrote that Albert Dolisie them in January of that year was the in November 1887 found at the bend of the Ubangi River following: "Voila 2 nuits de suite que les "l'abondance de vivres 'd'un bon marcht inout'," citing de Bondjos de Youka viennent visiter le peste Chavannes. But this writer did not specify the location of the pendant la nuit: il [the chief Youkal s'est places wbm food was anilable. He only said, "Les vivres sont vantl! de nous tuer des factionnaires pour abondants partout Itt d'un bon march! inoui'' . I do not think that "partout" can be taken in a literal pouvoir se servir des mousquetons qu'il a sense in a wort of this kind. Another bit of apparently fait voler depuis plusieurs annees" CComte, contradictory information is Kalct's statement Cl970a<2>:503), 28.1.1897, ASOM B23-35>. And in June he wrote based on his mding of the post's journal for October 1891 that that "nous semmes enserres par les Bondjos in his words, it "regorgeait de vivres." This most certainiy w~ qui nous guet.tent. La disposition du peste le a temporary state of affairs, depending on what had just arrived rendant tres difficile a defendre, il faut from Brazzaville, what had been acquired recently from here and s'att.endre a tout.... Cett.e situation ne peut there, and so forth.J plus se prolonger .. ;" . Comte was killed on this expedition. were posted in a village and after raids that Following this event Jacquot undertook people furnished food or brought it to the an expedition against these people in which post to sell

PAGE 10 about twenty people killed, and five [Bondjol de l'intirieur" (cited in Mollion prisoners (male and female> taken (Jacquot, 1982<1>:238>. But even in 1901 the post's ASOM B32-22),n [UJt is curious thi\ Bruel, who had hurd commander reported that the villages of about this event from Jacquot bimstlf, wrote in two different Bimbo and Yacoli "ne sont reellement soumis letters that forty to fifty men were tilled and forty prisoners que depuis quelques mois" ([Illegible], taken .J 31.1.1901, ANX 4<3>D8>. In other actions 150 Bondjo were supposed Even while force was used to try to solve to have been killed, possibly in 1898 , administrators considered downgrading apparently at Yuka again, in 1899 . The matter was hostages, could be an awful one. Writing in taken up most seriously by V. Largeau in April 1895 Fr. tmile Leclercq said that forty correspondence with his superior in Bondjo prisoners were going to be shot at Brazzaville. He wrote: the post . When seven of Au point de vue de !'extension de notre Jacquot's women prisoners escaped from the influence politique, chose a laquelle post , nous devons surtout viser, la situation only two were recaptured. They were de Bangui est deplorable. Assez loin du immediately executed by rifle fire. Jacquot paste sa trouvent quelques pauvres concludes his account with these words: villages habi tis par de misirables ftmaintenant a l'exception de cas cinq femmes Noirs de race inferieure dont il n'y a at de cas deux mOmes je suis debarrassi de rien a attendre, si ce n'est cette sale graisse" (Jacquot, ASOM B31-25>. l'incommensurable quantite de bananas On the other hand, the seventeen boys and qu'ils apportent journellement. Done, girls who were captured in his repressive pour asseoir notre influence, il faut action were sent to the mission at chercher un autre point; ... " . The action must directed by a white agent, what he called not have been effective, for the following ftun petit · paste" in a subsequent year the administrator is recommending that communication (Largeau, 24.3.1892, ANX the Bou-zerous should be chased from the 4D2),JII r:nJn view of what was said above about the need Bangui area D2>. The Kouango profiter pour donner serieusement la was about 288 tilomettrs from Bangui (20.1.1902, AIX 4(3)D8). [chasse?J a taus las Bondjos pour degager By 1901 French hegemony was better Bangui" . Another wrote established. Although control did not extend of ftun nettoyage complet des villages

PAGE ii very far inland, administrators were writing where Ubangians could come in some measure encouraging reports. Thus, "La situation of safety for their own profit and pleasure.n politique est satisfaisante et notre autoritt [llfor example, a missionary at St. Paul noted the passate on the s'affirme d'avantage de jour en jour" river of eight &banziri canoes loaded with toats, accompanying for ([Illegiblel, 31.1.1901, ANX 4<3>DB),35 [358g contrast, protection a convoy with two Europeans, going to exchange the three gears later another wrote: "A peine semmes nous en animals for slaves among the Bondjo . Even rapport avec quelques viUages situis i proximiU du poste ou des though this may not have been an entirely accurate report, it is rives du fleuve." And he goes on \o sag: "L 'intirieur est pour safe to deduce that \he &banziri were travelling for cemmercial nous l'inconnu, les peuplades qui s'g trouvent miconnaissent reasons in this area.J Bangui's future was more absolummen\ notre au\oriti e\ on\ le plus grand disir de certain than it had ever been. To a person continuer a !'ignorer" ([lo nameJ, AIX -4<3>DU>. It is to be travelling up the river after having sun recognized, of course, that administrative reports were written some of the fine towns in the Congo Free with a purpose, which frequently was to argue for more of State Bangui in 1904 may have appeared anything one could get: money, militiamen, and so forth. The dilapidated and in desolate condition, but it report of January 1901 certainly gives this impression.J In this did have a brick building, and there were same year another wrote that "La Region de sixteen to eighteen whites living there Bangui est certainement une des plus . Indeed, by 1905 there importantes du Congo, a tous les points de was talk of making a "ville" of Bangui, vue; ... " . because it had become the capital Oubangui­ Chari, which had been organized as an What had happened at Bangui was that it administrative colony. Its white population had been built up physically: it was a more was about thirty . A few because there were more armed men about. years later it was about forty . In 1907 the population of the Gardes principaux de 2•c1asse, 1 Adjutant, 2 "Agglomiration urbaine de Bangui," Sargents, 4 caporaux, 1 clairon, 12 miliciens includinS the people at the mission St. Paul de 1ere classe, 35 miliciens de 2e classe, and was BOD <1907, ANX 4<3>D13),37 [37Under tht htadint 20 miliciens auxiliaires" ([Illegiblel, 12.2.1901, "Evaluations rectificatives" for the "Rigion de Bangui" under the ANX 4<3>DB>. By this time, too, as we read heading already cited are given these figures: ldris, 1000; Baktas, from these reports, concessionary companies 1100; Babas, 1000; and 1100 for "lgaes, lgapous, Ouaddas, Baktas­ were working in the region, and rubber was Handjias de Ia rive dreite de I'Ombella." It is not clear why these being collected. figures are so low if they apply to the whole region. However, Indeed, by the end of 1904 Bangui had one has to tate inte consideration the note made fol' this column: apparently grown in size, and the following "Partout oii il a m possible de se baser sur des recensements report suggests the beginning of its future ••impot indigine, on a triple le chiffre des adultes miles as an inter-ethnic 'city' in the modern sense: imposables pour obtenir celui de Ia population totale correspondante." This may suggest that the total of 5,000 for La situation politique de cette rigion the Bangui region is that of those who were subject to taxes. est des plus calmes et je n'ai a ce titre It adjoins the figure of 30,000 alrtadg cited for the whele aucun fait intiressant a vous signaler regioa.J And in 1913 the town had grown so si ce n'est une legere tendance de that its black population was 3,DDD, with 300 certains indigenes des rives de militiamen, and 170 whites ([Calloc'hJ l'Oubangui a se grouper aupres de 1929:61),38 [38Hg source in this instance mag not be exact.J Bangui ou la presence d'un certain nombre d'Europeens leur assure Explanations quantites de petits profits ([No nameJ, ANX 4<3>D12>. It took the French about ten years to establish their power over the people around In other words, unlike the traditional Bangui. This was accomplished because of villages of the area Bangui was a place uninterrupted residence at the post,

PAGE 12 reinforced from time to time by relatively demonstrated that there was something about the occupation of large numbers of French personnel when the area by the French and the Congo Free State that was expeditions were going through, but mostly ditferent from what it was in other places. For this too there because of the exercise of force. It is easier is at the present time no evidence. l Interruption in to explain the establishment of French traditional trade, in any case, cannot be hegemony, however, than it is to explain why invoked, because elsewhere on the Ubangi the French, and even King Leopold's agents, and Congo rivers whites were doing the same had more trouble here than anywhere else in thing without having the same difficulties. central Africa. This historical fact, amply demonstrated in what has preceded, has to It is attractive in seeking historical be explained,l9 [391f I seek to explain, I do not share the explanations to see events as issuing out of view of Ueyne, who declares that "l'histoire n'explique pas: elle other events. Sometimes the role of an explicih" (198-4:11),] individual makes t.he difference in what happens in a certain situation. One of the A recent attempt at an explanation claims worst explanations attributes actions to the that it was "des guerres tribales que what people inherently are. This is precisely contribueront pendant prts de 15 ans ~ faire the kind of explanation, as we saw, that des chefs Bondjo de la region de Bangui les whites in the nineteenth century indulged ennemis declares des Fran9ais qui avaient in: the Bondjo stole because they were fait l'echange du sang avec les M'Baka" nothing but thieves; they murdered because

PAGE 13 terms with each other.u ['11Jo support the ugument bloodshed. In spite of the fact that the that the ripuian population teutd tach other one can citt French wrote about the chief of this and dmriptions of villages protected with strong palisadu (lebout that village, there is no evidence that elders 1892:228>. It is reasonable to suppose that the acU11e trade in had the kind of authority that this term slaves by the Bobangi, who had luge centers on the lower Ubangi implies. In fact, except for the Nzakara to River, may have motivated others downriver of these people to the far east, the people of this vast area, raid them for captives. A suggestion of the size of this Gbaya- and Banda-speaking alike, have been population, lor example at places called Hon-Zembo and Hon-Tumbi traditionally acephalous in social structure by Uangele, is deduced from the tact that every morning one could . Therefore independently set 200 to 300 canoes curying to their day's labor women and motivated behavior seems to have been the children nwith a few wuriors to protect them" (Uangele case. This is what I see in the fact that there 1889:327>. Of course, since many of thut could have bun slaves, were attempts at theft even after repressive we can also assume that these Ubangians raided for their own use action had been taken against certain as well as tor trade. That these villages were also bothered by villages. For example: "la repression exerce people toward the interior at no great distance is demonstrated centre les Bondjos [in this case against the by complaints made by the inhabitants of Yatuli and Botambi about village of YukaJ, ne les a pas desarmes; ils the Zalanga . The Zalanga are nohd as an ethnic continuant leurs visites de nuit comme par le group on Ponti's map of 1890-1891 . However, trade regner dans un pays qui est ainsi tout naturellement divise et between people does not mean that they are dans lequel chaque village n'a qu'une action isolie" (1893:16-4). But always on good terms. 1 Stealing is not he never had to administer a post, being only the leader of an difficult to explain if we assume that theft txpedition.J and something like banditry were practiced The post at Bangui would have been a customarily by young and t~dult men.'IZ [UJn mating this statement I am taking a relativistic, not racist, point tempting place for theft. It was obvious that of view. l am hypothesizing that for reasons that have not bun there were a lot of goods in the grass determined the people at the bend of the Ubangi may have been shacks. were punished by a fine if strength of Bangui was the following: "11 they committed a theft. Theft was defined, it would appear, as miliciens s(megalais non instruits, 3 an act committed against anyone, not just against co-members of reengages, 19 travailleurs bassa, 9 non an eyando. We await evidence that Ubangians had a similar ethic. valeurs"' . At this time Crampel wrote: "La practice common, one might speculate, was misi!re de ce pauvre petit peste de Bangui est the absence of strong leadership, the kind of absolue. Si les indigi!nes avaient un peu de I leadership that the elders of lineages would poil, depuis longtemps tout serait enlevait" e have exercised to avoid warfare and

PAGE 14 following year there were nineteen has to be uncferstoocf from this perspective. militiamen: fourteen Stnl!galais and five The struggling camp, for that is all it was, Pahouin . Boncfjo "sont insaisissables et absoluement Twenty-one is what Comte had in 1896 invisibles clans la brousse" . 1982:83). In these circumstances a French If the French had made a cfeterminecf and administrator could very well write these prolonged effort at establishing good words to his superior in Brazzaville: "Nous relations with the people and becoming well sommes clans des conditions cf'infirioritA acquainted with them, they most certainly reelles vis a vis de nos voisins de 1'Etat would not have had the trouble they had, Incfepencfant. Leurs envois consicferables and they would have been more sanguine cf'hommes, de marchancfises leur donne un about their place at Bangui. Their failure to prestige aux yeux des indigenes que nous ne do so must be considered a fault.. There was a possecfons pas . And time in 1895 when the administrator made no a missionary could write: "Taus les noirs cfu · effort to resolve a palaver with the Boncfjo pays se moquent des Franpais tancfis qu'ils but actually did not. want to see one at. his vantent la force et la puissance de l'Etat door . That recognized the problem when he wrote to the the French personnel would have made such Sous-secrlttaire d'Etat aux Colonies on 3 comparisons is easy to uncferstancf. If the October 1890: "A vrai dire, la politique sui vie natives on the French side cficf likewise, it par les Europeans ici ne peut qu'amener des would not be information, I think, that the resultats plus facheux encore. Taus les French could get. agents, franpais aussi bien que belges, ne se Up to this point we have given the preoccupent nullement cf'entrer en relations impression that bad relations between the avec les indigenes" . "La peur," he wrote in the entirely to the former. This was certainly same letter, "fait voir des ennemis partout not the C'ase. If the Ubangians were reacting et par peur on confoncf tout clans la mime in their way to the intruders, the latter haine" . All took. that has been written above about Bangui As late as 1901 an administrator could

PAGE 15 write that the influence of the Of course, communication was a problem. administration was "~ peu pr~s nulle ~ No language known to the black personnel quelque kilometres dans l'interieur pour la with the French would have done them any bonne raison, que jamais l'on y est alle ou good. Pidgin Sango was just emerging along tout au moins sejourne assez pour que nous the river, but the people in Bangui would not puissions etre connus" D1>. d'interprete, a part le caporal Senegalais" The officials at Bangui might have taken . They were also post frequently had only two whites, and at least one of them may have been ill. At times successful in having Ndri, a Banda group, there was only one . Even with Yuka, a impossible that some of this was actually Bondjo chief on the Mpoko River, relations disinformation: blacks reporting thefts for were good, so good that he had confided one which they alone were responsible. This is of his sons to the missionaries and Fr. what one agent reported at another site on Leclercq planned to take a trip amongst his the river . people . Yet he is the These blacks misinformed the whites one who in that very month, as we saw, was partly because they themselves were afraid. supposed to have boasted that he was going They believed as much as the whites did that to kill the whites at the post. the local people were nothing but savages. It

PAGE 16 has been well demonstrated that Africans Conclusion were as racist as whites, only for different reasons. The Sanagalais, for example, This paper has documented the considered all these people naked savages difficulties that the French had during (Decorse 1906:20>. And it was easy for their first decade at Bangui, established as uncritical personnel to accept what some their furthest outpost on the Ubangi River Ubangians said about others. For example, in 1889. Although the administrators were the people of Yakoli and Bagassi were plagued by insufficient funds in "'mechantes gens,'" "comme disent les establishing themselves on the right bank of indigenes de la region . were at the least a nuisance; at worst, they Those who were working for the French, kept the post at constant alert and made the whether they were foreign blacks or whites believe that their existence was a Ubangians from other parts, took advantage very precarious one. The explanation for bad of their relationship with the whites to steal relations finds all participants at fault: the and loot and in other ways oppress the local local people for persisting in their theft, the people. Liotard himself witnessed his African personnel of the whites for their Gbanziri and Sango canoemen, for example, misinformation and for oppressing the helping themselves to Bondjo fish, chickens, people, and the French for being on the one and goats near Bangui after the latter had hand racist in their attitudes to the local fled . Some Ubangians and on the other hand slow at of these acts were purely opportunistic, to making an effort to establish good relations be sure, but there were times when the with them. personnel at Bangui was hard up for food D7>. In some cases the This paper also suggests the consequences for the local people of' local people took it upon themselves, not yet understanding that the whites would occupation of their territory by the whites. mediate on their behalf, to get retribution. Acknowledgments Thus, in 1897 the people of Yakoli killed six militiamen and thirteen women and workers, The research that led to the writing of because a sanagalais had taken one of their this work was undertaken over a period of women by force , and the Centre would happen if some of his militiamen left National de la Recherche Scientifique when their term of service was over; he even and the B31-22). But a month later, after a repression Central African Republic. Having access to had been made against a village, there was the archives of the Congregation du Saint­ "un important regain de confiance de la part Esprit in France was especially valuable. de tout le monde, aussi bien nous que miliciens et indigenes .... , " and he had had References seventeen requests for re-enlistment

PAGE 17 ANSOM, Archives Nationales Section Outre­ 2D5, E. Ponel, Chef de Station de ire Mer, D2, V. Largeau, 17.1.1892; V. Largeau, Administrateur de l'Oubangui la Zone Oubangui, copie of letter a Monsieur l'Administrateur principal reporting the establishment of the de Brazzaville et Dependances, post "Oubangui 3," 26.6.1889; Ponel, Bangui, 12.5.1890; Jules Breton, Bangui, 24.3.1892; Administrateur de l'Oubangui Monsieur Inspecteur des Postes et Stations, a Inspection Permanente, Banghi, 1' Administrateur principal a 7.7.1890. Brazzaville, Bangui, 22.4.1892; V. Largeau, Administrateur de XVI.13, [E.J Decazes to Monteil, 10.2.1894 l'Oubangui, a 1' Administrateur [The reference is reconstructed; the principal, Bangui, 18.7.1892. exact one is misplaced.]; Paul Comte, July 1895, Note sur la situation des 4<3>D3, Vittu de Kerraoul, effectifs dans le Haut-Oubangui. Administrateur de Bangui a l'Administrateur Principal de ANSOM-Mi 213, Archives Nationales Section Brazzaville, Bangui, 28.8.1893; Vittu Outre-Mer, Paris, Victor Liotard papers. de Kerraoul, Administrateur de Correspondence. Largeau to Liotard, Bangui, Rapport general de fin Bangui, 14.11.1892. d'annee sur Bangui, December 1893, submitted to Administrateur Journal <28 aoQt 1891 au mai 1892, principal a Brazzaville. "notes recopiees par la suite par un 4<3>D7, J. Gref, Capitaine MaJor, autre ... ). Extrait d'un rapport d'ensemble du ANX [my codel. Archives Nationales, Aix-en­ Capitaine MaJor des Compagnies du Provence. Archives du Gouvernement Haut Oubangui sur la situation de General de !'Afrique tquatoriale ces compagnies, Brazzaville, Franc;aise. 14.8.1898.

PAGE 18 4<3>08, Clllegiblel, Commandant de la Bangui, 28.9.1904. Ragion de Bangui au Commissaire Gfmeral a , Rapport 4<3>012, [Illegible], Rapport Mensuel du politique de la Region de Bangui, Territoire de l'Oubangui-Chari, 8.2.1905. 31.1.1901; [Illegiblel, Commandant de 4(3>013, Ponel, Schema des positions des la region de Bangui au villages indigenes, en rapports directs et Com[missairel Gen[erall a Libreville, constants avec la station de Bangui, et Budget pour 1901 de la Region de dont les chefs ont rec;u des cadeaux et Bangui portant reduction sur notre pavillon, 1890-189HCHECKJ; !'ancien buget Csicl, Bangui, Possessions du Congo Franc;ais et 12.2.1901; Desserier de Pauwel, Dependances. Colonie de l'Oubangui­ Administrateur commandant la Chari-Tchad. Evaluation de la population Region de Bangui, Rapport polit.ique indigene de l'Oubangui-Chari-Tchad. 1907. et commercial de la region de Bangui 4<3>014, Rapport d'Ensemble. Territoire a l'Ibenga ; D. de de l'Oubangui-Chari, Annee 1908. Pauwel, Administrateur-Adjoint commandant la region de Bangui, au 4<3>D15, Population indigene , Territoire de Congo Franc;ais a Libreville, 1.4.1901; l'Oubangui-Chari, Journal Officiel au Commissaire General a Libreville, de l'Oubangui-Chari-Tchad, 1906, p. Bangui, 16.4.1901; D. de Pauwel, 155. Admrinistrateurl commandant la ASOM, des Sciences d'Outre-Mer, Region de Bangui au Com[missairel A~ademie Paris. Fonds de Georges Bruel. B1-49, General du Congo Franc;ais a Bruel, 22.6.1896; B2-33, Bruel to sister CM. Libreville, 24.6.1901; D. de Pauwel, Reige-Bruell, Mobaye, 28.8.1897; B2-34, Aministrateur-Adjoint commandant Bruel, letter to mother, Mobaye, 30.8.1897; la region de Bangui, au Commissaire B2-41, Bruel to mother, Mobaye, 2.11.1897; General at Libreville, Bangui, B23-25, Paul Comte to Bruel, Bangui, 16.4.1901; [Illegiblel, Commandant de 16.8.1896; B23-31, Paul Comte to Bruel, la Region de Bangui, au Commissaire Bangui, 16.11.1896; B23-35, Paul Comte to General Libreville, Rapport a Bruel, Bangui, 28.1.1897; B23-38, Paul Comte polit.ique de la Region de Bangui, to Bruel, Bangui, 13.6.1897; B23-40, Comte Bangui, 31.1.1901; D. de Pauwel, to Bruel, Bangui, 7.7.1897; B31-8, Charles le Admrinistrateurl commandant la Mt~rechal to Bruel, Guelorget, 16.2.1896; Region de Bangui, au Commissaire B31-22, Jacquot, Admrinistrat.eurl General du Congo Franc;ais a Col[oniall, to Bruel, Bangui, 25.7.1897; Libreville, Bangui, 9.10.1901; Cruchet, B31-23, Jacquot to Bruel, Bangui, 22.8.1897; Chef du Service Administratif, au B31-25, Jacquot to Bruel, Bangui, 11.9.1897; Commissaire General du B31-26, Jacquot to Bruel, Bangui, 20.9.1897; Gouvernement au Congo Franc;ais, B31-27, Jacquot to Bruel, Bangui, 4.10.1897; e,;,'l..-'1 '2.. Brazzaville, 12.11.1901; Ducq, B33-41, Bruel to Sambuc, Mobaye, 25.7.1897. Sergent-fourrier, Rilpport au Lieutenant Gouverneur sur la CSE, Archives of the Congregation du Saint­ Region de Bangui [not dated, 1901 Esprit, Chevilly-Larue, France. written in blue pencill; Delegue du IV.536, Brazzaville-Oubangui. Mgr. Commissaire General dans le Haut­ Augouard. Mission St. Paul des Oubangui, Fixation des distances de Rilpides. Correspondances avec Bangui ilUX differents postes du Haut-Oubangui, Mobaye, 20.1.1902. Brazzaville <1895-1906): Fr. Remy to Mgr. [Augouardl, St. Paul, 17.6.1895; 4<3>011, [No namel, Le D~l~gu~ Permanent, Fr. Leclercq C?J to Fr. Remy, St.

PAGE 19 Paul, 11.8.1895; No name [page with Carrie, Vicaire apostolique du Congo signature missingJ, St. Paul, Fran~;ais, Brazzaville, 18.4.1889J. Annales 9.10.1895; rEmileJ Leclercq to Mgr., St. Apostoliques, 4e annee, No. 15, pp. 81-84. Paul, 4.1.1897; Felix Sallaz, St. Paul, 1.6.1897; Felix Sallaz to Mgr., St. Banville, Ghislain de . 1985. Saint­ Paul, 21.5.1897; Felix Sallaz to Mgr., Paul des Rapides: histoire d'une St. Paul, 8.10.1897. fondation, 1893-1903. Recueil de textes sur les debuts de la Mission en Centrafrique. Augouard, Mgr. Prosper. Bangui. Privately published, Correspondances. [Read at Fribourg, mimeographed. Switzerland.) Baratier, Albert E. A. Li897J. Vers le Nil: Goblet, Fr. Raoul, ~Journal du souvenirs de la Mission Marchand de R[everendJ P[~reJ Raoul Goblet, Brazzaville a Fort Desai. Ouvrage inedit. m1ss1onnaire apostolique de Paris: Artheme Fayard et Cie. l'Oubanghy i la Mission de la Sainte Famille des Banziris.' Cahier 3, Bobichon, Henri. 1899. Le Haut-Oubangui et lettres de octobre 1894 a juin 1896. la mission Marchand. Paris: M.A. Charles. Chemise V, Boite 181, Dossier B. -----. 1932. Les peuplades de l'Oubangui­ M'Bomou l'epoque des missions Liotard et Moreau, R. P. Lettres du R. P. Moreau, a Marchand (1891-1901), Alen~;on: Laverdure. 1889-1895-1901. Cahier A [copied by Professeur DebienJ. Boite 181-B. Brunache, Paul. 1894. Le centre de PAfrique. Autour du Tchad. Paris: Ancienne Remy, R. P. [Jules JosephJ, ~ttudes Librairie Germer Bailliere et Cie. particulieres.' No. 5: 'La mission de S. Paul des Rapides,' Archives III, [Calloc'h, Jean-Rene J. 1929. Boite 170-A. Necrologie. Bulletin de la Congregation du Saint-Esprit 21<461):56-66. MT, Musee Royal de l'Afrique Centrale, Tervuren. Cantournet, Jean. 1986. 'Notes sur les origines et la fondation de Bangui.' Revue Alphonse Vangele papers. EMs III, Fran~;aise d'Histoire d'Outre-Mer Annexe a la lettre du Gouverneur 73(272):347-357. General, No. 939 du 25.10.1889, 5 typed pages Castellani, Charles J. 1898. Vers le Nil fran9ais avec la mission Marchand. Paris: Maps Ernest Flammarion, Editeur.

Institut Geographique du Zaire. 1972. Carte Challaye, Felicien. 1909. Le Congo fran~;ais: la ethnographique. question internationale du Congo. Paris: Felix Alcan. Authored works Chapiseau, Felix. 1900. Au pays de l'esclavage: Alis, Harry (alias of Jules Hippolyte moeurs et coutumes de l'Afrique centrale, Percher>. 1891. A la conquete du Tchad. d'apres des notes recuellis par Ferdinand Paris: Hachette. de Behagle. Paris: J. Maisonneuve.

Anonymous. 1896. ~Le bas Ubangi.' La Belgique Chavannes, Charles de. 1936. Le Congo Coloniale, 2e anm!e, No. 19, 10 mai 1896, p. fran9ais: ma collaboration avec Brazza 224. (1886-1894>, nos relations jusqu'a sa mort (1905). Paris: Librairie Plon. Augouard, Prosper. 1889. ~Prise de possession de la station de Saint-Louis de Crampel, rPaulJ. 1891. ~Lettre de M. Crampel ~ l'Oubanghi ' Better to Mgr. M. Musy pere.' Revue de Geographie

PAGE 20 29:141-143. <1864-1891>. Un explorateur nanceien, Cuypers, J. P. 1960. Alphonse Vangele visionnaire d'une Afrique unie du Congo a <1848-1939) d'apr~s des documents intdits. la Mediterranee. Unpublished manuscript. Brussels: Academie Royale des Sciences Legendre, P. 1903. La conquete de la France d'Outre-Mer. africaine. Paris: La Librairie Mondiale. Dampierre, Eric de. 1967. Un ancien royaume Masui, Jean-Baptiste. 1894. D'Anvers a Bandia du Haut-Oubangui. Paris: Librairie Banzyville: lettres illustrees du Pion. Lieutenant Masui. Bruxelles: Ch. Bulens, Decorse, Jules. 1906. Du Congo au Lac Tchad: Imprimeur-Editeur. la brousse telle qu'elle est, les gens tels Maistre, Casimir L. 1895. A travers !'Afrique qu'ils sont.

PAGE 21 -----. 1982. 'Goals, roles, and language skills in colonizing central equatorial Africa. • Anthropological Linguistics 24:410-422. -----. 1984a. 'Bondjo ethnicity and colonial imagination.' Canadian Journal of African Studies 18:345-365. -----. 1984b. 'The linguistic world of field colonialism.' Language in Society 13:435-453. -----. In press. The black man's burden: African colonial labor on the Congo and Ubangi rivers 1880-1900. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Thomas, Jacqueline M. C. 1964. Le parler ngbaka de Bokanga: phonologie, morphologie, syntaxe. Van Gele, [Alphonse]. 1889. 'Explorations on the Welle-Mobangi River.' Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society and Monthly Record of Geography ii:325-341. Veistroffer, Albert. 1931. Vingt ans dans la brousse afraicaine: souvenirs d'un ancien membre de la mission Savorgnan de Brazza dans !'Ouest-africain <1883-1 903>. Lille: Mercure de Flandre/Valentin Bresle, Editeur. Veyne, Paul. 1984. 'La fin de vingt-cinq siecles de metaphysique.' Le Monde, 27 juin 1984, p. 11. Witte, Jehan de. 1924. Monseigneur Augouard. Paris: Emile Paul Freres.

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