DOCSLIB.ORG

China and the Institutionalization of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization Chien-Peng Chung

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
China and the Institutionalization of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization Chien-Peng Chung INTEGRATION DILEMMAS China and the Institutionalization of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization Chien-peng Chung Beijing will back the Shanghai FTER the fall of the Soviet Union in late 1991, the APeople’s Republic of China (PRC), the Russia Cooperation Organization Federation, and four of the new post-Soviet states in Central Asia—Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, as long as it furthers China’s and Uzbekistan—had to establish new relationships. interests in Central Asia and (The fifth Central Asian state, Turkmenistan, follows a foreign policy of neutrality and has refrained from will support institutionalization joining international alliances.) During the subsequent fifteen years, the primary concerns of these countries efforts that foster regional have progressively shifted from demarcating boundar- integration and security. ies, to promoting border security, establishing regional confidence-building measures, and combating what regional policymakers have termed the “three evils” of terrorism, religious extremism, and secessionism. To ad- dress these trans-national issues and challenges, Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan decided to create a regional multi-lateral forum that came to be known as the Shanghai Five because the first meeting of the heads of the member states took place in the Chi- nese city of Shanghai on April 26, 1996. In June 2001, with the admission of Uzbekistan, the Shanghai Five was more formally named the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). In recent years the SCO has added CHIEN-PENG CHUNG is assistant professor of politics at Lingnan Uni- versity, Hong Kong. He is the author of Domestic Politics, International to its core focus of fighting the three evils by advancing Bargaining, and China’s Territorial Disputes (Routledge, 2004). cooperation to prevent all forms of cross-border smug- Problems of Post-Communism, vol. 53, no. 5, September/October 2006, pp. 3–14. © 2006 M.E. Sharpe, Inc. All rights reserved. ISSN 1075–8216 / 2006 $9.50 + 0.00. DOI 10.2753/PPC1075-8216530501 Chung China and the SCO 3 From left: President of Uzbekistan Islam Karimov, Russian president Vladimir Putin, Kazakhstan’s president Nursultan Nazarbayev, China’s president Hu Jintao, and Kyrgyzstan’s president Kurmanbek Bakiyev, unveil a plaque marking the planting of a tree to commemorate the fifth anniversary of their previous SCO meeting in Shanghai, during a summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, June 14, 2006. (AP Photo/ Sergei Guneyev/ ITAR-TASS, Presidential Press Service ) gling and by promoting trade, investment, and economic involvement in constructing and institutionalizing development among member states. multi-lateral regimes reflects not only an aspiration to Apart from the SCO, international politics in the last shape the rules of the game for regional cooperation,3 decade has also witnessed the institutionalization of but also an increasing level of comfort in subscribing several regional multi-lateral regimes in East Asia in to norms of predictable and interdependent behavior which China plays a major role, such as the six-party among states.4 Increased involvement also advances talks on denuclearizing North Korea, the cooperative China’s national interests and projects its influence by forum involving the Association of Southeast Asian raising its positive profile and dispelling concerns and Nations with China, Japan, and South Korea (ASEAN misgivings about its growing economic and military + 3), and the narrower dialogue mechanism between power.5 the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and China As part of Beijing’s official “Good Neighbor Policy,” (ASEAN + China). A multi-lateral regime is a set of China is making active and skillful use of the SCO mutual expectations, rules and regulations, organiza- to accelerate regional integration and cooperation tional plans, efforts, and commitments that has been with neighboring states in post-communist Eurasia. accepted by a group of states with shared interests,1 for PRC officials regularly attend SCO summit meetings, the purpose of removing causes of conflict, promoting ministerial gatherings, and working conferences. This cooperation, establishing standard patterns of behavior, increasing international engagement is the result of a and reducing transaction and research costs.2 China’s foreign policy consensus among China’s leaders and 4 Problems of Post-Communism September/October 2006 international affairs experts, achieved at the end of the SCO Institutionalization twentieth century, that for China to have a peaceful en- vironment conducive to its domestic political stability The SCO and its predecessor, the Shanghai Five, were and economic development, it needs to be more proac- the first multi-lateral security organizations largely initi- tive in shaping its neighborhood. China’s leaders have ated and promoted by China. Beijing’s primary goal for given multi-lateral cooperation a prominent place in the the SCO is to gain the cooperation of the Central Asian country’s national security doctrine, which envisages governments in reducing the threat of Muslim Uighur the development of a virtuous cycle of mutual security separatism in Xinjiang province. On June 15, 2001, through cooperative means. when the SCO was founded in Shanghai, the leaders Institutionalization matters for the study of a of the member states signed the Shanghai Convention regional multi-lateral organization like the SCO Against Terrorism, Separatism, and Extremism, which because it provides a starting point from which to clearly defined the cardinal purpose of the organiza- examine policy issues and processes, helps identify tion. The subsequent SCO Charter contains twenty-six the roles, interests, and norms of the actors involved, articles that delineate the purposes, principles, structure, assists with understanding how these actors together and operational rules of the organization.9 The heads of determine the shape and speed of regional integration, the SCO states adopted the charter at a meeting in St. and allows for speculation on the future of the institu- Petersburg in June 2002. According to Article 16 of the tion.6 The degree of institutionalization of a regional charter, SCO members will make decisions by consen- multi-lateral organization is more or less collectively sus, abstention notwithstanding, except for decisions determined by an upward index of objectives outlined regarding the suspension or expulsion of members from and achieved, established norms, procedures, or writ- the organization, which will be made by “consensus mi- ten sets of rules, the size of its physical structures and nus [the] one vote of the member state concerned.”10 permanent staff, the number of committees created, The supreme decision-making body of the SCO is the including the regularity and level of the meetings, Council of Heads of States. Consisting of the presidents and overall organizational longevity.7 It is difficult of the member states, the council holds annual sessions, to address the issue of age, since the SCO and its makes decisions, and issues instructions on all important Shanghai Five precursor were only created within the matters pertaining to the organization. Moving down last ten years. However, China’s enthusiasm for help- one level, the Council of Heads of Government has ing to establish, develop, and structure this regional brought the prime ministers of member states together multi-lateral organization is obvious. The expansion for regular annual meetings since September 2001. This of the Shanghai Five into the SCO and the ongoing group discusses multi-lateral cooperation strategies and consolidation of the SCO make it apparent that the organizational priorities. It also approves the budget for regional process has been progressively institutional- the following year. Lower down, mechanisms exist for ized (see Tables 1, 2, and 3). annual meetings of ministers of foreign affairs, economy, Aside from assessing the level of institutionalization transport, culture, defense, and law enforcement, heads of the SCO, this article also aims to refute the popular of disaster-relief agencies, and general prosecutors. notion that China has a preference for institutionalizing Regular SCO functions are coordinated by a Council of multi-lateral economic forums but not security ones. National Coordinators of SCO member states that meets This is clearly not the case with the SCO, whose primary at least three times a year. Joint working groups may also focus was, and to a large extent still is, to address the be created under the supervision of senior officials in difficulties faced by Russia, China, and the states of Cen- the relevant ministries of member states to tackle issues tral Asia in confronting traditional and non-traditional of common concern. security threats, and combating domestic disturbances The SCO has two permanent bodies: the SCO Sec- and trans-national crime. China considers its involve- retariat and the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure.11 ment in the SCO to be a “key point” in its foreign policy.8 Located in Beijing, the secretariat consists of thirty With the support—or at least acquiescence—of Russia, staff delegated by the member countries in proportion China played a leading role in constructing and insti- to their financial contribution to the SCO budget. The tutionalizing the Shanghai Five, subsequently has done secretariat works closely with the Council of National the same with the SCO, and seems to have a desire to Coordinators in preparing
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Strategic Implications of the Evolving Shanghai Cooperation Organization
    The United States Army War College The United States Army War College educates and develops leaders for service at the strategic level while advancing knowledge in the global application of Landpower. The purpose of the United States Army War College is to produce graduates who are skilled critical thinkers and complex problem solvers. Concurrently, it is our duty to the U.S. Army to also act as a “think factory” for commanders and civilian leaders at the strategic level worldwide and routinely engage in discourse and debate concerning the role of ground forces in achieving national security objectives. The Strategic Studies Institute publishes national security and strategic research and analysis to influence policy debate and bridge the gap between military and academia. The Center for Strategic Leadership and Development CENTER for contributes to the education of world class senior STRATEGIC LEADERSHIP and DEVELOPMENT leaders, develops expert knowledge, and provides U.S. ARMY WAR COLLEGE solutions to strategic Army issues affecting the national security community. The Peacekeeping and Stability Operations Institute provides subject matter expertise, technical review, and writing expertise to agencies that develop stability operations concepts and doctrines. U.S. Army War College The Senior Leader Development and Resiliency program supports the United States Army War College’s lines of SLDR effort to educate strategic leaders and provide well-being Senior Leader Development and Resiliency education and support by developing self-awareness through leader feedback and leader resiliency. The School of Strategic Landpower develops strategic leaders by providing a strong foundation of wisdom grounded in mastery of the profession of arms, and by serving as a crucible for educating future leaders in the analysis, evaluation, and refinement of professional expertise in war, strategy, operations, national security, resource management, and responsible command.
    [Show full text]
  • The Shanghai Cooperation Organization an Assessment
    VIVEKANANDA INTERNATIONAL FOUNDATION The Shanghai Cooperation Organization: An Assessment ISSUE BRIEF Vivekananda International Foundation 3, San Martin Marg, Chanakyapuri, New Delhi – 110021 Copyright @ Vivekananda International Foundation, 2015 Designed, printed and bound by IMPRINT SERVICES, New Delhi All rights reserved. No part of this may be reproduced or utilized in any form, or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization: An Assessment by Nirmala Joshi About the Author Professor Nirmala Joshi Nirmala Joshi is a former Professor of the Centre for Russian and Central Asian Studies of the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. She is currently Director of a New Delhi based think tank The India Central Asia Foundation. She was also Research Advisor at the United Service Institution of India from September 2012 to October 2014. Apart from heading the Centre at the J N U, Prof Joshi was also the Director of the University Grants Commission's Programme on Russia and Central Asia. She has been a member of the Indian Council for Social Science Research's Indo Russian Joint Commission for Co-operation in Social Sciences. She was a Member of the University Grants Commission Standing Committee on Area Studies in 2002, and a Nominated Member of the Executive Council of the Indian Council of World Affairs by the Government of India in 2001. Professor Nirmala Joshi has travelled extensively abroad and within the country to participate in international conferences on the Eurasian region.
    [Show full text]
  • The Shanghai Cooperation Organization
    The Shanghai Cooperation Organization SIPRI Policy Paper No. 17 Alyson J. K. Bailes, Pál Dunay, Pan Guang and Mikhail Troitskiy Stockholm International Peace Research Institute May 2007 © SIPRI, 2007 ISSN 1652-0432 (print) ISSN 1653-7548 (online) Printed in Sweden by CM Gruppen, Bromma Contents Preface iv Abbreviations and acronyms v Map of member and observer states of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization vi Table A.1. Basic data for the member and observer states of the Shanghai vi Cooperation Organization, 2005 1. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization as a regional security 1 institution Alyson J. K. Bailes and Pál Dunay The background and purpose of this assessment 1 Origins and basic features 3 The Shanghai Cooperation Organization members and their interests 8 The Shanghai Cooperation Organization and its members’ security 20 Evaluation and conclusions 27 2. A Russian perspective on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization 30 Mikhail Troitskiy Introduction 30 Russia in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization 31 Russia and the substance of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization’s work 35 Looking ahead 40 In conclusion: Russia’s general vision 44 3. A Chinese perspective on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization 45 Pan Guang Introduction 45 The strategic significance of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization for China 45 The demonstrative role of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Chinese 46 diplomacy China’s driving role in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization 48 The substance of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization’s work: achievements 50 and challenges Looking ahead: big tasks and a long journey 55 In conclusion: key points 58 About the authors 59 Preface There is a clear trend in the 21st century for regional organizations to multiply, to become more multifunctional and to devote themselves in whole or part to security goals.
    [Show full text]
  • SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION: the PRIMAKOV VISION and CENTRAL ASIAN REALITIES Nial Competitors for Regional Primacy
    The Shanghai Cooperation Organization The Primakov Vision and Central Asian Realities RICHARD WEITZ During the late 1990s, then Russian Foreign Minister and later Prime Minister Yevgeniy Primakov led efforts to redirect the new Russian Federation away from the West and toward the emerging powers of Eurasia by advocating the creation of a "strategic triangle" among China, India, and Russia. At the time, Primakov's doctrine made little headway because Russia's desired partners proved reluctant to take measures that would have marked them as geopolitical opponents of the United States. In addition, China and India were divided over various regional security issues, includ- ing their disputed borders and Beijing's ties with New Delhi's main rival, Pakistan. Today, many Western observers fear that Primakov's vision of a tri- lateral alliance among continental Asia's three strongest military powers- one of whose objectives would be to counterbalance Washington's regional influence-could become a reality. These concerns, presently mistaken, center on the unexpected prominence of an institution that had attract- ed little attention before the summer of 2005: the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). In July of that year, the leaders of the SCO govern- ments unexpectedly told the United States and its NATO allies that they should set a timetable for their military withdrawal from Central Asia. The organization's June 2006 summit in Shanghai, attended by Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, evoked further alarm about the pos- Richard Weitz is Senior Fellow and Associate Director of the Center for Future Security Strategies at the Hudson Institute. VOL. 31 :1 WINTER 2007 104 THE FLETCHER FORUM OF WORLD AFFAIRS sible emergence of a potent anti-American bloc among some of the world's leading energy and military powers.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization
    Eu Security Enterprises of Conflict Prevention through State-Building in the Balkans: Preparation and Recipe for Engagements in the European Neighbourhood? Aylin Ünver Noi IRAN AND THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION: IS IT POSSIBLE FOR IRAN TO BECOME FULL MEMBER OF THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION UNDER PRESSURE OF NUCLEAR ISSUE? Aylin ÜNVER NOø* Abstract In this article, the Islamic Republic of Iran’s willingness to become a full member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) under the shadow of Iran’s nuclear tension with the US is evaluated with a special focus on the conditions, which prepares the grounds for the establishment of the Shanghai Five in 1996, its transformation to the SCO in 2001 and Post Cold War developments and the United States’ presence in the region after the 9/11 terror attacks to the US. Iran’s relations with the six SCO members is also given as an additional information in order to provide the reader with a general perspective about the possibility of Iran’s prospective membership to the SCO and to analyze the answers to these questions: Is it possible for Iran, which is under great pressure of the US due to its nuclear program, to become a full member to the SCO in the near future? If it is possible, what would be the repercussions in the US? Keywords Shanghai Cooperation Organization, observer status, full membership, Iran’s nuclear issue, the US’ stance towards Iran-SCO relations. Introduction After disintegration of the Soviet Union, 15 sovereign and independent newly established states emerged; and five of them, namely Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan, are Central Asian states.
    [Show full text]
  • Terrorism in Eurasia: Enhancing the Multilateral Response
    China and Eurasia Forum Quarterly, Volume 4, No. 2 (2006) p. 11-17 © Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program ISSN: 1653-4212 Terrorism in Eurasia: Enhancing the Multilateral Response Richard Weitz* The upcoming summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization provides a timely opportunity to enhance the international response to Eurasian terrorism. China, Russia, the United States and their allies should establish mechanisms to integrate better the efforts of the main multilateral institutions concerned with preventing and responding to terrorism in Central Asia. Many of their activities needlessly overlap, leading to wasted resources and potential conflicts. Responding to the threat of Eurasian terrorism requires a multilateral effort. Terrorists regularly move from country to country, seeking safe havens wherever they can. Operatives of the region’s most prominent terrorist group, the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), used Afghanistan and Pakistan as bases for launching forays into Central Asia.1 Efforts to establish multilateral institutions exclusively among the Central Asian countries have regularly encountered insurmountable intra-regional rivalries. For this reason, the most successful cooperative initiatives thus far have involved at least one extra-regional great power. In the realm of antiterrorism, the most important multilateral institutions have been the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Collective Security Treaty Organization, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, with the European Union and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe playing smaller roles. Eurasia’s Key Antiterrorist Institutions The title of the “Shanghai Convention on Combating Terrorism, Separatism, and Extremism,” signed at the organization’s founding summit in June 2001, highlights the priorities of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO).
    [Show full text]
  • Fueling the Dragon's Flame: How China's Energy Demands Affect Its
    Fueling the Dragon’s Flame: How China's Energy Demands Affect its Relationships in the Middle East By John Keefer Douglas Matthew B. Nelson Kevin Schwartz Presented to U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission In fulfillment of Contractual Obligations September 14, 2006 Acknowledgements A topic as important as China’s relationships in the Middle East deserves to be studied, and so we must acknowledge first and foremost the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, which awarded us the contract to study this vital issue. The Commission's Research Working Group has provided plenty of support and accommodation. Second, this analysis could not have been completed without the dedicated work of our team of primary source, foreign language researchers, who included Amgad Naguib, Elias Sayegh, Abeer A. Mohammad, and Reddy Xiao. Finally, Professor Alan Wachman of The Fletcher School deserves our thanks. Without his support and encouragement, we would never have submitted our proposal, let alone this document. -K. Douglas, M. Nelson, and K. Schwartz Fueling the Dragon’s Flame September 14, 2006 Table of Contents 1. Introduction 2 2. The Demand for Oil in China 3 3. China and Iran 5 4. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization 10 4.1 Differing Goals 11 4.2 The Role of Energy in the SCO 12 4.3 Interests 14 5. China and Saudi Arabia 15 6. Xinjiang: A Potential Flashpoint 18 7. Assessment of Chinese Strategy and Policy 19 7.1 Chinese Energy Policy 20 8. Implications and Recommendations for the United States 22 Appendix: Chinese Security Policy and the Military Dimension of the SCO 26 Sources 28 1 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission Fueling the Dragon’s Flame September 14, 2006 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Architecture of Security in the Asia-Pacific
    The Architecture of Security in the Asia-Pacific The Architecture of Security in the Asia-Pacific EDITED BY RON HUISKEN Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/architecture_citation.html National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: The architecture of security in the Asia-Pacific / editor Ron Huisken. ISBN: 9781921666025 (pbk.) 9781921666032 (pdf.) Subjects: National security--Asia--Congresses. National security--Pacific Area--Congresses. Other Authors/Contributors: Huisken, R. H. (Ronald Herman), 1946- Australian National University. Strategic and Defence Studies Centre. China Foundation for International and Strategic Studies. Dewey Number: 355.33095 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. The Canberra Papers on Strategy and Defence series is a collection of publications arising principally from research undertaken at the SDSC. Canberra Papers have been peer reviewed since 2006. All Canberra Papers are available for sale: visit the SDSC website at <http://rspas. anu.edu.au/sdsc/canberra_papers.php> for abstracts and prices. Electronic copies (in pdf format) of most SDSC Working Papers published since 2002 may be downloaded for free from the SDSC website at <http://rspas.anu.edu.au/sdsc/working_papers.php>.
    [Show full text]
  • What Motivates Russia? the Role of Wahhabism in Russian Cooperation with China in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (Sco)
    WHAT MOTIVATES RUSSIA? THE ROLE OF WAHHABISM IN RUSSIAN COOPERATION WITH CHINA IN THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION (SCO) by MICHAEL D. ZBORAY A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-Newark Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Global Affairs written under the direction of Professor Simon Reich and approved by _____________________________ _____________________________ _____________________________ _____________________________ Newark, New Jersey October 2016 © 2016 Michael D. Zboray ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION What Motivates Russia? The Role of Wahhabism in Russian Cooperation with China in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) By MICHAEL D. ZBORAY Dissertation Advisor: Professor Simon Reich This dissertation was made possible by a nationally competitive fellowship from IREX. I received six months of financial support from IREX’s Individual Advanced Research Opportunities Program (IARO) that funds policy-relevant research in Russia, Eastern Europe, and Eurasia. The fellowship was sponsored by the U.S. Department of State and allowed me to conduct field research in Moscow and Kazan between January 2014 and July 2014. I also traveled to Shanghai and Beijing for a total of four weeks to interview Chinese researchers. This fieldwork consisted of archival research and semi- structured interviews with policy experts. I use both qualitative and quantitative approaches including a modified Q-analysis to derive findings. The dissertation focuses on analyzing Russia’s motivations for participating in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), an understudied, yet vital, regional organization – the largest in the world. The Russian-Chinese relationship is the fulcrum of a broader membership that includes eighteen other members, notably India and Pakistan.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian-Chinese Security Relations
    Russian-Chinese Security Relations Moscow’s Threat from the East? Marcel de Haas 3 Russian–Chinese Security Relations: Moscow’s Threat from the East? Marcel de Haas © Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright holders. Clingendael Institute P.O Box 93080 2509 AB The Hague The Netherlands Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.clingendael.nl Table of Contents Abstract ....................................................................................................................................... 1 Map 1: Russia ............................................................................................................................. 3 Abbreviations ............................................................................................................................. 5 Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 7 China in Russia’s Security Documents (2000 - 2012) ............................................................... 9 Political Cooperation ................................................................................................................. 13 Bilateral Ties .........................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation's Momentum Towards
    Scientia Militaria, South African Journal of Military Studies, Vol 36, Nr 1, 2008. doi: 10.5787/36-1-42 14 THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANISATION’S MOMENTUM TOWARDS A MATURE SECURITY ALLIANCE Dr Marcel de Haas∗ Netherlands Institute of International Relations, The Hague Introduction Security organisations can differ in their scope of activities and in deepness of their mutual cooperation. For instance, the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) nowadays pays homage to the broad concept of security: security not only encompassing military but also political, economic, social and environmental factors.1 Among other things, this comprehensive approach to security includes aspects such as free and fair elections; well-organised administrative, law- enforcement and judicial organs at national, regional and local level; employment; housing; education and health services. If all of these dimensions of security are provided in the areas where NATO operates, such as Bosnia, Kosovo and Afghanistan, then a stable and secure situation has been reached. However, in 1949 NATO started as an organisation with an exclusive military objective, namely to deter an eventual attack by the Soviet Union and its satellites against European (NATO) countries. Especially during its operations in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s, the Western alliance realised that its concept of security should include other aspects than military, in order to achieve a stable international security environment. As to the intensity of cooperation among its member-states, NATO started with the most essential elements of political and military cooperation only. It took NATO many years to establish its current integrated political-military structure and activities, such as frequent political deliberations, joint forces and allied operations far beyond its territorial borders.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia, China, and the United States in Central Asia: Prospects for Great Power Competition and Cooperation in the Shadow of the Georgian Crisis
    RUSSIA, CHINA, AND THE UNITED STATES IN CENTRAL ASIA: PROSPECTS FOR GREAT POWER COMPETITION AND COOPERATION IN THE SHADOW OF THE GEORGIAN CRISIS Elizabeth Wishnick February 2009 Visit our website for other free publication downloads http://www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil/ To rate this publication click here. The views expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. This report is cleared for public release; distribution is unlimited. ***** This publication is a work of the subject to Title 17, United States Code, Sections 101 and 105. It is in the public domain and may not be copyrighted. ***** This manuscript was funded by the U.S. Army War College External Research Associates Program. Information on this program is available on our website, www.StrategicStudiesInstitute. army.mil, at the Publishing button. ***** Comments pertaining to this report are invited and should be forwarded to: Director, Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 122 Forbes Ave, Carlisle, PA 17013-5244. ***** All Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) publications are available on the SSI homepage for electronic dissemination. Hard copies of this report also may be ordered from our homepage. SSI’s homepage address is: www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil. ***** The Strategic Studies Institute publishes a monthly e-mail newsletter to update the national security community on the research of our analysts, recent and forthcoming publications, and upcoming conferences sponsored by the Institute. Each newsletter also provides a strategic commentary by one of our research analysts.
    [Show full text]