Both Sides of the Green Line James Goode Grand Valley State University
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The-Legal-Status-Of-East-Jerusalem.Pdf
December 2013 Written by: Adv. Yotam Ben-Hillel Cover photo: Bab al-Asbat (The Lion’s Gate) and the Old City of Jerusalem. (Photo by: JC Tordai, 2010) This publication has been produced with the assistance of the European Union. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the authors and can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position or the official opinion of the European Union. The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) is an independent, international humanitarian non- governmental organisation that provides assistance, protection and durable solutions to refugees and internally displaced persons worldwide. The author wishes to thank Adv. Emily Schaeffer for her insightful comments during the preparation of this study. 2 Table of Contents Table of Contents .......................................................................................................................... 3 1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 5 2. Background ............................................................................................................................ 6 3. Israeli Legislation Following the 1967 Occupation ............................................................ 8 3.1 Applying the Israeli law, jurisdiction and administration to East Jerusalem .................... 8 3.2 The Basic Law: Jerusalem, Capital of Israel ................................................................... 10 4. The Status -
No.49 October-November,1991
The Other Israel Newsletter of the Israeli Council for Israeli-Palestinian Peace October-November 1991 No 49 P.O.B.956 Tel-Aviv, Israel/61008 Editorial Board : Uri Avnery, Matti Peled, Yaakov Phone/fax: (03) 5565804 Editor: Adam Keller Arnon, Haim Bar'am, Yael Lotan, Yossi Amitay Assistant editor: Beate Zilversmidt – ISSN 0792-4615 – FIRST STEP IN MADRID ? October 25, 1991 a condition will be attached to the guarantees strictly It now seems that a conference for peace in the limiting ― if not altogether forbidding ― Israeli Middle East will indeed open at Madrid, on October settlement activity in the Occupied Territories. 30. Under auspices of Presidents Bush and Gorbachev, Moreover, it is quite possible that similar conditions the representatives of Israel and its neighboring will be attached to the regular American aid to Arab states will engage in formal negotiations, for Israel, three billion Dollars a year ― hitherto, the the first time in decades. It will also be the first time least controversial item on the congressional agenda. in Israel's history that official Israeli representatives Already, a senatorial committee failed to approve a will engage in formal negotiations with representatives request for an additional 200 million Dollars in of the Palestinian people. military aid to Israel. The convening of this conference is the result of six Bush's displeasure with the Shamir government months' strenous diplomatic efforts by American was displayed in other ways as well, such as loud Secretary of State James Baker, including no less protests when Israeli planes carried out aerial than eight trips to the Middle East. -
• International Court of Justice • • • • •
• • • INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE • • • • • . Request for an • Advisory Opinion on the • Legal Consequences of the • Construction of a Wall • in the Occupied Palestinian Territories • • WRITTEN STATEMENT SUBMITTED BY • THE HASHEMITE KINGDOM OF JORDAN • • • • 30 January 2004 • • • • • TABLE OF CONTENTS • 1. Introduction • Il. General background • III. Immediate background • IV. Relevant facts V. Relevant legal considerations • (a) The Court' s jurisdiction • (i) The request raises a legal question which the Court has jurisdiction ta answer • (ii) There are no compelling reasons which should lead the • Court ta refuse ta give the advisory opinion requested of it. • (b) Applicable legal principles (i) The prohibition of the use of force, and the right of seIf- • determination, are Iules of ius cogens (ii) The territory in whîch the wall has been or is planned to be • constructed constitutes occupied territory for purposes of international law • (lii) The law applicable in respect of occupied territory limîts • the occupying State's power$ (iv) Occupied territory cannot be annexed by the occupying • State • (c) Applicable legal principles and the construction of the wall (i) The occupying State does not have the right effectively to • alIDex occupied territory or otherwise to alter its status (ii) The occupying State does not have the right to alter the • population balance in the occupîed territory by estabIishing alien • settlements • ->- :.• 1 1. • -11- (iii) The occupying State lS not entitled in occupied territory to construct a wall -
A Quiet Revolution by Mary Elizabeth King
A Quiet Revolution by Mary Elizabeth King Twenty years ago, in December 1987, Palestinians in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem launched a massive nonviolent social mobilization against the Israeli military occupation that had begun in 1967. A pivotal moment in contemporary world history, new political thinking manifested itself in nonviolent action despite the ever-present threat of Israeli reprisal. A decades-long spread of knowledge about nonviolent strategies throughout Palestinian society shaped the uprising. It was not a spontaneous rebellion as many perceived, but a movement by virtually an entire society working to lift a military occupation with the same nonviolent methods used in India by Gandhi, by the U.S. civil rights movement, in the Czech and Slovaks’ velvet revolution, by the Serbian activists who brought down Slobodan Milošević, and by Buddhist monks with upturned alms bowls in Burma. In this struggle within a struggle, a history until now untold, for more than two years the Palestinians refused to use firearms against the Israeli soldiers and armed settlers in their midst. From the 1987 uprising would emerge the most cogent pressure to date to create a Palestinian state alongside Israel, with implied acceptance of the latter’s permanence. Following the incarceration or deportation of the activist intellectuals who had helped bring about the new political thinking that nurtured the intifada, the movement disintegrated into violence. Yet reclamation of such nonviolent strategies is the key to enduring peace in this conflict. The intifada manifested highly significant shifts in organization, political thinking, leadership, and purpose. The Palestinians inside the territories occupied by Israel in 1967 determined in essence to discard a tradition of armed struggle—which included some of the twentieth century’s most notorious attacks on civilian and military targets—in favor of nonviolent methods of struggle last utilized in the 1920s and 1930s. -
Galilee Flowers
GALILEE FLOWERS The Collected Essays of Israel Shamir Israel Adam Shamir GALILEE FLOWERS CONTENTS INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................................... 5 WHY I SUPPORT THE RETURN OF PALESTINIANS.................................................................... 6 PART ONE....................................................................................................................................... 8 THE STATE OF MIND ................................................................................................................. 8 OLIVES OF ABOUD.................................................................................................................... 21 THE GREEN RAIN OF YASSOUF................................................................................................ 23 ODE TO FARRIS ........................................................................................................................ 34 THE BATTLE FOR PALESTINE.................................................................................................. 39 THE CITY OF THE MOON ......................................................................................................... 42 JOSEPH REVISITED................................................................................................................... 46 CORNERSTONE OF VIOLENCE.................................................................................................. 50 THE BARON’S BRAID............................................................................................................... -
Cornerstone Issue 49
Issue 49 - Summer 2008 1 ISSUE 49 • SUMMER 2008 ORNERSTONE CA QUARTERLY PUBLICATION BY SABEEL ECUMENICAL LIBERATION THEOLOGY CENTER A SOBERING 60 YEARS DOES GOD CARE FOR LABELS? by: Naim Ateek On May 15, 2008, the Palestinians commemorated their Nakba while the Israelis celebrated their independence. The two sides are miles apart from reconciling their divergent history. It was obvious that the Israelis were proud to celebrate 60 years of the establishment of their state while the Palestinians were mourning 60 years of tragedy. This is the enigma of history in the Middle East - the presence of tragedy and triumph, commemoration and celebration, Nakba (Arabic for catastrophe) and Atzma’oot (Hebrew for independence). Those who celebrated paid no attention to those who mourned, and those who mourned are powerless to turn their lamentation into celebration. What exacerbated the pain of the mourners was that those who celebrated totally ignored and denied their IN THIS ISSUE Nakba. Does God Care for Labels? by Naim Ateek 1 We have been living in this paradox for the last 60 years. Let Why Can’t They Fix the Shutters? by Nahla Assali 4 us stop for a moment and ask ourselves a theological question: Bush and the Nakba, by Sam Bahour 6 how does God see the Palestinian Nakba and Israel’s Atzma’oot? The Little Old Iron, by Mona Halaby 8 Liberation theology emphasizes that God takes a stand on the Lamenting the Destruction: side of the poor and oppressed and against the powerful The Nakba Continues, by Kathy Bergen 10 oppressors. In this theology, the only labels that matter are Unforgettable Memories from 1948, by Samia Khoury 12 those of oppressor and oppressed. -
Camp David's Shadow
Camp David’s Shadow: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinian Question, 1977-1993 Seth Anziska Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2015 © 2015 Seth Anziska All rights reserved ABSTRACT Camp David’s Shadow: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinian Question, 1977-1993 Seth Anziska This dissertation examines the emergence of the 1978 Camp David Accords and the consequences for Israel, the Palestinians, and the wider Middle East. Utilizing archival sources and oral history interviews from across Israel, Palestine, Lebanon, the United States, and the United Kingdom, Camp David’s Shadow recasts the early history of the peace process. It explains how a comprehensive settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict with provisions for a resolution of the Palestinian question gave way to the facilitation of bilateral peace between Egypt and Israel. As recently declassified sources reveal, the completion of the Camp David Accords—via intensive American efforts— actually enabled Israeli expansion across the Green Line, undermining the possibility of Palestinian sovereignty in the occupied territories. By examining how both the concept and diplomatic practice of autonomy were utilized to address the Palestinian question, and the implications of the subsequent Israeli and U.S. military intervention in Lebanon, the dissertation explains how and why the Camp David process and its aftermath adversely shaped the prospects of a negotiated settlement between Israelis and Palestinians in the 1990s. In linking the developments of the late 1970s and 1980s with the Madrid Conference and Oslo Accords in the decade that followed, the dissertation charts the role played by American, Middle Eastern, international, and domestic actors in curtailing the possibility of Palestinian self-determination. -
Israel: 50 Years of Conquest
Library.Anarhija.Net Israel: 50 Years of Conquest Various Authors Various Authors Israel: 50 Years of Conquest 1999 From Fifth Estate #352, Winter 1999 lib.anarhija.net 1999 Contents “An outpost of civilization” ................. 5 Origins of the zionist state ................. 7 A Palestinian state? ..................... 9 Breaking the circle ...................... 11 Thugs Who Currently Rule . 14 Palestinian Refugees: Ghosts of Israeli Conquest by Ali Moosaavi 16 2 of the study of refugee attitudes to the peace process released bythe FE Note: We are publishing this essay to mark the fiftieth an- Campaign for Refugee Rights to Return. niversary of the founding of the state of Israel. It is a substantially Hopefully, it won’t take another fifty years to see the emergence revised version of two articles written in the wake of the Israeli inva- of a determined Palestinian identity free of politically nationalist sion of Lebanon in 1982 (“The Israeli Massacre — Peace in Galilee?” trappings, even in the face of increasing repression from host coun- and “Latin American Terror: The Israeli Connection”) that appeared tries as well as further Israeli aggression. Already the victims of in the Fall 1982 Fifth Estate (now out of print). Both were written ethnic cleansing, refugees will likely be targets for further land dis- by David Watson for the special edition which included Fredy Perl- possession and expulsion. Their only defense that won’t don’t lead man’s “Anti-Semitism and the Beirut Pogrom.” down the dead end road of nationalism is a revolutionary move- ment of the camps, firmly grounded in anti-authoritarian principles. *** The potential lies in their identification with their villages oforigin as opposed to a modern nation state. -
Hamas Ceasefire Proposal: Peace Or Pause? | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 447 Hamas Ceasefire Proposal: Peace or Pause? Mar 16, 2004 Brief Analysis as the radical Palestinian Islamist organization Hamas adopted a new, more moderate view on peace with H Israel? In recent months, elite news organizations—from the Economist to National Public Radio—have highlighted interviews by Hamas leaders such as founder Shaykh Ahmed Yassin suggesting a willingness on the part of the organization to negotiate a "long-term truce" with Israel. On December 1, 2003, Yassin declared that Hamas was "ready to reach or to go with this enemy [Israel] into a long-term . truce. But the enemy . must pull out from all the Palestinian territories and . remove all shapes and kinds of occupation." Given that as a movement, Hamas embodies fundamental hostility to the idea of a Jewish state in Palestine, and that the organization has claimed responsibility for dozens of suicide bomb attacks (attempted and successful) both inside and outside the Green Line, these media outlets take heart from what appears to be a newfound pragmatism in the organization's approach. Such a policy, some journalists note, would help Hamas push aside Yasir Arafat's Palestinian Authority and emerge as the principal Palestinian interlocutor in negotiations with Israel. In reality, however, Hamas truce offers are not new. Hamas has, in fact, proposed a ceasefire with Israel no fewer than eleven times since 1993. In most cases, these offers have served to deflect massive Israeli retaliation against the group's leadership in response to a Hamas terrorist act. On at least three occasions, Hamas proposals have included tacit acceptance of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza, rather than "from the river to the sea," i.e., accepting Israel within its Green Line borders. -
Fleurs De Galilée (Recueil D’Articles 2001-2002)
Israel Adam Shamir Fleurs de Galilée (Recueil d’articles 2001-2002) Traduction française par les amis de Shamir http://www.israelshamir.net/French/fleursdegalilee.html Table des Matières Avant-propos 003 Pourquoi je défends le droit au retour des Palestiniens 004 Partie 1 – ‘L’état’ (d’esprit) 006 – Les oliviers d’Abour 016 – La pluie verte de Yassouf 018 – Ode à Farès ou le retour du Chevalier 028 – La bataille de Palestine 032 – La ville de la lune 034 – Ce qui s'est vraiment passé au tombeau de Joseph 037 – Première pierre de la violence 040 – La tresse du baron 045 – L’invasion 050 – Convoi pour Bethléem 053 – Les héros de la dernière chance 056 – Les collines de Judée 059 Partie 2 – La Galilée en fleurs 061 – Le réservoir de Mamilla 064 – Avril est le mois le plus cruel 071 – Encore un plan de paix 074 Partie 3 – L’épreuve était décisive 076 – Le viol de Dulcinée 079 – La rengaine des deux Etats 081 – Le fou d’été et le fou d’hiver 087 Partie 4 – Elle est vraiment impossible cette petite sœur ! 090 – La nouvelle complainte de Portnoy 091 – Dans une certaine mesure 097 – Le bal des vampires 100 – Banquiers et voleurs 104 – 27 juillet, Fête de Saint Firmin 111 – Le nigaud de service 115 – Le prince charmant 117 – Orient Express 125 – Derniers feux de l’été 127 Partie 5 – Une Medina yiddish 132 – Les Sages de Sion et les Maîtres du Discours 153 – Les Juifs et les Protocoles 158 – Une cour assidue mais vaine 162 – La vague de réfugiés est en marche 166 – Le moineau et le scarabée 175 Partie 6 – Guerriers et gynécée 181 – L’empoisonnement -
5222 869 Israel Gideon Spiro
גדעון ספירו Gideon Spiro עיתונאי Journalist שדרות ח"ן 47 תל-אביב Sderot Chen 47 Tel Aviv 6416764167 טל/פקס Tel / Fax: 03- 5222 869 03 - 5222 869 Israel Gideon Spiro – Lebenslauf (c.v.) *Geboren in Berlin 1935 in einer Familie, die seit Hunderten von Jahren in Deutschland verwurzelt war. Vater war Arzt, die Mutter Photographin und Labortechnikerin. * Überlebender der Progrom(Kristall)nacht im November 1938 *Auswanderung nach Jerusalem, Palästina im März 1939, als dort das britische Imperium herrschte. * Schulbildung: Volksschule in Jerusalem, Gymnasium in der Kibbutzbewegung. Akademische Bildung: Universität Haifa – Politikwissenschaften * Militärdienst: Fallschirmjäger, Beteiligung an einigen Kriegen, Erhalt einer Militärauszeichnung. *Journalist: Redakteur einer Studentenzeitung, Korrespondent einer israelischen Zeitung in Deutschland und USA. Parlamentarischer Korrespondent in der Knesset und Kolumnenschreiber in einigen Zeitungen. Gegenwärtig schreibe ich eine Kolumne "Der rote Putzlumpen", welche in einigen Internetseiten veröffentlicht wird. * Im Junikrieg 1967 war ich ein Teil der Truppe, die Ostjerusalem eroberte. Damals entschied ich, dass ich nie mehr In Uniform über eine Zivilbevölkerung herrschen werde. Bei dieser Entscheidung blieb ich. * Zehn Jahre Mitarbeiter des Erziehungs- und Kulturministeriums. Ich wurde als erster Staatsangestellter angeklagt, aufgrund eines bis dahin nie angewandten Paragraphen: Verbot öffentlicher Kritik der Regierungspolitik, als Folge kritischer Artikel, die ich über den ersten Libanonkrieg (1982) -
Israel and the Palestinians: Background Memorandum on U.S
MEMORANDUM February 12, 2020 Subject: Israel and the Palestinians: Background Memorandum on U.S. Peace Plan From: Jim Zanotti, Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs, [email protected], 7-1441 This memorandum was prepared to enable distribution to more than one congressional office. Issue Overview President Trump released a long-promised “Peace to Prosperity” plan for Israel and the Palestinians on January 28, 2020,1 after obtaining expressions of support from Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and Netanyahu’s main political rival Benny Gantz. The release and Netanyahu’s announced intention to annex parts of the West Bank might affect a closely-contested Israeli election scheduled for March 2—the third in the past year pitting Netanyahu (who has been indicted on corruption charges) and Gantz against one another (see “Possible Annexation and Israeli Domestic Politics” below).2 The West Bank has been subject to Israeli military administration since its capture from Jordan in the 1967 Arab- Israeli war. Members of Congress have had mixed reactions to the plan,3 which has been widely seen as favoring Israeli positions more than past U.S. efforts on core issues of Israeli-Palestinian dispute.4 For a summary of previous U.S. efforts on peace, see Appendix A. Prospects for holding negotiations seem dim given concerted opposition from Palestinian leaders. President Trump has said that the Palestinians would have four years to satisfy the plan’s conditions for 1 White House, Peace to Prosperity: A Vision to Improve the Lives of the Palestinian and Israeli People, January 2020, available at https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/Peace-to-Prosperity-0120.pdf.