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ALEXANDER of MACEDON *Hdt. 4.123, 5.17.1−2, 5.19−21, 5.22

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ALEXANDER of MACEDON *Hdt. 4.123, 5.17.1−2, 5.19−21, 5.22 2020-4002-AJHIS 1 ALEXANDER OF MACEDON 2 *Hdt. 4.123, 5.17.1−2, 5.19−21, 5.22.2, 7.172.1, 8.139, 9.44.1–45.3] 3 4 Claims that Herodotus reveals himself as a proto-biographer are not yet widely 5 accepted. To advance this claim, I have selected one man, Alexander I, who finds 6 himself and his kingdom caught in the middle of the Helleno-Persian Wars and 7 whose activities are recounted in the Histories. It is to a near contemporary, 8 Heraclitus, to whom we attribute the maxim—character is human destiny. It is 9 the truth of this maxim—which implies effective human agency—that makes 10 Herodotus’ creation of historical narrative possible. He is often read for his off- 11 topic vignettes, which colour-in the character of the individuals depicted without 12 necessarily advancing his narrative. But by hop scotching through five of the 13 nine books of the Histories, we can assemble a largely continuous narrative for 14 this remarkable individual. This narrative permits us to attribute both credit and 15 moral responsibility for his actions. Arguably, this implied causation 16 demonstrates that Herodotus’ writings include much that amounts to proto- 17 biography. 18 19 Keywords: character; destiny; defining moment; proto-biographer; Helleno- 20 Persian Wars, authority, autonomy, agency. 21 22 23 Proto-Biography 24 25 Herodotus has long been recognised as the first Western historian, 26 but his Histories are also read for his lively biographic anecdotes and 27 character vignettes. Although Herodotus writes history, many of his 28 anecdotes do not extend his historical narrative at all, and when not an 29 outright digression often colour-in something of the character and 30 values of selected notable individuals. He selects short, seemingly off- 31 topic stories about the deeds, and conduct or misconduct of his heroines 32 and heroes that eloquently reveal much about their character, but 33 which seemingly without judgement often also provide what might 34 become a defining moment for each individual. 35 Just as Homer and Hesiod stand at a crossroads where oral myth is 36 set down in writing, Herodotus stands at another crossroads a few 37 hundred years later where selected stories about great heroines, heroes, 38 and scurrilous hounds are taken out of the oral tradition and set down 39 in writing. Albeit writing prose rather than epic poetry, Herodotus 1 2020-4002-AJHIS – 04 NOV 2020 1 regards himself as a contemporary Homer, but also as a storyteller with 2 the ability to assign credit and with it, moral responsibility.1 3 It is to Herodotus’ near-contemporary, Heraclitus, to whom we 4 attribute the maxim (ἦθος ἀνθρώπῳ δαίμων) ‚êthos anthropôi daimôn‛ 5 translations for which include the commonplace character is destiny.2 6 Neither êthos nor daimôn are easily translated, and anthropôi is often 7 ignored. But the maxim is senseless if any part of it depends on powers 8 outside of the individual. It is the truth of this maxim—which 9 presupposes effective human agency—that makes the creation of 10 historical narrative, rather than divine myth or heroic epic, even 11 possible. Hesiod, Homer, and to a certain extent Plutarch many 12 centuries later, want to argue that it is primarily ancestry or pedigree 13 that will determine destiny. Undeniably in the fifth century the well- 14 born will often have greater autonomy, authority, and agency. 15 Claims that Herodotus reveals himself as a proto-biographer are 16 not yet widely accepted. In an article lamenting the gap between 17 Herodotus and Xenophon—Helene Homeyer makes the claim that 18 Herodotus is also the father of biography.3 To advance this claim, I have 19 selected one exceptional individual, prince Alexander, later king 20 Alexander I of Macedon. An individual, who participated in the 21 Helleno-Persian Wars, but one not found among those notables 22 recognised by Plutarch in his Parallel Lives. By hopscotching through 23 seven of the nine books of Herodotus’ Histories, even if the entries fall 24 short of a cradle to grave depiction, we can assemble a reasonably 25 continuous narrative for Alexander, and thus through his exploits, 26 gauge his character against the epic heroines and heroes described by 1Re-discovered in 1994 on the harbour wall of Halicarnassus, the modern Aegean resort of Bodrum in Turkey, the Salmakis Inscription, possibly early second century, describes Herodotus as (Ἡρόδοτον τὸν πεζὸν ἐν ἱστορίασιν Ὅμηρον ἤροσεν,) Hêrόdoton ton pezon en historiasin Homêron êrosen, ‚*Halicarnassus+ engendered Herodotus, the prose Homer of history‛ (Isager 7–8 and, Priestley 187). 2Heraclitus of Ephesus, a near contemporary of Herodotus, and one of the Presocratic philosophers, was active in the late sixth- and early fifth-centuries shortly before Herodotus was born. We have no evidence either way about Herodotus’ familiarity with Heraclitus’ works, but their notions of human causality or agency concur. 3See ‚Zu den Aufängen der griechischen Biographie.‛ Helen Homeyer writes, So ist Herodot nicht nur der Vater der Geschichte, sondern zugleich auch der Schöpfer eines Zweiges der biographischen Darstallungsweise geworden, die bis zu Plutarch reicht. This can be roughly translated as ‚So Herodotus is not only the father of history, but also the creator of a branch of biographical representation which extends up to Plutarch‛ (Homeyer 75, 81). 2 2020-4002-AJHIS – 04 NOV 2020 1 Homer. Emulating Tomas Hägg, I let Herodotus speak for himself 2 through long in-text quotations from the Purvis translation.4 3 4 5 Late Sixth-century Macedon 6 7 Herodotus gives us part of the life story of only one ruler of 8 Macedon, but even these fascinating, chronologically isolated, stand- 9 alone, episodes about Alexander I are scattered over five books of his 10 Histories. Large in area and undeveloped, but neither wealthy nor 11 populous, this northern Aegean kingdom’s importance late in the sixth 12 and early in the fifth century is determined entirely by its geography. 13 Not landlocked, it has direct access to the sea through the Thermaic 14 Gulf, and hence the intense interest of the Persian rulers Darius and his 15 son Xerxes. This kingdom, which during the late sixth and the early 16 fifth centuries does not yet include the Chalcidian Peninsula, lies north 17 of Thessaly but east of Thrace. Therefore it is situated along the 18 strategic route that any invading land armies with designs on mainland 19 Greece—Attica and the Peloponnese—would take when advancing 20 west from either the Black Sea or from the south after crossing the 21 Straits from the Anatolian peninsula into Europe. But neither Alexander 22 nor his people are true Asian/Near Eastern barbaroi either: Far from it.5 23 Whatever Alexander’s true ethnicity, there is considerably less doubt 24 about his people. At this time the Southern Greeks (Athens and Sparta) 25 do not regard the Macedon peoples as true Hellenes at all—despite some 26 shared religious beliefs, if not similarities in culture—they are not 27 Doric, Aeolian, or Ionic, let alone Attic Greek-speaking. Some scholars 28 have suggested that their language was more an uneducated backward 29 Greek brogue. Given its military and economic insignificance, 30 Macedon’s ruler finds himself in a similarly perilous position to his 4Hägg comments, ‚The idea that [someone] knows the texts sufficiently well in advance, or has them at hand to consult continuously is a pious illusion: it is better to bring the texts physically into the discussion‛ (Hägg ix). 5Barbarians (Βάρβαροι Barbaroi) is now a pejorative term, implying primitive, savage, uncivilized, crude, and uncultured; but rather like the Gaelic word sasunnoch or sassanach (originally meaning Saxon) it should really be translated as outsider in the mildly xenophobic sense of not one of us. 3 2020-4002-AJHIS – 04 NOV 2020 1 contemporary in the nearby Chersonese, Miltiades son of Kimon.6 They 2 are both far too weak to resist Persia’s territorial expansion ambitions 3 and yet too far away to solicit meaningful support from either Athens 4 or Sparta. 5 Although Alexander’s Macedon people are not recognised as 6 Hellenes, young Alexander—having successfully petitioned the 7 Hellanodikai for permission to compete in the Olympic Games—regards 8 himself not only as a true Hellene, but as Hellenic royalty with an 9 uncontested lineage stretching back in time beyond the Trojan War.7 10 Once again, Herodotus shows his fascination with genealogy, a 11 fascination which fits well with the Heraclitean maxim: character is 12 destiny, and his own Homeric echoes of heroic deeds. Thus Alexander’s 13 privileged high-birth potentially gives him the opportunity to exercise 14 independent agency, and these are opportunities usually denied those 15 of less than noble birth. For all their bleats about democracy, the 16 Hellenes, and the Athenians in particular, are still a long way away from 17 creating a functioning meritocracy. Agency alone is never going to be 18 enough; it must be coupled with autonomy and authority—and in the 19 early fifth-century all three are most readily secured through pedigree. 20 21 22 A Kingdom in Harm’s Way 23 24 At the end of the Persian’s stalemated Scythian expedition of 513 25 Darius the Great withdraws west along the northern shores of the Black 26 Sea slowly making his way through Thrace to Sestos on the Chersonese 27 peninsula where he ferries his army back over to Anatolia, leaving 28 behind one of his generals, Megabazos, and eighty-thousand troops on 29 the European side of the waterway (Hdt.
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