FALL 1986

FALL 1986 Number 22 ACTION AMERICAN COMMITTEE ON AFRICA 198 Broadway * New York, NY 10038 * (212) 962-1210 CONGRESS REBUKES REAGAN The Reagan policy of "constructive engagement" was dealt a major blow this fall when Congress voted overwhelmingly to override the Presidential veto of legislation imposing limited economic sanctions against South Africa. ANTI-APARTHEID EFFORTS PAY OFF This historic vote was the result of years of anti-apartheid work aimed at pushing U.S. policy beyond formal denunciations of the South African government. The fight was won after an intensive campaign that joined such anti-apartheid organizations as ACOA, the Washington Office on Africa and TransAfrica, with religious, labor and other national and grassroots forces in a powerful movement to demand sanctions now. The final legislation approved in September fell far short of the comprehensive economic sanctions supported by ACOA which were passed by the House in June. Its passage even threatened some state and local anti-apartheid initiatives. However, the unprecedented level of grassroot pressure in the U.S. combined with the growing rebellion in South Africa to force Congress to deliver a sharp rebuke of the Reagan administration's alliance with South Africa. DISINVESTMENT VICTORY The U.S. anti-apartheid movement initially won a significant victory in June when the House passed legislation (originally introduced by Rep. Ron Dellums) mandating comprehensive economic sanctions. The passage of this legislation was astounding because most congressional representatives were so convinced it would not pass, that in late May a bipartisan coalition introduced a weaker selective sanctions bill. Along with lobbying groups in Washington, ACOA continued to urge the House to adopt the Dellums measure. ACOA sent telegrams and action alerts, made hundreds of phone calls and organized numerous speaking engagements in key states to build support for the strongest possible sanctions. The pressure of all these actions, combined with the South African government's declaration of a new state of emergency just six days before the House vote, led to a clear victory in the House with the passage of the Dellums bill by a voice vote. SENATE COMPROMISES The conservative leadership in the Senate, which had opposed any sanctions, was forced to reverse its position with the House victory. Determined to oppose the passage of the comprehensive sanctions being sponsored by Senators Cranston, Kennedy and Weicker, the Senate leadership, led by Richard Lugar, engineered a package of selective sanctions. ACOA focused on mobilizing anti-apartheid forces across the country to voice their support for definitive Senate action. Targeted action alerts were sent to key contacts in every state that has Senators on the Foreign Relations Committee. ACOA prepared specially tailored leaflets for large conferences, church meetings and demonstrations in such cities as New York, Chicago and Seattle. Special efforts were directed toward Indiana and Kansas, the home states of the chairpersons of the Foreign Relations Committee (Lugar) and the Africa Subcommittee of Foreign Relations (Nancy Kassebaum). Prexy Nesbitt, on staff for the summer, repeatedly traveled to Indiana to mobilize church, labor and community organizations around the sanctions issue and, in a final push, he joined Black South African trade unionist Nomonde Ngubo in Kansas just as the Senate debated sanctions. Working to maximize mainstream support for effective sanctions, ACOA coordinated a national statement supporting Senator Cranston's proposal to introduce the language passed in the House as a substitute for the Senate bill. Thus, leaders of major national civil rights, religious and labor organizations publicly urged adoption of comprehensive economic sanctions, statContinued on page 2 ACOA's Executive Director Jennifer Davis presents African National Congress Secretary General Alfred Nzo with a $30,000 Africa Fund/Sun City check for the ANC's continuing refugee work as New York City Council President David Dinkins looks on.

Congress rebuks Reagan, continued ing, "the time for quiet diplomacy and symbolic gestures has passed." This statement, printed as an advertisement in the Washington Post, represented a major shift in attitude of many previously uncommitted to the imposition of comprehensive economic sanctions against the Pretoria regime. By the end of the summer, the intense nationwide lobbying campaign generated an atmosphere in which a vote against sanctions was viewed as a vote for apartheid. In the face of these efforts, the Senate, by a vote of 87 to 12, adopted Lugar's legislation. This legislation has many weaknesses, mandating an often contradictory laundry list of special interest actions and including a large number of provisions that simply enact into law restrictions that already existed in other forms. But it does include provisions that impose real sanctions on South Afri(a (see box: page 4). It has laid the groundwork for the next round in the battle to enforce comprehensive sanctions. "The time for quiet diplomacy and symbolic gestures has passed," urged a number of national civil rights, labor and religious leaders in a national statement coordinated by ACOA. With time running out, Senate Republicans used parliamentary tactics to maneuver the House into accepting their legislation, rather than face the prospect of no legislation at all. The Senate bill was passed by the House on September 12 by a vote of 308 to 77. REAGAN'S "NEW" POLICY As the summer progressed and Congress seemed determined to impose some form of sanctions, the President sought to stave off the inevitable through a series of policy wriggles. He proposed the appointment of a Black ambassador to South Africa and the extension and possible modification of his bland 1985 Executive Order. But the naming of career diplomat Edward Perkins as candidate for the post of ambassador was not enough to turn the sanctions tide. Many observers commented that the Administration was clearly attempting to change the color of its policy without changing the policy itself. The President was eventually confronted The Senate Should Adopt Full Economic Sanctions Against South Africa Public Statement on Sanctions The crisis of mass protest, arrests, police killings and censorship continues to escalate in South Africa today. The government of P.W Botha blatantly defies the demand of the majority for a nonracial, democratic state based on one-person, one vote. Leaders of the freedom movement have called on the international community to apply comprehensive economic sanctions in support of their demands to eradicate apartheid. The United States House of Representatives has responded to this call and passed the Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986, which would end all trade and investment in South Africa. This legislation has been introduced in the Senate by Senators Kennedy, Weicker and Cranston as S. 2570. The time for quiet diplomacy and symbolic gestures has passed We urge the Senate to place Congress squarely on the side of freedom in South Africa by adopting these comprehensive economic sanctions now This statement is endorsed by: Rev. Avery Post Co-Chair, Churches, Emergency Committee on South Africa President, United Church of Christ Rabbi Alexander M. Schindler President Union of American Hebrew Congregations Jack Sheinkman Secretay-Treasarer Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union Rev. Marshall L. Shepard. Jr. Co-Chair. Churches' Emesgency Committee on South Africa President Progressive National Baptist Convention, Inc. Henry Siegmnan Ececutie Director American Jewish Congress Eleanor Smeal National Preaident National Organization for Women Willi-m W. Winpisinger President International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers Lynn R. Willias President st United Steel Workers of America This message sponsored by: The American Committee on Africa and The Africa Fund Jenifer Davis, Executive Director, 198 Broadway, New York, NY 10038 (212) 962-1210 by what he had sought to avoid-sanctions legislation that he had to either sign or veto. By vetoing, he chose to challenge Congress and the mood of the country. Reagan was forced to accept the humiliating defeat of an overwhelming congressional veto override and the adoption of limited sanctions. EDUCATION ON SANCTIONS NEEDED These developments represented major victories for the anti-apartheid movement. But this year's congressional campaign has also demonstrated that much more grassroots organizing and education on sanctions and divestment will have to take place before comprehensive and truly effective sanctions become a part of U.S. policy. ACOA has begun planning the next phase of work on the sanctions issue, which will include regional seminars, conferences and speaking tours. It is clearly the intention of ACOA to continue working on a number of different levels to secure the passage of comprehensive economic sanctions. We have and will continue to heed the call of Black South Africans as articulated by Oliver Tambo, President of the African NaSTUDENT MOVEMENT The pressure for university divestment has resulted in significant victories during the summer and into the fall. Nationwide campus protests in October, coordinated in part by ACOA helped maintain the grassroots thrust to end all U.S. ties with South Africa. DIVESTMENT VICTORIES A total of 116 schools have now enacted full or partial divestment policies affecting $3.8 billion. Following are a few of the recent victories: UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA: On Nelson Mandela's birthday (July 18) the university's Board of Regents voted for total divestment of $3.1 billion in stocks linked to South Africa. UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON: On August 22 the trustees reversed an earlier 8 to 1 vote and endorsed full divestment of $6.4 million in South Africa linked stock. MIDDLEBURY COLLEGE: In early September a total divestment policy, affecting $12 million, was passed, ending a policy based on the Sullivan Principles. GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY: After years of campus protest, highlighted by a building takeover this spring, the Georgetown trustees enacted a divestment measure involving $28.6 million. HARVARD UNIVERSITY: In a significant partial divestment action, Harvard divested $150 million from five oil companies and Ford on the grounds of their links to the South African military. The October 2 decision followed a student blockade that Bishop Jams Mase Ault President, Council of Bishops The United Methodist Church Rev. Williama M. Boteler Superior Genel, Maeyknoil Fathers and Brothers (Catholic Foreign Mission Society of America, Inc.) Victor Gotbaum President Public Service International Benjamnin L. Hooks Exuti Dirctor National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) John Jacob President National Urban Leagve Coretta Scott King Presidnt Martin Luther King, Jr. Center for Non-Violent Social Change, Inc. William Lucy National President Coalition of Black Trade Unionistm Gerald McEntes President American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (partial li

THE AMERICAN COMMITTEE ON AFRICA AND THE AFRICA FUND EXPRESS OUR DEEPEST SORROW AT THE SUDDEN AND TRAGIC DEATH OF PRESIDENT SAMORA MOISES MACHEL AND OTHER DEDICATED MOZAMBICANS. WE REAFFIRM OUR COMMITMENT TO THE STRUGGLE FOR WHICH THEY GAVE THEIR LIVES, THE TOTAL LIBERATION OF ALL THE PEOPLE OF SOUTHERN AFRICA. Samora Moises Machel (1933- 1986) tional Congress (ANC): "Time is indeed running out if it has not done so already. If those who have the power and obligation to impose sanctions fail to do so now, then history will surely judge them as co-conspirators and participants in the commission of a crime of immense dimensions." U FORCES AHEAD forced cancellation of the university's 350th anniversary dinner. SUMMER MEETINGS AND FALL ACTION On June 27 and 28, the American Committee on Africa organized two days of student meetings to assess the movement's political development and plan for coordi- nated fall activities. On the first day, 25 students representing schools from Vermont to Hawaii testified before the UN Special Committee Against Apartheid about their anti-apartheid organizing efforts. The next day's strategy session, attended by 150 activists from 50 campuses nationwide, focused on making the link between anti-apartheid organizing and domestic racism. Also covered were the importance of direct action and the sanctions battle in the 99th Congress. The meeting concluded with an endorsement of a National Protest Day for Divestment and Sanctions on October 10. The October 10th mobilization was supported on scores of campuses and in numerous communities. The protest day's agenda made a call for solidarity with South African and Namibian political prisoners. The day was marked by divestment protests, the construction of shantytowns and numerous rallies across the country. European anti-apartheid activists in Norway, England and Ireland also chose October 10 to protest against U.S. support for Unita. HISTORIC UTAH SHANTYTOWN RULING An important legal and political precedent was established on August 26 when a U.S. District Court in Utah upheld the right of students to maintain shantytowns at the University of Utah. The ruling held that shanties constitute symbolic speech protected under the First Amendment. The American Committee on Africa has available an updated listing of all university divestment and a full report on the October 10th National Protest Day. 0 ACOA's Student Coordinator Josh Nessen speaking at the local New York City October 10th demonstration on Wall Street. Prexy Nesbitt, on staff for the summer, speaking to activists in Kansas.

DEUKMEJIAN DECREE DOUBLES DOLLARS DIVESTED The divestment movement scored a major victory in September when California's Republican Governor George Deukmejian reversed years of opposition and agreed to a four-year, phased divestment plan for all state institutions. The state university system agreed to the divestment plan early in the summer, and legislation mandating state pension fund divestment became law soon thereafter. Taken together, the university and state pension divestments will result in the sale of $12.5 billion worth of stocks and bonds in apartheid-I inked corporations. The state employee pension fund's $9.5 billion divestment alone more than doubles the total amount of money now affected by state and local measures around the country. Across the nation, ACOA estimates that state and local actions mandate the divestment of more than $18 billion in (cocks and bonds linked to white minority rule. Anti-apartheid activists had hoped the governor would begin divestment immediately and eliminate the one-year moratorium the legislation calls for, but it is nonetheless a significant victory. It is a particularly sweet victory for Assemblywoman Maxine Waters, who has been in the forefront of California's five-year battle for statewide divestment legislation. Around the country the issue of apartheid has continued to rank high on statehouse agendas. In May, Maryland became the first state to pass a selective purchasing law, and a number of states, including New Mexico, have strengthened their existing measures. The ACOA staff has been actively involved in supporting these actions, working with local coalitions, providing back-up and arranging speakers and briefing material for legislators in most of the 36 states that considered divestment legislation this year. The new Projects Director Rob Jones has worked closely with legislators in South Carolina, Michigan, Missouri and Washington state as they develop strong measures against apartheid. He was in New Orleans in August to support the passage of a strong pro divestment, pro sanctions resolution at the National Conference of State Legislators. By early fall, some 19 states, 70 cities and ten counties had passed binding measures restricting public fund investments or purchases, and more actions are pending. CITIES TAKE NEW ACTIONS Nine out of the ten largest cities in the U.S. have now taken concrete steps to distance themselves from apartheid, with Houston and Chicago recently joining the roster. Dallas, the tenth city, is currently 2onsidering divestment measures. New York City expanded its anti-apartheid action when the police retirement fund agreed to a five-year phased divestment plan similar to that adopted by other city employees in 1984. Local activists and municipal legislators have also begun to use selective purchase legislation as a logical follow up to divestment actions. Boston, Wilmington, Delaware, and Washington, D.C. are among the cities that have cut purchases from South Africa or from companies that invest in apartheid. Existing selective purchase ordinances are being actively implemented. Most recently, Los Angeles turned down a $2.5 million contract with home-state company Fluor. In September the New York Times reported that selective purchasing legislation was prompting many U.S. companies to leave South Africa. This effect has not gone unnoticed in Washington, where the Reagan administration has launched an aggressive campaign to force cities and states to rescind their anti-apartheid purchasing laws (see related box). At the same time, divestment opponents are trying to hinder the movement by arguing that the new sanctions legislation makes selective purchase laws unnecessary. But the current sanctions legislation is far too weak to end U.S. support for apartheid. The deepening intransigence of the Pretoria regime makes the need for strong U.S. action more urgent than ever. s How the Congresslonal Sanctions Measure Up The sanctions measures that became law October 2 were a stinging rebuke to the Reagan administration's constructive engagement alliance with South Africa. But they are far short of the strong economic sanctions supported by ACOA and passed by the House in June. As we begin to build pressure for stronger, more effective sanctions an understanding of the differences between these two measures may prove useful. The original House bill included important provisions on Namibia that are not in the final legislation and required Congressional approval for termination whereas the final legislation can be ended by the President. Below are other key differences: The House Sanctions 1. bans all investment in and bank loans to South Africa. Requires disinvestment within six months. 2. bans all trade with South Africa, except certain strategic minerals if the President determines them vital. 3. not included. 4. not included. Final Sanctions Law 1. does not require disinvestment, but includes a limited ban on new investment. Allows investment in firms owned by Black South Africans, allows companies to reinvest profits and permits U.S. ownership of South African stock market shares and securities. Prohibits bank lending to public and private sector but permits short term trade credits which account for a substantial portion of U.S. lending. 2. will ban only about 18% of total U.S./South Africa trade based on 1985 figures. Bans U.S. imports of coal, iron, steel, uranium, textiles, sugar, agricultural products and food from South Africa and legislates earlier bans on imports of Krugerrands and exports of computers to some South African government bodies. 3. includes repeated reference to "terrorism" of liberation movements, calls for CIA study of "communist infiltration" of anti-apartheid organizations in South Africa and a justice department investigation of ANC activities in the U.S. 4. endangers local anti-apartheid purchasing laws and state and local divestment actions. In addition, both the original House bill and the final sanctions law include the following restrictions: * ends tax treaty with South Africa that had allowed U.S. companies to claim a tax credit in U.S. for taxes paid to South African government. sends landing rights in the U.S. for South African aircraft and bars direct air flights between the U.S. and South Africa. * mandates a major increase in U.S. government funding inside South Africa.

PUBLICATIONS The following publications are available from ACOA. Prices are listed. Please add 15% postage on orders under $5.00, 10% postage on all other ordersL Indicate the number of copies desiredL - Questions and Answers on South Africa Sanctions by William Minter (Africa Fund, 1986), 6pp. Looks at common questions asked on the effect and feasibility of sanctions against South Africa. 35C. Over twenty, 20r each. - Citibank and South Africa (Africa Fund, 1986), 2pp., typescript. A brief overview of the only U.S. bank that operates as a commercial bank in South Africa. 10. - Computers in South Africa by Richard Knight (Africa Fund, t986) t0pp., typescript. Overview of U.S. computer companies in South Africa with profiles of ten U.S. corporations including Control Data, IBM and Hewlett-Packard, $2.00. - Voices for Withdrawal, compiled by Stephanie Urdang and Donald Jamison (Africa Fund, 1985), 6pp. Quotes from Nobel Peace Laureates and South Africans, as well as from prominent Americans in support of sanctions and divestment from South Africa. 35c. Over twenty, 20¢ each. - Unified List of United States Companies with Investments or Loans in South Africa and Namibia, compiled by Pacific Northwest Research Center (The Africa Fund, 1985), 98pp. Most comprehensive list of U.S. corporations in South Africa with update sheet. Individuals $5.00. Institutions $20.00, Add $1.00 postage per copy. - Unified List Update, the update to the above publication (Africa Fund, 1986), 7pp. Published approximately twice a year. Most recent update comes with order of the above. Individuals $ .00. Institutions $5.00. - Summary Chart on Public Fund Divestment (ACOA, 1986), 8pp. A regularly updated list of actions by states and cities, $ ,00. - Strangers In Their Own Country by William Bigelow (Africa World Press, 1985), 92pp, An excellent curriculum guide on South Africa. $14.95. Sun City The Music Sun City by Artists United Against Apartheid (Manhattan Records). Check one: - Album (list $8.85) Our price: $6.95; - Audiocassette (list $8.95) Our price: $6.95; 12 inch Single (list $5.95) Our price: $3.95. The Video Sun City videocassette (51 min., Karl-Lorimar). The music video and documentary on the "making of Sun City," Check one: - VHS - BETA (list $19.95) Our price: $16.95. The Book and Teaching Guide - Sun City: The Struggle For Freedom in South Africa (Penguin, 1985), 122pp. The book on the making of the record (list $8.951 Our price: $6.95. - Sun City Teaching Guide (Africa Fund, 1986), 6pp. Specially written to be used by educators with the video and the book "Strangers in Their Own Country" (see above) $1.00. I enclose $ Name Organizaio Addre IBM & GM PULL OUT BUT MAINTAIN LINKS TO APARTHEID The success of the divestment campaign was drawn sharply into focus this fall when IBM, GM, Procter & Gamble and Coca-Cola announced they were "withdrawing" from South Africa. But many of these companies are going to continue to do business with apartheid by turning their South African subsidiaries into independent companies with licensing and sales agreements from the U.S. parent. Thus, IBM computers, GM cars and Coca-Cola soft drinks will still be available in South Africa. As a result, the divestment campaign will continue to boycott these companies until they completely end all involvement investments, sales, technology transfers and licensing agreements- in the South African economy. U PREUMPION - THREAT OR R 4U Consistent with its obstinate policy of blocking sanctions against South Africa, the Reagan acmnistration has for many years stood in opposition to state and local anti-apartheid divestment ordinances. it has been argued that these laws infringe upon the federal government's exclusive powers to formulate U3.S. foreign policy, Recently some members of Congress, with Administration support, have attempted to use tie passage of national sanctions legislation to freeze state and local antiapartheid action. During the debate on sanctions in the Senate, :oreign Relations Committee Chairman Richard Lugar argued that once the federal government passed sanctions, existing state and city legislation on the issue would be superceded. Although there was no specific language in the sanctions law mandating preemption, it was felt that because tLugar was the original sponsor of the sanctions bill his commients Could be interpreted by the courts as indicating the intent of Congress. In response to this threat, ACQA mobilized grassroots opposition, contacted sympathetic members of Congress and helped draft language for a House resolution on the issue. During the final H-ouse debate on the sanctions bill,1 a con- current resolution was passed specifically indicating the House did not intend the legislation to "limit, preempt,.or affect in any fashion" state and local legislation. Thus, the threat of federal preemption of local measures has been temporarily elimiinated. NYC VERSUS DOT In a separate but related action earlier this year, the Administration began to use federal competitive bidding laws to attack local anti-apartheid selective purchasing legislation. The Department of Transportation (DOT) has acknowledged that, after January 1, 1987, it will begin cutting federal funding for all cities that apply selective purchasing measures to federally funded contracts. ACOA's Projects Director Rob Jones will be energetically working with cities and states in the coming months to ward off this attack on the significant achieyements local governments have won in their fight against apartheid. The Administration is taking blatantly political action disguised in technical language. We believe these moves can be defeated as the nationwide movement to cuat all ties with apartheid continues to build. IN ELP FIGHT APARTHEID-SUPPORT THE AMERICAN COMMITTEE ON AFRICA The South African government and its corporate allies spend millions of dollars every year selling apartheid to Americans. The American Committee on Africa depends on contributions from ordinary people like you to continue our efforts. We need your help. Won't you mail your contribution today? I am enclosing $10- $25- $50- $100 $ to help bring the truth about South Africa to the American people. Name Address City State Zip American Committee on Africa, 198 Broadway, NY, NY 10038 Star Zip Fill Out and return with payment to: American Committee on Africa 198 Broadway, NY, NY 10038

NEW STAFF As the issue of sanctions took center stage this summer, a team of new staff, with varying anti-apartheid experience, formed the nucleus of what became known as the "S" team at ACOA. The new Projects Director Rob Jones plunged quickly into key issues on the nationwide divestment campaign, attending the National Conference of State Legislators meeting in New Orleans in August with Dumisani Kumalo. Rob was formerly co-chair of the coalition at Columbia University that successfully won divestment and sparked a wave of campus protests in 1985. Kumalo continues to assist vith divestment efforts by speaking on campuses across the country and preparing an autobiography of his experiences under apartheid. A continuing round of action alerts and background sheets were prepared for ACOA's sanctions campaign by Jim Cason, former editor of Southern Africa magazine and a freelance journalist on southern Africa issues. Prexy Nesbitt, on staff for the summer, also played an integral role in the ACOA sanctions offensive. Nesbitt, former Associate Director of ACOA and long-time southern Africa activist, is presently working with Chicago Mayor Washington's administration. Heading up the effort to produce new resources on sanctions is Lisa Crooms, Research Director. She comes to ACOA with experience as the Program Director of the Washington Office on Africa Educational Fund and the co-chair of the Southern Africa Coordinating Committee of the National African Youth/Student Alliance. 0 THE AMERICAN COMMITTEE ON AFRICA Founded in 1953, the American Committee on Africa is devoted to supporting African people in their struggle for independence. ACOA projects inform and mobilize Americans to work for policies supporting African freedom. EXECUTIVE BOARD President Tilden J. LeMelle Vice President M. William Howard Elizabeth Landis Treasurer Gail Hovey Secretary Dorothy Hibbert William H. Booth Elombe Brath Robert Browne Josephine Buck-Jones Isabel Cintron Ralston Deffenbaugh, Jr. Jennifer Garvey Jerry Herman Stanley Hill John Hudson Annette Hutchins-Ndumbu Leonard Jeffries William Johnston David Lampel Richard Lapchick Gay McDougall Marvin Rich Jean Sindab Timothy Smith Peter Weiss NATIONAL COMMITTEE Bella Abzug James Baldwin Carlton Goodlett Donald S. Harrington John L.S. Holloman Sophia Yarnell Jacobs John Marcum Howard Metzenbaum Frank Montero Paul Moore, Jr. Paul O'Dwyer Frederick O'Neal Sidney Poitier Charles Rangel Cleveland Robinson Frederick A.O. Schwarz, Jr. William Scott George Shepherd Wyatt Tee Walker Executive Director Jennifer Davis Director Emeritus George M. Houser The American Committee on Africa 198 Broadway, New York, NY 10038 (212) 962-1210 American Committee on Africa 198 Broadway New York NY 10038 Elited by Lisa Crooms BULK RATE U.S. POSTAGE PAID NEW YORK, NY Permit NO. 4198 Add-s, Correction RequcIed p",l --~o