Iran, ISIS and U.S. Interests in an Unraveling Middle East
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Iran's Nuclear Ambitions From
IDENTITY AND LEGITIMACY: IRAN’S NUCLEAR AMBITIONS FROM NON- TRADITIONAL PERSPECTIVES Pupak Mohebali Doctor of Philosophy University of York Politics June 2017 Abstract This thesis examines the impact of Iranian elites’ conceptions of national identity on decisions affecting Iran's nuclear programme and the P5+1 nuclear negotiations. “Why has the development of an indigenous nuclear fuel cycle been portrayed as a unifying symbol of national identity in Iran, especially since 2002 following the revelation of clandestine nuclear activities”? This is the key research question that explores the Iranian political elites’ perspectives on nuclear policy actions. My main empirical data is elite interviews. Another valuable source of empirical data is a discourse analysis of Iranian leaders’ statements on various aspects of the nuclear programme. The major focus of the thesis is how the discourses of Iranian national identity have been influential in nuclear decision-making among the national elites. In this thesis, I examine Iranian national identity components, including Persian nationalism, Shia Islamic identity, Islamic Revolutionary ideology, and modernity and technological advancement. Traditional rationalist IR approaches, such as realism fail to explain how effective national identity is in the context of foreign policy decision-making. I thus discuss the connection between national identity, prestige and bargaining leverage using a social constructivist approach. According to constructivism, states’ cultures and identities are not established realities, but the outcomes of historical and social processes. The Iranian nuclear programme has a symbolic nature that mingles with socially constructed values. There is the need to look at Iran’s nuclear intentions not necessarily through the lens of a nuclear weapons programme, but rather through the regime’s overall nuclear aspirations. -
Won't You Be My Neighbor
Won’t You Be My Neighbor: Syria, Iraq and the Changing Strategic Context in the Middle East S TEVEN SIMON Council on Foreign Relations March 2009 www.usip.org Date www.usip.org UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE – WORKING PAPER Won’t You Be My Neighbor UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE 1200 17th Street NW, Suite 200 Washington, DC 20036-3011 © 2009 by the United States Institute of Peace. The views expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace, which does not advocate specific policy positions. This is a working draft. Comments, questions, and permission to cite should be directed to the author ([email protected]) or [email protected]. This is a working draft. Comments, questions, and permission to cite should be directed to the author ([email protected]) or [email protected]. UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE – WORKING PAPER Won’t You Be My Neighbor About this Report Iraq's neighbors are playing a major role—both positive and negative—in the stabilization and reconstruction of post-Saddam Iraq. In an effort to prevent conflict across Iraq's borders and in order to promote positive international and regional engagement, USIP has initiated high-level, non-official dialogue between foreign policy and national security figures from Iraq, its neighbors and the United States. The Institute’s "Iraq and its Neighbors" project has also convened a group of leading specialists on the geopolitics of the region to assess the interests and influence of the countries surrounding Iraq and to explain the impact of these transformed relationships on U.S. -
Individuals Vaccinated and Two Ballistic Missiles Towards the Cities of Najran and Khamis Mushait in the (First Dose) (Second Dose) Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
TWITTER SPORTS @newsofbahrain WORLD 6 UAE ban on entry from India unchanged, federal aviation notice says INSTAGRAM 2 Seas win at /newsofbahrain 28 Silverstone LINKEDIN MONDAY newsofbahrain JUNE, 2021 Bahraini-British mot- 210 FILS orsport team complete WHATSAPP 3844 4692 ISSUE NO. 8881 triumphant return to competition FACEBOOK /nobmedia with first place overall in blue riband event of MAIL British GT Champion- [email protected] ship | P12 WEBSITE newsofbahrain.com Britney Spears enjoying a break in Hawaii after conservatorship testimony 9 CELEBS BUSINESS 5 Indian commerce minister: ‘Arrogant’ US ecommerce giants flout our laws Getting vaccinated, booster Register shots and vaccines for 12-17 now year olds protects everyone healthalert.gov.bh Bahrain strongly Bahrain congratulates Djibouti condemns Houthi Last update - 9:00 pm attacks against leader on Independence Day Saudi Arabia 27 June 2021 TDT | Manama ahrain has strongly con- Bdemned the terrorist Houthi militia’s launch of an explosive-laden drone Individuals vaccinated and two ballistic missiles towards the cities of Najran and Khamis Mushait in the (First dose) (Second dose) Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. In a statement, the Min- HM the King HRH Prince Salman istry of Foreign Affairs de- scribed the attacks as a cow- TDT | Manama ardly aggression that targets mail Omar Guelleh of Djibouti, civilians and civil institu- is Majesty King Hamad on his country’s Independence tions, and reflects the in- Hbin Isa Al Khalifa and His Day. sistence of the Houthi group Royal Highness Prince Sal- His Majesty and HRH Prince to obstruct efforts aimed at man bin Hamad Al Khalifa, Salman wished President establishing security and the Crown Prince and Prime Guelleh good health and hap- (Booster dose) stability in the region. -
West Asia Watch Trends & Analysis
Vol 2 Issue 1 January-February 2019 West Asia Watch Trends & Analysis West Asia Centre Editor: lEditorial Dr Meena Singh Roy lIndia's Outreach to North Africa: Advancing the India- Morocco Partnership Meena Singh Roy lThe Growing Iran-Syria Strategic Alliance Lakshmi Priya lIsrael's Knesset Election, 2019 Jatin Kumar Editorial Team: Dr Adil Rasheed lThe Hodeidah Ceasefire: Light at the End of Tunnel? Dr Prasanta Kumar Pradhan Nagapushpa Devendra Dr Md. Muddassir Quamar lGuest Column: An Algerian Spring? K. P. Fabian lWest Asia News Survey (Prepared by Centre Members) Copy Editor: Vivek Kaushik West Asia Centre Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses No. 1, Development Enclave, Rao Tula Ram Marg, Delhi Cantt, New Delhi – 110 010 Tel. (91-11)2671 7983, Fax: (91-11)2615 4191 Website: http://www.idsa.in EDITORIAL In the beginning of 2019, West Asia continued with grapple with its old conflicts and problems, both internal and external, while struggling to find some solutions to its serious security and economic challenges through bilateral, regional and international cooperation. Some major changes could be noticed in US policy towards the region. In the backdrop of President Donald Trump’s announcement of the US withdrawal from Syria, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo visited Jordan, Iraq, Egypt, Bahrain, Qatar, the UAE and Oman in January 2019. His West Asia tour was an attempt to assure the US’ regional partners that firstly, Washington is not giving up its fight against the Islamic State or easing pressure on Tehran. He noted that Iran is to be countered at all costs. Secondly, he reassured Gulf partners to solidify MESA and America’s sincere attempts to end the Qatar crisis. -
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION IRAQ at a CROSSROADS with BARHAM SALIH DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER of IRAQ Washington, D.C. Monday, October
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION IRAQ AT A CROSSROADS WITH BARHAM SALIH DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER OF IRAQ Washington, D.C. Monday, October 22, 2007 Introduction and Moderator: MARTIN INDYK Senior Fellow and Director, Saban Center for Middle East Policy The Brookings Institution Featured Speaker: BARHAM SALIH Deputy Prime Minister of Iraq * * * * * 2 P R O C E E D I N G S MR. INDYK: Good morning, ladies and gentlemen. Welcome to The Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution. I'm Martin Indyk, the Director of the Saban Center, and it's my pleasure to introduce this dear friend, Dr. Barham Salih, to you again. I say again because, of course, Barham Salih is a well-known personality in Washington, having served here with distinction representing the patriotic Union of Kurdistan in the 1990s, and, of course, he's been a frequent visitor since he assumed his current position as Deputy Prime Minister of the Republic of Iraq. He has a very distinguished record as a representative of the PUK, and the Kurdistan regional government. He has served as Deputy Prime Minister, first in the Iraqi interim government starting in 2004, and was then successfully elected to the transitional National Assembly during the January 2005 elections and joined the transitional government as Minister of Planning. He was elected again in the elections of December 2005 to the Council of Representatives, which is the Iraqi Permanent Parliament, and was then called upon to join the Iraqi government in May 2006 as Deputy Prime Minister. Throughout this period he has had special responsibility for economic affairs. -
Leadership Divided? Nima Gerami
The Domestic Politics of Iran’s Nuclear Debate LEADERSHIP DIVIDED? NIMA GERAMI LEADERSHIP DIVIDED? The Domestic Politics of Iran’s Nuclear Debate NIMA GERAMI The Washington Institute for Near East Policy www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 134 | February 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Tehran newspaper headlines following signing of the Joint Plan of Action in Geneva. Design: 1000 Colors Contents Acknowledgments | v Executive Summary | vii 1. Introduction | 1 2. Limits on Iran’s Nuclear Debate: Secrecy and Self-Censorship | 3 3. Contextualizing Nuclear Decisionmaking: The Key Stakeholders | 9 4. The Political Landscape: Elite Factionalism and the Nuclear Debate | 19 5. Critical Junctures: Internal Divisions and Nuclear Policy Shifts | 31 6. Conclusion: Lessons Learned | 40 About the Author | 42 Figures Fig 1. Overview of Nuclear Decisionmaking in Iran | 11 Table 1. Formal Members of the Supreme National Security Council | 12 Acknowledgments I would like to express my gratitude to the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, particularly Patrick Clawson, Michael Eisenstadt, and Mehdi Khalaji, for their encouragement, insights, and support during the preparation of this study. -
Policy Notes April 2021
THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY APRIL 2021 POLICY NOTES NO. 103 Deterring Iran in the Gray Zone: Insights from Four Decades of Conflict Michael Eisenstadt resident Joe Biden has stated that if Iran returns to full compliance with the 2015 nuclear accord, known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), the United States will too, as a starting point for P 1 follow-on talks about Iran’s missile program and regional activities. The path to a stronger, longer, and broader JCPOA, however, may be tortuous and prolonged; success is not foreordained. Indeed, since the Biden administration took office, Tehran has already resumed proxy attacks on U.S. intrests in Image: The Japanese-owned Iraq, and has accelerated work on its nuclear program while limiting access tanker Kokuka Courageous, by international inspectors, in order to (1) build leverage, (2) roll back U.S. showing damage from an sanctions, and (3) obtain other concessions. Washington needs to be able to Iranian limpet mine attack in the Gulf of Oman, June 2019. deter or counter such moves and deny Tehran advantage in ways that do not Screenshot: U.S. Central hinder renewed diplomacy. Moreover, even if talks succeed, U.S.-Iran ties will Command. MICHAEL EISENSTADT DETERRING IRAN IN THE GRAY ZONE likely remain tense for years to come. Deterrence engendered by more effectively deterring and will therefore remain a core component of U.S. policy countering Tehran’s regional activities may enhance toward Iran as a way to manage tensions, avoid Washington’s ability to deter a potential future escalation, and deny Tehran leverage, thus creating nuclear breakout by Iran. -
The PYD's Precarious Rise in Syria
Flight of Icarus? The PYD’s Precarious Rise in Syria Middle East Report N°151 | 8 May 2014 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. An Opportunity Grasped .................................................................................................. 4 A. The PKK Returns to Syria .......................................................................................... 4 B. An Unspoken Alliance? .............................................................................................. 7 C. Brothers and Rivals .................................................................................................... 10 III. From Fighters to Rulers ................................................................................................... 12 A. The Rojava Project ..................................................................................................... 12 B. In Need of Protection ................................................................................................. 16 IV. Messy Geopolitics ............................................................................................................. 18 A. Turkey and -
The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines
The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines Dear Country Expert, In this section, we distinguish between the head of state (HOS) and the head of government (HOG). • The Head of State (HOS) is an individual or collective body that serves as the chief public representative of the country; his or her function could be purely ceremonial. • The Head of Government (HOG) is the chief officer(s) of the executive branch of government; the HOG may also be HOS, in which case the executive survey only pertains to the HOS. • The executive survey applies to the person who effectively holds these positions in practice. • The HOS/HOG pair will always include the effective ruler of the country, even if for a period this is the commander of foreign occupying forces. • The HOS and/or HOG must rule over a significant part of the country’s territory. • The HOS and/or HOG must be a resident of the country — governments in exile are not listed. • By implication, if you are considering a semi-sovereign territory, such as a colony or an annexed territory, the HOS and/or HOG will be a person located in the territory in question, not in the capital of the colonizing/annexing country. • Only HOSs and/or HOGs who stay in power for 100 consecutive days or more will be included in the surveys. • A country may go without a HOG but there will be no period listed with only a HOG and no HOS. • If a HOG also becomes HOS (interim or full), s/he is moved to the HOS list and removed from the HOG list for the duration of their tenure. -
Iraq: Politics and Governance
Iraq: Politics and Governance Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Carla E. Humud Analyst in Middle Eastern and African Affairs March 9, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21968 Iraq: Politics and Governance Summary Iraq’s sectarian and ethnic divisions—muted toward the end of the 2003-2011 U.S. military intervention in Iraq—are fueling a major challenge to Iraq’s stability and to U.S. policy in Iraq and the broader Middle East region. The resentment of Iraq’s Sunni Arabs toward the Shiite- dominated central government facilitated the capture in 2014 of nearly one-third of Iraqi territory by the Sunni Islamist extremist group called the Islamic State (IS, also known as ISIL, ISIS, or the Arabic acronym Da'esh). Iraq’s Kurds are separately embroiled in political, territorial, and economic disputes with Baghdad, but those differences have been at least temporarily subordinated to the common struggle against the Islamic State. U.S. officials assert that the Iraqi government must work to gain the loyalty of more of Iraq’s Sunnis—and to resolve differences with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG)—if an eventual defeat of the Islamic State is to result in long-term stability. Prospects for greater inter- communal unity appeared to increase in 2014 with the replacement of former Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki with the current Prime Minister, Haydar al-Abbadi. Although both men are from the Shiite Islamist Da’wa Party, Abbadi has taken some steps to try to compromise with Sunnis and with the KRG. However, a significant point of contention with the KRG remains the KRG’s marketing of crude oil exports separately from Baghdad. -
How to Really Engage Iran: a Proposal
Chicago-Kent Journal of International and Comparative Law Volume 14 Issue 1 Article 1 9-1-2013 How to Really Engage Iran: A Proposal Amit K. Chhabra Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/ckjicl Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Amit K. Chhabra, How to Really Engage Iran: A Proposal, 14 Chi.-Kent J. Int'l & Comp. Law 1 (2013). Available at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/ckjicl/vol14/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chicago-Kent Journal of International and Comparative Law by an authorized editor of Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Article How to Really Engage Iran: A Proposal Amit K. Chhabra* Table of Contents Introduction..................................................................................................2 I. Background........................................................................................4 A. U.S.-Iran Diplomatic History........................................................4 B. American Perspective....................................................................8 C. Iranian Reception to Western Overtures......................................11 II. Responsibilities Under International Law........................................14 A. State Sovereignty and the Use of Force ......................................14 B. A Responsibility -
America's Middle East Challenge
America’s Middle East Challenge how Washington Can Address Iranian Mistrust and Arab Suspicion By Seyed Hossein Mousavian and Mehrdad Saberi or the past seventy some years, the Middle East has been a chessboard for the victors of the Second World War. The ongoing chaos in the region can be traced Fto how Great Britain, the United States, and France exercised their power here in the post-war years. The primary sources of conflict date back even further: to the arbitrary borders that were drawn by the French and the British in much of former Ottoman territories in the aftermath of the First World War; to the enthroning of kings, emirs, and sheikhs; and ultimately to the seizure of the wealth of the countries under their imperialistic control. A colonial mentality still prevails in the way Western powers and in particular the United States approach the Middle East. American and Arab leaders like to claim an unshakable bond of trust, but in real- ity it is predicated upon a fragile ground; American relations with Iran, in turn, are all about mistrust. The presence of foreign forces in the Middle East has turned the region into two zones; one that sides with the United States, for example the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries; and another with a different foreign policy agenda that does not align with Washington—for example, Iran. The presence of foreign and particularly American military forces in the Middle East has served to disrupt the cordial relationships between regional powers such as Iran, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Turkey, and Egypt.