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Indigenous and Australian : Constructions of Mixed Identities in Today’S Australia Delphine David

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’White’, indigenous and Australian : constructions of mixed identities in today’s Australia Delphine David To cite this version: Delphine David. ’White’, indigenous and Australian : constructions of mixed identities in today’s Australia. History. Université Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. English. NNT : 2017USPCC179. tel- 02093056 HAL Id: tel-02093056 https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-02093056 Submitted on 8 Apr 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. UNIVERSITÉ PARIS DIDEROT - PARIS 7 SORBONNE PARIS CITÉ ED 382 : Economies, Espaces, Sociétés, Civilisations : Pensée critique, politique et pratiques sociales EA 337 : Identités Cultures Territoires THÈSE DE DOCTORAT Etudes anglophones Etudes australiennes, Cultural studies Delphine DAVID ‘White’, Indigenous and Australian: Constructions of Mixed Identities in Today’s Australia ‘Blanc’, Aborigène et Australien : Constructions d’identités croisées dans l’Australie d’aujourd’hui Thèse dirigée par Mme Martine PIQUET Soutenue le 27 février 2017 JURY Mme Catriona ELDER Associate professor à The University of Sydney, Australie Mme Deirdre GILFEDDER-DOYLE Professeur des universités à l’université Paris Dauphine, pré-rapporteur Mme Martine PIQUET Professeur des universités à l’université Paris Dauphine, directrice M. Michel PRUM Professeur des universités à l’université Paris Diderot, président M. Gilles TEULIÉ Professeur des universités à l’université Aix-Marseille, pré-rapporteur Abstract In the 1990s, Australia set up a ten-year policy of reconciliation aiming at developing a better relationship between Indigenous people and the wider Australian community. This policy was based on the recognition of the enduring dichotomy between both communities despite an increasing acknowledgement of the place of Indigenous people in Australia since the 1970s. The complex relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians – and especially ‘white’ Anglo-Celtic Australians – is the result of the process of colonisation, of the subsequent policies designed to control Indigenous people, and of the historical domination of ‘white’ Australia over Indigenous people. As a result of discriminatory policies, many Indigenous families decided to hide their heritage and ‘passed’ into ‘white’ society. Many mixed-race and fair-skinned children were taken from their families and lost their connection with their Indigenous relatives. Today, an increasing number of Australians choose to identify as Indigenous and to reclaim a heritage they were deprived of. But although having Indigenous heritage is no longer regarded as shameful, the road back to Indigeneity can be a difficult one. This study is the analysis of the identity journeys of eleven Australians who were raised in a ‘white’, Anglo-Celtic Australian culture and who have Indigenous heritage. Their perceptions of Indigeneity are analysed to reveal the dominance of ‘white’ discourses about Indigeneity in today’s Australia, but also the presence of restricting essentialist discourses now used by the Indigenous community to keep control over the definition of Indigenous identity. The analysis of the oppositional relationship between Indigenous and ‘white’ Australians in contemporary Australia reveals the difficulty of embracing both ‘white’ and ‘black’ heritages and of claiming multiple identities. Résumé Dans les années 1990, l’Australie met en place une politique de réconciliation s’étalant sur dix ans et visant à développer une meilleure relation entre Australiens aborigènes et non-aborigènes. Cette politique est fondée sur la reconnaissance de l’existence continue de tensions entre les deux communautés, et ce malgré une plus grande reconnaissance de la place des Aborigènes en Australie depuis les années 1970. La relation complexe entre Australiens aborigènes et non-aborigènes – en particulier ‘blancs’ et dont les origines sont anglo-celtes – est le résultat du processus de colonisation, des politiques ultérieures conçues pour contrôler la population aborigène, et de la domination des Aborigènes par l’Australie ‘blanche’ au cours de l’histoire. Du fait des politiques discriminatoires, de nombreuses familles aborigènes décidèrent de cacher leurs origines et de se faire passer pour blanches. De nombreux enfants métisses à la peau claire furent enlevés à leurs familles et perdirent leurs liens avec leurs familles aborigènes. Aujourd’hui, un nombre grandissant d’Australiens choisissent de revendiquer leur identité Aborigène et de reprendre possession d’un héritage dont ils ont été privés. Mais si avoir des origines aborigènes n’est plus source de honte, en revanche, le chemin à parcourir pour retrouver son identité aborigène peut être difficile. Cette étude analyse les parcours identitaires de onze Australiens élevés dans une culture ‘blanche’ anglo- celte et qui ont des origines aborigènes. L’analyse de leurs perceptions de l’identité aborigène révèle la prédominance des discours ‘blancs’ sur les Aborigènes en Australie aujourd’hui, mais aussi la présence de discours essentialistes restreignant la définition de l’identité aborigène, et maintenant utilisés par la communauté aborigène afin de contrôler cette définition. L’analyse de la relation d’opposition entre Aborigènes et Australiens ‘blancs’ dans l’Australie contemporaine révèle la difficulté à revendiquer à la fois des origines ‘blanches’ et ‘noires’, ainsi que des identités multiples. 3 4 Acknowledgements Firstly, I wish to thank my supervisor Martine Piquet for having supported my work in Australian studies since my second year of Master’s and for having helped me go through my doctoral years in the best conditions. I am very grateful to Dr. Catriona Elder from the University of Sydney, who volunteered her time and energy to help me navigate this complex topic. Her support and enthusiasm for my project helped me overcome many obstacles. Along with Dr. Elder, I wish to thank the people working in the Department of Sociology and Social Policy at the University of Sydney, who welcomed me and made sure I could work in excellent conditions while I lived in Australia. I wish to thank the different bodies which helped me finance my research and field trips to Australia from 2011 to 2015: - The Université Paris Dauphine for granting me a contrat doctoral and two scholarships to travel to Sydney; - The region of Ile-de-France for its generous contribution to my project; - The Australian government for awarding me an Endeavour Research Fellowship which allowed me to spend the fourth year of my doctoral studies in Sydney. From a professional as well as a personal point of view, I felt very lucky to be able to spend so much time in Australia. I also want to give my greatest thanks to the eleven participants in this study. I felt very privileged to be trusted with their personal stories. I was constantly incited to work hard on this project to do them justice. 5 Within this group, I would especially like to thank Josh for sharing with me some of his thoughts about his Indigenous heritage back in 2010, thus unknowingly inspiring the topic of this thesis. I may never have written the following pages without you. Thank you, also, to Michael Peachey from the University of New South Wales’ Nura Gili and to Damita McGuinness from UTS’ Jumbunna, for welcoming me into their universities’ Indigenous centres and giving me some insight into the way they work. My grateful thanks go to those who took the time to read, correct and offer their suggestions to improve the following pages: Myriam, Françoise, Jacquie, Lucie and Ifa, and Julien for skillfully and patiently assembling them. I also wish to thank my most excellent group of friends and fellow PhD students, the Anglaises – Myriam, Ifa, Lizzie, Lucie, Anne and Elizabeth – for sharing the good, the bad, and the ugly over the years, and for always making the world a better place! Special thanks to Ifa for sharing the day-to-day uncertainties, chocolate and gossip. And thank you, Myriam, for always finding the right words and keeping my spirits up anywhere in the world for the last ten years. To all my non-PhD friends, in France and in Australia, whose support has been – and always is – just as essential and appreciated, thank you. Among them, my warmest thanks go to Antoine and Clara, and to Vroni and Nathan for making me feel at home away from home. Finally, thank you to my family, to Laure, Alice and Christophe, and to my parents who have nurtured my interest in studying, who have always let me free to choose my own way, and who have encouraged and supported me in all my endeavours. 6 Summary of contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 5 SUMMARY OF CONTENTS 7 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 9 PART I CONTEXTS 25 CHAPTER 1 METHODS, METHODOLOGIES AND THEORIES 27 CHAPTER 2 A SHORT RACIAL HISTORY OF AUSTRALIA AND ITS CONSEQUENCES ON THE PARTICIPANTS 69 CONCLUSION TO PART I 109 PART II CONSTRUCTING WHITENESS AND INDIGENEITY 111 CHAPTER 3 CONSTRUCTING WHITENESS 113 CHAPTER 4 CONSTRUCTING INDIGENEITY: THE REJECTED OTHER 165 CHAPTER 5 CONSTRUCTING INDIGENEITY: THE DESIRED OTHER 223 CONCLUSION
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