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Publics in History Center for Mobilities Research and Policy Drexel E-Repository and Archive (iDEA) http://idea.library.drexel.edu/ Drexel University Libraries www.library.drexel.edu The following item is made available as a courtesy to scholars by the author(s) and Drexel University Library and may contain materials and content, including computer code and tags, artwork, text, graphics, images, and illustrations (Material) which may be protected by copyright law. Unless otherwise noted, the Material is made available for nonprofit and educational purposes, such as research, teaching and private study. For these limited purposes, you may reproduce (print, download or make copies) the Material without prior permission. All copies must include any copyright notice originally included with the Material. You must seek permission from the authors or copyright owners for all uses that are not allowed by fair use and other provisions of the U.S. Copyright Law. The responsibility for making an independent legal assessment and securing any necessary permission rests with persons desiring to reproduce or use the Material. Please direct questions to [email protected] 145 Publics in history MUSTAFAEMIRBAYER and MIMI SHELLER New Schoolfor Social Research; Lancaster University Are the concepts of civil society and the public sphere "morally admirable but analyticallyuseless," as some skepticshave argued? In this article, we seek to prove such skeptics wrong. We outline a programfor em- pirical researchthat proceedsfrom currentwork on those topics, much of it theoreticaland normative;our argumentunfolds in severalsteps. First, we aim systematicallyto inject the idea of an associational civil society, distinguishedtheoretically from economic and political insti- tutions, into debates in sociological analysis. Civil society has, in our view, been rendered a residual category within currently influential trends in empirical research that focus instead upon one or both of two "masterprocesses" in modernhistory: state formation and capitalist development. Our aim here is not to propose a new associational determinismto stand alongsideand to competewith alternativepolitical and economic determinisms,but rather,to carve out a new conceptual space for civil and associationalrelationships (and for the "publics"that emerge from within this space) and thereby to open up new ways of analyzing the complex and reciprocal determinations that obtain among associational life, the modern administrative-bureaucraticstate, and the capitalisteconomy.2 Second, we explore in greater detail the differentcategories of net- worksof publicity that are rooted within civil society, networks that, more specifically,aim to extendthe sway of (certaintendencies within) associational life over and across the major institutional sectors of modern society. In particular,we examine three distinct "interfaces" of publicity:one with the state ("politicalpublics"), another with the economy ("economicpublics"), and one that is reflexive:communica- tive networks that turn critical attention back upon and, ideally but not necessarily,aim further to democratize civil society itself ("civil publics"). (It is necessary to discuss civil society before turning to Theory and Society 28: 145-197, 1999. ? 1999 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands. 146 publicityprecisely because of the intricaciesof the relationshipbetween the two concepts.)Along the way, we consider the internaldifferentia- tion of publicsalong two dimensions,one reflectingpower asymmetries and the other a continuumof time-spacedistanciation. In addition,we discuss the implications of our conceptualizationof publics for the study of social movements. Third, we lay out a series of propositionsfor convertingthis two-fold model of institutional spheres and extra-institutional("interstitial") networksof publicityinto a systematicprogram for empiricalresearch. (This endeavortakes up the latter half of our article.)Drawing upon a lengthy tradition of inquiry into the multiple contexts of empirical social action,3 we outline a new multidimensionalapproach to the study of publicity,one that analyticallydisaggregates publics into their three constituentdimensions - patternsof relationshipsat the levels of social structure,culture, and social psychology - as well as into differ- ent modalities of human agency.We cross-fertilizethis approachwith ideas and techniquesfrom currentlyinfluential "relational" schools of research,4yielding four empirical strategies for the investigation of interactionalpatterns within and acrosspublics: * The social-structuralcontext of action: social-networkanalysis. * The culturalcontext of action: the new culturalsociology and cul- turalhistory; discourse analysis; and sociolinguistics. * The social-psychologicalcontext of action: object-relationspsycho- analysis;the new literatureon trust and other recentwork on collec- tive emotional transactionsand group dynamics. * Human agency:new approachesto identifyingagentic orientations and temporalframeworks. We show how these modes of inquirymight fruitfullybe appliedto the empirical study of publics (both singular and plural) across a wide range of historical and institutionalsettings. We examine how public actors engage with their relational contexts often in widely varying ways (includingwithin social movements),in the process helping both to reproduceand to transformthe networksof publicitywithin which they find themselves, as well as (ultimately)the state, economy, and civil society itself. The following substantiveissues emerge for us as particularlysalient: Can changesin economic or political organizations,or even both, con- duce to democracyin the absence of a self-organizedcitizenry, or an 147 autonomous associational realm (civil society)?Is the existence of an autonomous civil society itself sufficientfor democratization,or is it more a question of what kinds of bridgingstructures, mediating prac- tices, and channels for communication will prevail there? How are institutions within the economy, state, or civil society affected (in democraticor anti-democraticways) by emergentpatterns of alliance or conflict among public networks? How do the social-structural, cultural, or social-psychologicaldimensions of such networks con- strain and enable public actors' relations with one another and their capacities to influence institutional settings? And what role do the "micro-dynamics"of public actors'engagements with one anotherand with their situationalcontexts, and (in turn) the "macro-dynamics"of singular and multiple publics' interactionswith large-scale social in- stitutions,play in historicalstruggles over democratization? We contend that the researchprogram and conceptualsynthesis we are presenting here are long overdue, since for many years now the up- surge of interest among political sociologists in ideas from the Haber- masian tradition of critical theory (which helped to reintroducethe concepts of civil society and the public sphere into sociological in- quiry) has, with but occasional exceptions, failed to leave much of a mark upon long-establishedcurrents in historical-comparativesociol- ogy and social-movementtheory. In part, this is due to the institutional topographiesthat historical-comparativesociologists and social-move- ment researchersthemselves have reliedupon for guidance,but in part also to the inabilityof analysts interestedin civil society and publicity to move beyond the normative level by incorporatingresearch tech- niques and insightsfrom empiricalsociology. A renovatedapproach to the study of publics in history will thus not only fill an importantvoid in the literatureon civil society and the public sphere, but also intro- duce in a more compelling way the promisinginsights of this largely normativetradition into empiricallyoriented social and historical in- quiry.5 Civil society and publicity Sincetheir resurgence in the 1960s,historical-comparative sociology and social-movementresearch have been largelyoriented around two master concepts: the administrative-bureaucraticstate and capitalist social relations.Throughout this period, classes and class conflict have been the guidingnotions behinda good deal of Marxistscholarship, on such 148 fundamental issues as state-building, democratization, and capitalist development.6 States as autonomous organizations with their own distinctive goals and interests - and the complex interactions of these states with economic actors and class structures - have also been critical concerns for the new "state-centered" sociology.7 Charles Tilly's programmatic remarks in Big Structures, Large Processes, Huge Com- parisons aptly summarize the current state of the field: "In the case of Western countries over the last few hundred years, the program [of the new historical-comparative sociology and of social-movement re- search] begins by recognizing that the development of capitalism and the formation of powerful, connected national states dominated all other social processes and shaped all social structures.... It goes on by following the creation and destruction of different sorts of struc- tures by capitalism and statemaking, then tracing the relationship of other processes ... to capitalism and statemaking."8 Not included in this research program - at least not explicitly - has been another important context for social interaction, located "in between" states and economic relations (of production as well as ex- change), and organized around the principles of solidarity and (demo- cratic)
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