Living on the Edge Living on the Edge

9/15/2020 732 KB Veio Pou, Living on the edge Living on the edge K . B . V E I O P O U THE quest for peace in the Northeast of India has not been more illusive than the attempt to arrive at a final settlement with the Nagas. That the Naga problem has been a thorn in the flesh for the Government of India (GoI) is a well established fact. Touted as the mother of all insurgencies in the region, the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) has been a tough nut to crack. And so, when the Framework Agreement (FA) was signed in August 2015 between the GoI and NSCN, many saw it as the culmination of the ceasefire agreement brokered in 1997. There was a sense of anticipation from many corners because it gave some hope of finally resolving one of South Asia’s longest armed conflicts. Broad smiles on the faces of Narendra Modi, the Prime Minister of India, and Thuingaleng Muivah, the leader of NSCN, flashed across newspapers and prime time TV channels. Termed as a ‘historic peace accord’ the GoI press release hoped that the deal ‘will end the oldest insurgency in the country’.1 Furthermore, it informed that the ‘details and execution plan will be released shortly.’ But somehow, what was supposed to be a short wait has turned out to be rather a long one! Even as the FA completes five years this month, the wait continues, and people are running out of patience. And rightly so. The last dateline to arrive on something concrete was 31 October 2019, which has now become a thing of the past. Quickly, the anticipation has turned to apprehension for various reasons. For seven decades now, the Nagas have been waiting for a solution as if it would come the very next day. The first generation passed on ‘waiting’. Will this generation also pass on ‘waiting’? The uncertainty is deadening. While the wait continues one cannot help but see an uncanny resemblance of the Naga situation with that of the two tramps in Samuel Beckett’s famous two-act play, Waiting for Godot (1952). In the play, two tramps wait for somebody called Godot whom they have never met nor are they sure of why they are waiting for him. At the end of each act, a boy comes to announce that Mr. Godot will not come that day but will definitely come the next day. Just like the two tramps, the Nagas have also been ‘waiting’. Another sunrise, another full moon, another season, another year. Will Nagas’ Mr. Godot ever come? Once in a while there will be a teaser to keep the game going. And, like in the play, the interlocutor, like the boy character, appears to announce that the deal has been delayed for some reasons. Thus, the wait continues. Setting a dateline to solve the Naga problem may seem pragmatic on the face of it, but to close a chapter on one of the most resilient movements in recent times is not going to be easy. The crucial question is, will the FA be really a final deal or will it turn out to be just another agreement that has failed to live through time? Several accords have https://www.india-seminar.com/semframe.html 1/6 9/15/2020 732 KB Veio Pou, Living on the edge been signed over the long history of the struggle, starting with the 9- Point Agreement of 1947 that was signed between Sir Akbar Hydari as the Agent of the Government of Indian Union and the Naga National Council (NNC) which, ultimately, did not make a substantial impact. Then the 16-Point Agreement of 1960 was signed between the GoI and the Naga people, represented at the time by the Naga People’s Convention, which successfully created the state of Nagaland within the Union of India. But it failed to quell the movement. In fact, it only heightened the underground movement led by the nationalists who wanted full sovereignty. Then came the Shillong Accord of 1975 signed between the GoI and a section of the NNC. But the absence of many prominent names, including that of A.Z. Phizo, led to the allegation that the accord was signed by the arrested leaders under duress. Considered as the father of Naga nationalism, A.Z. Phizo was in London at that time trying to garner international support for the Naga struggle. His physical absence and the conspicuous silence on condemning the accord led to the formation of NSCN in 1978 led by Isak Chishi Swu, Thuingaleng Muivah and S. Khaplang, taking the reins from the NNC. A decade later, however, a misunderstanding between the leaders led to the split of NSCN into NSCN (I-M) led by Isak and Muivah and NSCN (K) led by Khaplang. The reasons for the split will forever be buried in the jungles of Burma (Myanmar), far away from the knowledge of the common people. What began as a struggle for the lofty idea of freedom soon metamorphosed into a story of factional killings that has resulted in wounding everyone and benefiting none. This continues to be the story lately. Appeals for reconciliation led by civil organizations like the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) and Naga Mothers Association (NMA) have largely been unheeded by the underground groups. As of date, there are several breakaway groups making matters worse and the chance of forming a united front even bleaker. In the last few years, particularly after the signing of the FA, efforts have been made on arriving at a solution to the protracted Naga problem. But the whole process has been halted because the Naga underground groups have refused to come under one banner, and certainly R.N. Ravi, the current interlocutor cum Governor of Nagaland, seems to have no clue how to handle this. We have seen the swift formation of the Naga National People’s Groups (NNPG), a conglomeration of six underground groups mainly operating in the state of Nagaland. But the NSCN (IM) has proudly stood aloof arguing that it is the torchbearer to the cause of the Nagas, owing to their wider pan- Naga following. Though there have been mild threats from the GoI that she is going ahead to seal the deal with NNPG even if the NSCN (IM) is not on board, all stakeholders knew that this was mere lip service because a deal without the NSCN (IM) would amount to no deal at all. With all the hype around FA, the fact is that there is hardly any progress made on the ground. And a lot has to do with the uncertainty of the content of the agreement which was never revealed. So far, it has been https://www.india-seminar.com/semframe.html 2/6 9/15/2020 732 KB Veio Pou, Living on the edge left to the media and curious analysts to do the guesswork. The secrecy of the FA’s content has left many to wonder if it was a hurriedly signed document for the sake of ailing leader Isak Chisi Swu, who passed away soon after. And now, with the other leader, Th Muivah, aging fast, will something be arrived at before he too passes on? That is one big worry. The NSCN (IM) certainly cannot afford to go the way of NSCN(K) that has more or less fizzled out soon after the leader S. Khaplang passed away sometime back. Without a doubt, the Nagas are living on the edge! As this struggle prolongs, what has become clear is that there has been a paradigm shift in the notion of ‘freedom’. From the grand idea of an independent Naga nation it has now slowly simmered down to pleading for mere recognition of their ‘unique history’ and identity. Every time terms like sovereignty, greater Nagalim, alternative arrangement, autonomy, among others, are brought to the negotiation table, undesirable consequences erupt from neighbouring states and people’s groups. The reaction of the Meitei population from Manipur in 2001 is just one example. The reason for the flare-up at that time was the extension of the ceasefire ‘without territorial limits’ which didn’t go well with the Meiteis of the valley.2 Since then, the GoI has been cautious of the language. After all, she cannot afford to let multiple problems arise while trying to solve a problem, however big it may be. So, in course of time, contentious terms have been phased out from the vocabulary of the struggle. As of what we hear and read today, the deal has been stuck on the issues of separate flag and passports for the Nagas, merely a symbolic gesture. Whether it be true or not, no one can tell because both the parties are tight-lipped about it. But as of how the present government functions today, it is very likely that even the symbolic may not be granted considering the fact that the same has been taken away from the Kashmiris when Article 370 was revoked in August 2019. So, what is the way ahead for both India and the Nagas? The last seven decades have been a tumultuous ride for the two entities. India certainly realized that solving the Naga problem is crucial for peace and stability in the Northeast region. For a region that is home to a host of insurgency groups and sub-national movements, it is important to recognize that the military mindset has done more damage than good in winning the confidence of the people. Even today, the region continues to be heavily militarized.

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