SIL-Mexico Electronic Working Papers #020:Flexible Animacy in Comaltepec Chinantec

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

SIL-Mexico Electronic Working Papers #020:Flexible Animacy in Comaltepec Chinantec SIL-Mexico Electronic Working Papers #020: Flexible animacy in Comaltepec Chinantec Judith Lynn Anderson Cheryl A. Black Anderson, Judith Lynn and Cheryl A. Black. 2016. Flexible animacy in Comaltepec Chinantec. SIL-Mexico Branch Electronic Working Papers #020. [http://mexico.sil.org/resources/archives/68283] (©) SIL International. These working papers may be periodically updated, expanded, or corrected. Comments may be sent to the authors at: [email protected] and [email protected]. 2 SIL-Mexico Electronic Working Papers #020:Flexible animacy in Comaltepec Chinantec Contents 1 Introduction . 2 2 Basic facts about animacy in Chinantec . 3 3 Flexible animacy . 5 3.1 Animates become inanimates . 6 3.2 Inanimates become animates . 7 4 Conclusion . 10 A Orthography—IPA Equivalents . 11 A.1 Consonants . 11 A.2 Vowels . 11 A.3 Diacritics . 12 References . 12 1 Introduction Animacy is an important feature in the grammars of the languages of certain Otomanguean lan- guage families, including Chinantecan and Tlapanecan. These facts have been described or referred to in published descriptions, including Merrifield (1968), Robbins (1968), Rupp (1989), J. Ander- son (1989), Westley (1991), Foris (2000), Skinner & Skinner (2000), Merrifield & A. Anderson (2007) and especially Rupp (2009) for Chinantecan languages; and in Suárez (1983), APLT (1988), Carrasco Zúñiga (2006) and Marlett (2012) for Tlapanecan. The present paper looks at a special twist to the use of animacy in the Comaltepec variety of Chinantec (ISO 639-3 code [cco]) that apparently is not found in other varieties—at least nothing has appeared in the literature—although something similar is reportedly possible in at least one variety of Tlapanec (Me'phaa). Chinantec languages are spoken in the state of Oaxaca, in southern Mexico. Comaltepec Chinan- tec, a sub variety of what is referred to as Chinanteco de la Sierra in INALI (2008:60), is spoken in the municipalities of Santiago Comaltepec (17° 36' N, 96° 34' W), San Juan Bautista Atatlahuca, and reportedly in San Juan Bautista Valle Nacional. Quiotepec Chinantec is also included under the label of Chinanteco de la Sierra by INALI 2008. The mutual intelligibility study reported in Egland (1978:12) indicated a 69% understanding on the part of Comaltepec Chinantec speakers listening to Quiotepec Chinantec speakers, and 87% in the opposite direction, with lesser percentages reported for some other towns of the immediate area. While animacy is relevant in Otomanguean language families such as Amuzgoan, Mixtecan, and Zapotecan for the choice of pronoun (person vs. animal vs. thing), in Chinantecan and Tlapanecan animacy is a far more pervasive feature. Agreement in animacy is reflected inside of the noun phrase and on the verb, as briefly shown in section 2. In addition, however, arguably as a result of contact with Zapotecan languages, Comaltepec Chinantec also uses three distinct pronouns for people, animals, and things (while the other varieties of Chinantec only distinguish between animate and inanimate pronouns)—with some extra complications, as mentioned below. What is even more interesting in the Comaltepec variety of Chinantec is that the animacy of a noun may vary under certain conditions or in certain contexts, including the kind of involvement Basic facts about animacy in Chinantec 3 with or attitude towards the referent of that noun that the speaker has. Nothing like this has been reported for other varieties of Chinantec, and conversations with researchers on them have not turned up unreported facts in this regard. The data are presented here in two types of transcription. The first is the one used in the lan- guage community, readable by Comaltepec Chinantec speakers. The second is a broad phonetic transcription in the tradition of the International Phonetic Association (IPA 1999) with morpheme breaks included. See appendix A for a concise explanation of the orthographic symbols. For a brief orientation to general Chinantec phonology, see Silverman (2006).1 2 Basic facts about animacy in Chinantec All nouns in Chinantec are classified as either animate or inanimate, and the classification is usually quite straightforward in semantic terms. (See the discussion of this topic in Rupp 2009.) Nouns that refer to living beings that can move of their own volition are classified as animate; typical examples are people, mammals, reptiles, and insects. Most other nouns are classified as inanimate. Some simple examples of each class of noun are given in (1)-(2). (1) Some animate nouns a. dseaˋ d͡ʒæ˩ person b. ta̱ˊ tã˩˧ bird c. jiuung˜ hʲuːŋ˥˩˥ child d. dsiiˋ d͡ʒìː˩ dog e. júuˆ •huː˥ opossum f. ji ̱ꞌˋ hĩʔ˩ wasp g. taꞌˊ taʔ˩˧ bee h. quɨꞌˊ kɯʔ˩˧ lizard i. mɨꞌˋ mɯʔ˩ snake 1 The following abbreviations are used: 3 = third person, 3a = third person animal, 3h = third person human, an = animate, caus = causative, cmpl = completive, cont = continuative, cs = change to stative, def = definite, dem = demonstrative, dim = diminutive, dist = distal, em = emphatic, inan = inanimate, intns = intensifier, loc = location, med = medial, neg = negative, opl = object plural, pfv = perfective, pl = plural, poss = possessive, pot = potential, prox = proximal, rel = relativizer, sg = singular. The data in this paper were collected by the first author from 1970 to the present, especially during the years 1970- 1979 while usually living in the Chinantec community of Santiago Comaltepec. While the Chinantec people have generally not wanted to be recognized, appreciation goes to Juventino López López for the whole idea for this paper and to the main language associates during those first nine years in the village: Virginia Hernández M. de Luna and Isaac Hernández Martínez. The examples presented here were discussed long ago with Keneth L. Pike. Help on this paper was also gratefully received from Stephen A. Marlett and H. Andrew Black. 4 SIL-Mexico Electronic Working Papers #020:Flexible animacy in Comaltepec Chinantec (2) Some inanimate nouns a. líˆ •li˥ flower b. jɨˋ hɯ˩ fire c. jníiˊ •hniː˩˧ cloud d. ca̱˜ kã˩˥ corn dough e. júuˆ •huː˥ word f. ji ̱ꞌˋ hĩʔ˩ orange g. taꞌˊ taʔ˩˧ honey h. cuuˉ kuː˧ money i. ꞌmaquɨ́ɨˋ ʔma•kɯː˩ pine tree j. ꞌmatooˋ ʔmatoː˩ banana tree Various other details about animacy classes in Chinantec are discussed in Rupp (2009). Note that nothing in the form of the word itself indicates its animacy class. As examples 1g ‘bee’ and 2g ‘honey’ show, the same word form sometimes may be classified as animate and inan- imate, with related, but distinct, meanings. In other cases, the two identical word forms are simply unrelated homophones; compare 1e ‘opossum’ and 2e ‘word’. A noun that refers to a non-living representative of the animate class is still classified as animate; for example, ꞌlɨɨ˜ /ʔlɯː˥˩˥/ ‘dead person’ and dsealɨɨ˜ /d͡ʒælɯː˥˩˥/ ‘doll’. Some nouns that are unexpectedly animate on strictly semantic grounds, at least from a Western perspective, include those in (3). All of these, with the exception of the word for thunder, use the pronoun that is typically reserved for people (–r, –iñ). The word for thunder uses the pronoun that is typically reserved for animals (–reꞌ, –neꞌ). Many of these can be explained by an understanding of Chinantec mythology, in which the moon is a female deity, the sun is a male deity, and the stars are the souls of babies who have died. (3) Some animate nouns that refer to (normally) inanimate entities a. sɨꞌˋ sɯʔ˩ moon b. nʉ́ʉˊ •nøː˩˧ star c. ieeˋ ieː˩ sun d. dsealɨɨ˜ d͡ʒælɯː˥˩˥ doll, figure e. i ̱i̱ˉ güɨꞌñeáˋ iː̃˧ ɡʷɯ•ʔɲæ˩ thunder2 f. jɨ˜ güɨꞌñeáˋ hɯ˩˥ ɡʷɯ•ʔɲæ˩ lightning g. crúuˆ •kɾuː˥ (Christian) cross The classification of a noun in Chinantec languages is generally known by the agreement that it determines on words in the noun phrase that it heads, as it is in Tlapanecan languages (see Marlett 2012). Agreement is overtly marked on definite articles, indefinite articles, quantifiers, adjectives and relativizers. In some cases, the forms are suppletive; see table 1. In the case of adjectives, the inanimate form appears to be the unmarked form, and animacy agreement is indicated by the addition of a nasalization suffix, often with a vowel change (although there are many exceptions). See the simple examples (4)-(5) and table 1. 2This noun güɨꞌñeáˋ has two related meanings: if it sounds it is ‘thunder’, if it gives light, it is ‘lightning’. Flexible animacy 5 (4) e taꞌˊ e néeˉ e taʔ˩˧ e •neː˧ def.inan honey rel.inan yellow.inan ‘the honey that is yellow’ (5) i ̱ taꞌˊ i ̱ neáangˉ ĩ taʔ˩˧ ĩ •næːŋ˧ def.an bee rel.an yellow.an ‘the bee that is yellow’ Table 1 Inanimate-Animate Pairs Inanimate Animate a. Definite article e e i ̱ ĩ b. many, much jmiguiʉˊ hmiɡʲø˩˧ jmiguiúungˋ hmi•ɡʲuːŋ˩ c. yellow néeˉ •neː˧ neáangˉ •næːŋ˧ d. one co̱o̱ˋ kõː˩ jaangˋ haːŋ˩ e. two tú̱ˉ •tũ˧ gángˉ •ɡáŋ˧ f. five ꞌñeáˋ •ʔɲæ˩ ꞌñíingˉ •ʔɲiːŋ˧ g. all lajɨˋ lahɯ˩ lajɨɨngˋ lahɯːŋ˩ h. Plural jaléꞌˋ ha•leʔ˩ jaléngꞌˋ ha•leŋʔ˩ Agreement in animacy is also indicated on the verb, with the absolutive (viz., the subject of an intransitive verb and the direct object of a transitive verb) of the clause determining the agreement. Table 2 Inanimate-Animate Verb Pairs Inanimate Animate a. fall (sg.) tóꞌˋ •toʔ˩ tøiñꞌ` tɤiɲʔ˩ b. hit báɾ` •baɾ˩ bǿøiñ ̄ •bɤːiɲ˧ c. abandon tʉ́rˋ •tør˩ tiúuiñˉ •tʲuːiɲ˧ d. give cuørˊ kʷɤr˩˧ cuǿøiñˋ •kʷɤːiɲ˩ e. disgust eꞌr` eʔr˩ eiñꞌˋ eiɲʔ˩ f. leave séerˊ •seːr˩˧ seáaiñˊ •sæːiɲ˩˧ g. bury óorˊ •oːr˩˧ áaiñˉ •aːiɲ˧ h. go (sg.) not home dséeˊ •d͡ʒeː˩˧ dséerˊ •d͡ʒeːr˩˧ i. grow cuaangˋ kʷaːŋ˩ cuaaiñˋ kʷaːiɲ˩ j. is swollen ye̱e̱ˋ yẽː˩ yaaiñˋ yaːiɲ˩ 3 Flexible animacy The use of the noun class which normally refers to animals instead of the human noun class as a means of demoting the status of a person being talked to or talked about has been reported in Bantu languages (Bill Mann, p.c.).
Recommended publications
  • A Sociolinguistic Profile of the Kyoli (Cori) [Cry] Language of Kaduna State, Nigeria
    DigitalResources Electronic Survey Report 2020-012 A Sociolinguistic Profile of the Kyoli (Cori) [cry] Language of Kaduna State, Nigeria Ken Decker, John Muniru, Julius Dabet, Benard Abraham, Jonah Innocent A Sociolinguistic Profile of the Kyoli (Cori) [cry] Language of Kaduna State, Nigeria Ken Decker, John Muniru, Julius Dabet, Benard Abraham, Jonah Innocent SIL International® 2020 SIL Electronic Survey Report 2020-012, October 2020 © 2020 SIL International® All rights reserved Data and materials collected by researchers in an era before documentation of permission was standardized may be included in this publication. SIL makes diligent efforts to identify and acknowledge sources and to obtain appropriate permissions wherever possible, acting in good faith and on the best information available at the time of publication. Abstract This report describes a sociolinguistic survey conducted among the Kyoli-speaking communities in Jaba Local Government Area (LGA), Kaduna State, in central Nigeria. The Ethnologue (Eberhard et al. 2020a) classifies Kyoli [cry] as a Niger-Congo, Atlantic Congo, Volta-Congo, Benue-Congo, Plateau, Western, Northwestern, Hyamic language. During the survey, it was learned that the speakers of the language prefer to spell the name of their language <Kyoli>, which is pronounced as [kjoli] or [çjoli]. They refer to speakers of the language as Kwoli. We estimate that there may be about 7,000 to 8,000 speakers of Kyoli, which is most if not all the ethnic group. The goals of this research included gaining a better understanding of the role of Kyoli and other languages in the lives of the Kwoli people. Our data indicate that Kyoli is used at a sustainable level of orality, EGIDS 6a.
    [Show full text]
  • Some Principles of the Use of Macro-Areas Language Dynamics &A
    Online Appendix for Harald Hammarstr¨om& Mark Donohue (2014) Some Principles of the Use of Macro-Areas Language Dynamics & Change Harald Hammarstr¨om& Mark Donohue The following document lists the languages of the world and their as- signment to the macro-areas described in the main body of the paper as well as the WALS macro-area for languages featured in the WALS 2005 edi- tion. 7160 languages are included, which represent all languages for which we had coordinates available1. Every language is given with its ISO-639-3 code (if it has one) for proper identification. The mapping between WALS languages and ISO-codes was done by using the mapping downloadable from the 2011 online WALS edition2 (because a number of errors in the mapping were corrected for the 2011 edition). 38 WALS languages are not given an ISO-code in the 2011 mapping, 36 of these have been assigned their appropri- ate iso-code based on the sources the WALS lists for the respective language. This was not possible for Tasmanian (WALS-code: tsm) because the WALS mixes data from very different Tasmanian languages and for Kualan (WALS- code: kua) because no source is given. 17 WALS-languages were assigned ISO-codes which have subsequently been retired { these have been assigned their appropriate updated ISO-code. In many cases, a WALS-language is mapped to several ISO-codes. As this has no bearing for the assignment to macro-areas, multiple mappings have been retained. 1There are another couple of hundred languages which are attested but for which our database currently lacks coordinates.
    [Show full text]
  • Annex H. Summary of the Early Grade Reading Materials Survey in Senegal
    Annex H. Summary of the Early Grade Reading Materials Survey in Senegal Geography and Demographics 196,722 square Size: kilometers (km2) Population: 14 million (2015) Capital: Dakar Urban: 44% (2015) Administrative 14 regions Divisions: Religion: 95% Muslim 4% Christian 1% Traditional Source: Central Intelligence Agency (2015). Note: Population and percentages are rounded. Literacy Projected 2013 Primary School 2015 Age Population (aged 2.2 million Literacy a a 7–12 years): Rates: Overall Male Female Adult (aged 2013 Primary School 56% 68% 44% 84%, up from 65% in 1999 >15 years) GER:a Youth (aged 2013 Pre-primary School 70% 76% 64% 15%,up from 3% in 1999 15–24 years) GER:a Language: French Mean: 18.4 correct words per minute When: 2009 Oral Reading Fluency: Standard deviation: 20.6 Sample EGRA Where: 11 regions 18% zero scores Resultsb 11% reading with ≥60% Reading comprehension Who: 687 P3 students Comprehension: 52% zero scores Note: EGRA = Early Grade Reading Assessment; GER = Gross Enrollment Rate; P3 = Primary Grade 3. Percentages are rounded. a Source: UNESCO (2015). b Source: Pouezevara et al. (2010). Language Number of Living Languages:a 210 Major Languagesb Estimated Populationc Government Recognized Statusd 202 DERP in Africa—Reading Materials Survey Final Report 47,000 (L1) (2015) French “Official” language 3.9 million (L2) (2013) “National” language Wolof 5.2 million (L1) (2015) de facto largest LWC Pulaar 3.5 million (L1) (2015) “National” language Serer-Sine 1.4 million (L1) (2015) “National” language Maninkakan (i.e., Malinké) 1.3 million (L1) (2015) “National” language Soninke 281,000 (L1) (2015) “National” language Jola-Fonyi (i.e., Diola) 340,000 (L1) “National” language Balant, Bayot, Guñuun, Hassanya, Jalunga, Kanjaad, Laalaa, Mandinka, Manjaaku, “National” languages Mankaañ, Mënik, Ndut, Noon, __ Oniyan, Paloor, and Saafi- Saafi Note: L1 = first language; L2 = second language; LWC = language of wider communication.
    [Show full text]
  • Language Classification in the Ethnologue and Its Consequences (Paper)
    Sarah E. Cornwell The University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario, Canada Language Classification in The Ethnologue and its Consequences (Paper) Abstract: The Ethnologue is a widely used classificatory standard for the world’s 7000+ natural languages. However, the motives and processes used by The Ethnologue’s governing body, SIL International, have come under criticism by linguists. This paper investigates how The Ethnologue answers the question “What is a language?” through the theoretical lens presented by Bowker and Star in Sorting Things Out (1999) and presents some consequences of those classificatory decisions. 1. Introduction Language is central to human culture and experience. It is the central core of our communicative capacity, running through all media of communication. Due to this essential role, there is a need to classify and count languages and their speakers1. Governments need to communicate with citizens, libraries need to catalogue books by language, and search engines need to return webpages in the appropriate language for each searcher. For these reasons among others, there is a strong institutional need for a standardized classification structure and labelling system for languages. The most widespread current classificatory infrastructure for languages is based on The Ethnologue. This essay will critically evaluate The Ethnologue using the Foucauldian theory developed for investigating classification structures by Bowker and Star (1999) in Sorting Things Out: Classification and its Consequences. 2. The Ethnologue The Ethnologue is a catalogue of all the world’s languages. First compiled in 1951, The Ethnologue is currently in its 20th edition and contains descriptions of 7099 living languages (2017). Since 1997, The Ethnologue has been available freely online and widely accessible (Simons & Fennig, 2017).
    [Show full text]
  • Mapping India's Language and Mother Tongue Diversity and Its
    Mapping India’s Language and Mother Tongue Diversity and its Exclusion in the Indian Census Dr. Shivakumar Jolad1 and Aayush Agarwal2 1FLAME University, Lavale, Pune, India 2Centre for Social and Behavioural Change, Ashoka University, New Delhi, India Abstract In this article, we critique the process of linguistic data enumeration and classification by the Census of India. We map out inclusion and exclusion under Scheduled and non-Scheduled languages and their mother tongues and their representation in state bureaucracies, the judiciary, and education. We highlight that Census classification leads to delegitimization of ‘mother tongues’ that deserve the status of language and official recognition by the state. We argue that the blanket exclusion of languages and mother tongues based on numerical thresholds disregards the languages of about 18.7 million speakers in India. We compute and map the Linguistic Diversity Index of India at the national and state levels and show that the exclusion of mother tongues undermines the linguistic diversity of states. We show that the Hindi belt shows the maximum divergence in Language and Mother Tongue Diversity. We stress the need for India to officially acknowledge the linguistic diversity of states and make the Census classification and enumeration to reflect the true Linguistic diversity. Introduction India and the Indian subcontinent have long been known for their rich diversity in languages and cultures which had baffled travelers, invaders, and colonizers. Amir Khusru, Sufi poet and scholar of the 13th century, wrote about the diversity of languages in Northern India from Sindhi, Punjabi, and Gujarati to Telugu and Bengali (Grierson, 1903-27, vol.
    [Show full text]
  • The Components of Sustainable Multilingual Education Programs
    A Two-Way Bridge The Components of Sustainable Multilingual Education Programs Studies demonstrate that learning is most effective when the instruction is received in the language the learner knows best. This simple truth extends from basic reading and writing skills in the first language to second language acquisition. In multilingual education programs (MLE) that start with the mother tongue, learners use their own language for learning in the early grades, while also learning the official language as a classroom subject. As learners gain competence in understanding, speaking, reading and writing the language of education, teachers begin using it for instruction. This instructional bridge between the community language and the language of wider communication enables learners—children and adults alike—to meet their broader multilingual goals while retaining their local language and culture. This booklet addresses several important aspects of MLE: ■ The voices of ethnolinguistic minority communities are often not heard. Therefore, advocacy is appropriate for these communities to meet their MLE needs. ■ Conventional instructional methods are not adequate for MLE programs. Educators at both community and national levels need to develop their capacity to design and implement MLE programs. ■ Developing a writing system for a non-dominant language is a challenging but essential early step in developing an MLE program. ■ MLE not only requires the commitment and resources of the local community, but also the resources and expertise available from government agencies, NGOs or others. Resource linking brings the partners together so that each one contributes its own particular resources. ■ MLE gives children and adults a firm foundation for continuing to learn throughout their lives.
    [Show full text]
  • English Planning for Global Cooperation in Sign Language Development Through Networks, Finland, the US, Colombia and Japan Consultants and Resources
    SIL International 2009 Partners in Language Development UPDATE YEARS 1934–2009 “No one has ever seen a book in our language before.” Until this year, the Koda community in Bangladesh did not have a written form of their language. Some Koda people thought it was impossible to write their language. A cooperative education and development program for this community was started by Food for the Hungry and SIL. In 2009, a group of eager Koda men met several times with SIL staff to make decisions about a writing system for their language. The men—some of whom had only attended school for two years—participated in an orthography workshop with SIL consultants and began to write in their own language. They worked together to identify the speech sounds that are the same as in Bangla (the national language), the several sounds that are different, and how to Each workshop represent each sound in an alphabet—the first step towards uniform spelling. participant wrote When workshop participants were asked to write stories about their daily lives and a story in Koda and culture, they responded, “We have never written a story before.” But by the end of made his own book. These men have the workshop, each participant had written a short story and made his own book to started to fulfill their take back to his village—an achievement that gave them confidence and increased community’s desire to self-esteem. protect and preserve SIL grew out of one man’s concern for people speaking languages that lacked written their language.
    [Show full text]
  • A Sketch of the Linguistic Geography of Signed Languages in the Caribbean1,2
    OCCASIONAL PAPER No. 38 A SKETCH OF THE LINGUISTIC GEOGRAPHY OF SIGNED LANGUAGES IN THE CARIBBEAN Ben Braithwaite The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine June 2017 SCL OCCASIONAL PAPERS PAPER NUMBER 38—JUNE 2017 Edited by Ronald Kephart (2014–2016) and Joseph T. Farquharson (2016–2018), SCL Publications Officers Copy editing by Sally J. Delgado and Ronald Kephart Proofreading by Paulson Skerritt and Sulare Telford EDITORIAL BOARD Joseph T. Farquharson The University of the West Indies, Mona (Chair) Janet L. Donnelly College of the Bahamas David Frank SIL International Ronald Kephart University of North Florida Salikoko S. Mufwene University of Chicago Ian E. Robertson The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine Geraldine Skeete The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine Donald C. Winford Ohio State University PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY FOR CARIBBEAN LINGUISTICS (SCL) c/o Department of Language, Linguistics and Philosophy, The University of the West Indies, Mona campus, Kingston 7, Jamaica. <www.scl-online.net> © 2017 Ben Braithwaite. All rights reserved. Not to be reproduced in any form without the written permission of the author. ISSN 1726–2496 THE LINGUISTIC GEOGRAPHY OF SIGNED LANGUAGES 3 A Sketch of the Linguistic Geography of Signed Languages in the Caribbean1,2 Ben Braithwaite The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine 1. Introduction HE Caribbean… is the location of almost every type of linguistic “Tphenomenon, and of every type of language situation. For example, trade and contact jargons, creole languages and dialects, ethnic vernaculars, and regional and nonstandard dialects are all spoken. There are also ancestral languages used for religious purposes…, regional standards, and international standards.
    [Show full text]
  • CALLS for PAPERS to the INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE /HUMBOLT KOLLEG on PROSODY and LANGUAGE TECHNOLOGY: CHALLENGES and PROSPECTS, ABIDJAN MAY 4Th to MAY 9Th 2014
    CALLS FOR PAPERS TO THE INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE /HUMBOLT KOLLEG ON PROSODY AND LANGUAGE TECHNOLOGY: CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS, ABIDJAN MAY 4th to MAY 9th 2014. 1. DESCRIPTION OF CONTENT: PROSODY AS A CORE COMPONENT OF LANGUAGE AND SPEECH Prosodic systems in language range from the melodies and rhythms of intonation in sentences and dialogue on the one hand to intricate duration and tonal patterns of words. Physically, prosody is commonly defined as the variation of speech sounds and pitch patterns in time and has long been considered in traditional linguistics as peripheral to the core communicative functions of speech acts. Research into African tonal languages has played a highly significant but often unappreciated role in uncovering the significance and intricacies of prosody, revealing autosegments of tone, intonation, stress, accent, vowel harmony, nasality and other phonological features which pattern in a quasi-independent fashion in speech, and are represented as hierarchically organized parallel phonetic and phonological information streams or tiers. Prosody has been studied from the perspectives of many different disciplines: literature, (particularly poetry and drama rhetoric), musicology, cognitive and behavioral psychology, the study of language acquisition and language and speech pathologies, forensic linguistics, computational and mathematical linguistics, language typology and historical linguistic reconstruction, and engineering disciplines concerned with the speech synthesis and recognition interfaces associated with modern mobile devices. These interdisciplinary developments have also touched research on African languages, though mainly in separate universities and by individuals working without the extensive laboratory support of European, American and East Asian research groups. A strength of research on the distinctive prosodic attributes of African languages is that results have been based on extensive and detailed fieldwork on a very large variety of languages.
    [Show full text]
  • Tivoid Survey
    Tivoid Survey Alan Starr and Clark Regnier SIL International 2008 SIL Electronic Survey Report 2008-022, December 2008 Copyright © 2008 Alan Starr, Clark Regnier, and SIL International All rights reserved 2 CONTENTS Abstract 1 Background 1.1 Classification 1.2 Purposes 1.3 Selection of Sites 1.4 Description of the Area 1.5 Team and Timing 2 Procedures 2.1 Wordlists 2.2 Recorded Text Testing (RTT) 2.3 Sociolinguistic Questionnaires 2.4 Bilingual Questionnaires 2.5 Group Interviews 3 Ipulo-Eman-Caka 3.1 Lexicostatistics 3.2 Ipulo and Eman 3.3 Caka and Eman 4 Icheve 4.1 Linguistic Results and Analysis 4.2 Sociolinguistic and Multilingual Profile 4.3 Conclusions and Decisions 5 Proposed Changes to Ethnologue and ALCAM Appendix 1: Tivoid Languages and Their Neighbors in Cameroon [ALCAM p. 369] Appendix 2: Group Interview Form Appendix 3: Sociolinguistic Questionnaire Appendix 4: 1. (Omitted) 2. Multilingualism 3. Development of the language Appendix 5: Bilingual Proficiency Questionnaire References 3 Abstract This 1990 survey investigates two Tiv-related languages: Assumbo and Mesaka. The purpose is to recommend which varieties should be standardized, based on both linguistic data (shared lexical percentages and inherent intelligibility) and sociolinguistic data (language use and attitudes). In particular, since the Assumbo dialect, Ipulo, as spoken in the village of Tinta is planned for development, there was need to discover the extent to which a written form of this dialect could be used. We investigated the use of Pidgin in key domains to determine community use and proficiency. [This report has not been peer reviewed.] 1 Background 1.1 Classification The Tiv-related languages under study in this survey are identified by the Ethnologue as Assumbo (Asumbo, Badzumbo) and Mesaka (Messaga, Iyon, Banagere).
    [Show full text]
  • Space in Languages in Mexico and Central America Carolyn O'meara
    Space in languages in Mexico and Central America Carolyn O’Meara, Gabriela Pérez Báez, Alyson Eggleston, Jürgen Bohnemeyer 1. Introduction This chapter presents an overview of the properties of spatial representations in languages of the region. The analyses presented here are based on data from 47 languages belonging to ten Deleted: on literature covering language families in addition to literature on language isolates. Overall, these languages are located primarily in Mexico, covering the Mesoamerican Sprachbundi, but also extending north to include languages such as the isolate Seri and several Uto-Aztecan languages, and south to include Sumu-Mayangna, a Misumalpan language of Nicaragua. Table 1 provides a list of the Deleted: The literature consulted includes a mix of languages analyzed for this chapter. descriptive grammars as well as studies dedicated to spatial language and cognition and, when possible and relevant, primary data collected by the authors. Table 1 provides a Table 1. Languages examined in this chapter1 Family / Stock Relevant sub-branches Language Mayan Yucatecan Yucatecan- Yucatec Lacandon Mopan-Itzá Mopan Greater Cholan Yokot’an (Chontal de Tabasco) Tseltalan Tseltalan Tseltal Zinacantán Tsotsil Q’anjob’alan- Q’anjob’alan Q’anjob’al Chujean Jacaltec Otomanguean Otopame- Otomí Eastern Highland Otomí Chinantecan Ixtenco Otomí San Ildefonso Tultepec Otomí Tilapa Otomí Chinantec Palantla Chinantec 1 In most cases, we have reproduced the language name as used in the studies that we cite. However, we diverge from this practice in a few cases. One such case would be one in which we know firsthand what the preferred language name is among members of the language community.
    [Show full text]
  • Language EI Country Genetic Unit Speakers RI Acatepec Tlapanec 5
    Language EI Country Genetic Unit Speakers RI Acatepec Tlapanec 5 Mexico Subtiapa-Tlapanec 33000 1 Alacatlatzala Mixtec 4.5 Mexico Mixtecan 23000 2 Alcozauca Mixtec 5 Mexico Mixtecan 10000 3 Aloápam Zapotec 4 Mexico Zapotecan 2100 4 Amatlán Zapotec 5 Mexico Zapotecan 6000 5 Amoltepec Mixtec 3 Mexico Mixtecan 6000 6 Ascunción Mixtepec Zapotec 1 Mexico Zapotecan 100 7 Atatláhuca Mixtec 5 Mexico Mixtecan 8300 8 Ayautla Mazatec 5 Mexico Popolocan 3500 9 Ayoquesco Zapotec 3 Mexico Zapotecan < 900 10 Ayutla Mixtec 5 Mexico Mixtecan 8500 11 Azoyú Tlapanec 1 Mexico Subtiapa-Tlapanec < 680 12 Aztingo Matlatzinca 1 Mexico Otopamean > < 100 13 Matlatzincan Cacaloxtepec Mixtec 2.5 Mexico Mixtecan < 850 14 Cajonos Zapotec 4 Mexico Zapotecan 5000 15 Central Hausteca Nahuatl 5 Mexico Uto-Aztecan 200000 16 Central Nahuatl 3 Mexico Uto-Aztecan 40000 17 Central Pame 4 Mexico Pamean 4350 18 Central Puebla Nahuatl 4.5 Mexico Uto-Aztecan 16000 19 Chaopan Zapotec 5 Mexico Zapotecan 24000 20 Chayuco Mixtec 5 Mexico Mixtecan 30000 21 Chazumba Mixtec 2 Mexico Mixtecan < 2,500 22 Chiapanec 1 Mexico Chiapanec-Mangue < 20 23 Chicahuaxtla Triqui 5 Mexico Mixtecan 6000 24 Chichicapan Zapotec 4 Mexico Zapotecan 4000 25 Chichimeca-Jonaz 3 Mexico Otopamean > < 200 26 Chichimec Chigmecatitlan Mixtec 3 Mexico Mixtecan 1600 27 Chiltepec Chinantec 3 Mexico Chinantecan < 1,000 28 Chimalapa Zoque 3.5 Mexico Zoque 4500 29 Chiquihuitlán Mazatec 3.5 Mexico Popolocan 2500 30 Chochotec 3 Mexico Popolocan 770 31 Coatecas Altas Zapotec 4 Mexico Zapotecan 5000 32 Coatepec Nahuatl 2.5
    [Show full text]