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Tivoid Survey Tivoid Survey Alan Starr and Clark Regnier SIL International 2008 SIL Electronic Survey Report 2008-022, December 2008 Copyright © 2008 Alan Starr, Clark Regnier, and SIL International All rights reserved 2 CONTENTS Abstract 1 Background 1.1 Classification 1.2 Purposes 1.3 Selection of Sites 1.4 Description of the Area 1.5 Team and Timing 2 Procedures 2.1 Wordlists 2.2 Recorded Text Testing (RTT) 2.3 Sociolinguistic Questionnaires 2.4 Bilingual Questionnaires 2.5 Group Interviews 3 Ipulo-Eman-Caka 3.1 Lexicostatistics 3.2 Ipulo and Eman 3.3 Caka and Eman 4 Icheve 4.1 Linguistic Results and Analysis 4.2 Sociolinguistic and Multilingual Profile 4.3 Conclusions and Decisions 5 Proposed Changes to Ethnologue and ALCAM Appendix 1: Tivoid Languages and Their Neighbors in Cameroon [ALCAM p. 369] Appendix 2: Group Interview Form Appendix 3: Sociolinguistic Questionnaire Appendix 4: 1. (Omitted) 2. Multilingualism 3. Development of the language Appendix 5: Bilingual Proficiency Questionnaire References 3 Abstract This 1990 survey investigates two Tiv-related languages: Assumbo and Mesaka. The purpose is to recommend which varieties should be standardized, based on both linguistic data (shared lexical percentages and inherent intelligibility) and sociolinguistic data (language use and attitudes). In particular, since the Assumbo dialect, Ipulo, as spoken in the village of Tinta is planned for development, there was need to discover the extent to which a written form of this dialect could be used. We investigated the use of Pidgin in key domains to determine community use and proficiency. [This report has not been peer reviewed.] 1 Background 1.1 Classification The Tiv-related languages under study in this survey are identified by the Ethnologue as Assumbo (Asumbo, Badzumbo) and Mesaka (Messaga, Iyon, Banagere). Both are classified as Bantoid, Non-Bantu, and Tiv-Bantu languages (following the classification of Williamson 1971) and are related to each other. Dialects listed for Assumbo are: Avande (Evand, Balegete), Asumbo (probably referring to Ipulo), and Amanavil.1 Dialects listed for Mesaka are: Iceve (Bacheve, Oliti), Iyive (Yiive), Ugare (Messaga), Batomo (Babasi), and Caka (Assaka). The number of Assumbo speakers is listed as 21,000 in Cameroon and 5,000 in Nigeria, while the number of Mesaka speakers given is 14,000 in Cameroon and 5,000 in Nigeria. The Atlas Linguistique du Cameroun (ALCAM) gives the following breakdown: (891) Ugare, (892) Batomo, (893) Caka, (894) Iyive, (895) Iceve, (896) Evand (Avande), (897) Ipulo (Asumbo), and (898) Eman (Amanavil). These languages are categorized as Bantoid, Bantou, and Tivoid languages, along with Tiv (802), Esimbi (803), Manta (804), and Ihatum (Osatu) (899).2 In summary, table 1 shows the classifications as described in the Ethnologue with the ALCAM numbers.3 Those languages starred are those under study in this report. Map 3 gives an overview of geographic placement of the languages within Cameroon, most of which are in the Akwaya Subdivision, Manyu Division of the Southwest Province, while map 1 shows an enlarged picture of the immediate area. 1 The Nigerian Ethnologue entry cites Amanavil as a dialect of Mesaka, not Assumbo. 2 The Ethnologue does not list Ihatum, but does list both Esimbi and Manta as non Tiv-Bantu languages. It shows Tiv- related languages found exclusively in Nigeria. 3 Other classifications of the Tiv-related languages include: (a) Bantoid, Bantoid I, and Tivoid (Greenberg 1974); (b) Bantoid, Bin, Ungwa, and Tiv (Bennett and Sterk 1977); (c) Bantoid, Bantu, Narrow Bantu, non-East, and Tivoid (Bastin, Coupez, and de Halleux 1983); and (d) Bantoid, Southern (Wide Bantu), Tivoid (Watters and Leroy 1989). 4 Table 1. Mesaka and Assumbo Speech Forms (891) Ugare (Messaga) (892) Batomo (Babasi) Mesaka (893) Caka (Assaka) * (894) Iyive (Yiive) Iceve (Bacheve, Oliti) * Avande (Evand) Assumbo (897) Ipulo * Amanavil (Eman) * Map 1. Tiv-related Speech Forms and Their Neighbors in Cameroon (ALCAM, 381) 5 1.2 Purposes Ray Yoder of RBMU Int’l (Regions Beyond Missionary Union), seconded to the Cameroon Baptist Convention (CBC), is learning and studying Ipulo, as spoken in the village of Tinta. Due to his request, SIL was invited to conduct a survey to determine the degree of intelligibility between the various Ipulo villages and determine the extent to which a written form of Tinta-based Ipulo could be used. Because of the possibility of the future development of Icheve by RBMU linguists seconded to CBC and the proximity of Icheve with Ipulo, Icheve was also included in the survey. The process of determining the number of, and which speech form(s) is best to standardize involves not only linguistic data (shared lexical percentages and inherent intelligibility between speech forms), but also sociolinguistic data. The latter includes how people use and view the speech forms (language use and attitudes). In areas of multilingualism, such information gives insight into the viability of the speech forms and the domains in which each are used when language contact occurs. Furthermore, the survey was intended to determine the degree to which people in the region use Pidgin English as a means of wider communication in order to determine whether Pidgin should be promoted as the language of written communication. It is recognized that a common language, such as Pidgin, can unify people bridging across distinct national language barriers. Therefore, we felt that this should be included in the overall study of language use of the area. We anticipate that the linguistic data presented will help clarify the classification of languages as presented in the ALCAM and in the Ethnologue. 1.3 Selection of Sites If the shared vocabulary between two communities is greater than 70 percent, then further analysis is needed to test the intelligibility that exists between those speech forms. Therefore, based on lexicostatistics, we selected the Ipulo villages of Tinta and Olulu for further testing. We included Otongo in this survey based on the widespread local impression that the language variety spoken there differed slightly from the Tinta form, where Yoder is learning Ipulo.4 Previous lexical studies could not determine whether Amanavil would have higher intelligibility with Ipulo or Caka. Therefore, we included two Caka villages (Assaka and Batanga) which were related to each other at a cognate percent of over 70 percent in the survey. Furthermore, we chose Amayo as the site for additional testing, based on the local opinion that its speech form was close to Amanavil. 4 Wordlists from Amayo and Otongo were collected and analyzed after we returned to Yaounde, and thus, did not directly influence the decisions concerning these two speech forms. Complete lexicostatistic results are discussed in sections 3.1 and 4.1. 6 After lexicostatistics showed Icheve includes the Oliti and Bacheve speech forms, we selected the villages of Motomo for Oliti and Agwaso for Bacheve as the sites for further survey. We chose those sites based on ease of access and the hope that the people of the villages had limited contact with people of other speech form. 1.4 Description of the Area The survey took place in the Akwaya subdivision, Manyu Division, of the Southwest Province. The area is extremely mountainous, with only footpaths connecting the villages. The trek to Bamenda is a three-day journey from this area. Travel between villages is further restricted during rainy season, when rivers become hazardous to cross because of the lack of bridges. The following map shows the location of the nine survey sites in relationship to Akwaya. the administrative seat.5 Map 2. Akwaya and the Nine Survey Sites Motom AKWAYA Assaka Batanga Agwaso Otongo Tinta Amanavil Amayo Olulu Of all the villages listed, only three do not represent the name of the speech form as referred to in the rest of the report. They are as follows: Motom, which is Oliti-speaking, Agwaso, which is Bacheve-speaking, and Tinta, which represents one of the dialects of Ipulo, as do Otongo and Olulu. Akwaya is in the same valley as Tinta. Akwaya is not only the governmental seat, but also offers people health services, churches, schools, and a weekly market.6 Of the survey sites, only Tinta, Olulu, and Assaka have primary schools. The schools in Assaka and Olulu teach the first six years; Tinta’s schools teach the first three years. Tinta also has a church and a recently opened medical clinic operated by CBC missionaries. Olulu, Amayo, and Motom also have small churches mainly serving the people of the immediate area. 5 For a detailed map of the region, refer to the map NB-32-XVI, published by Centre Geographique National (B.P. 157, Yaounde). 6 The largest and most frequented market in the area is in Amana, located in Nigeria, which most people of the area reach by trekking through Akwaya. 7 The communities of the region are divided into quarters: Otongo, Olulu, and Amayo have two quarters, and the others have more than two quarters. Except for Motom, these quarters are often separated from one another by several hours of trekking through the mountains and by fording rushing rivers. In the case of Amanavil, this is significant because we tested and collected data only in the quarter closest to Amayo, as well as Olulu; there is also a quarter nearer to Assaka and another close to Batanga. In questioning the local people, we found that the villagers have more frequent contact with one another than with people of another village, so we considered that the samples were adequately representative of their speech forms. 1.5 Team and Timing The six-week survey took place from June 13 to July 23, 1990. The survey team consisted of SIL members Alan Starr, who coordinated it, and Clark Regnier.
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