137

THE FIRST MAINE INDIAN WAR: INCIDENT AT MACHIAS (1676) Frank T. Siebert Penobscot Nation

The First Maine Indian war of 1675-1678, the first hostile engage­ ment of the Abenakis with the white settlers of New England, has been considered by most annalists to be only an episode of King Philip's War of 1875-1676, which was waged in southern New England. In reality they were separate conflicts with unrelated causes and were connected only by a delicate thread of sequence. Although some writers have not committed themselves very strongly on this point they have allowed this impression to remain as a tacit conclusion. Among those who have presented the First Maine Indian War either openly or by implication as a part of King Philip's War are Williamson (1832(1)499, 516-519), Hutchinson (1768(2)27-31), Bailey (1969:30), Day (1981:18,21), Leach (1966:59-61); and Eckstorm (1919:53). Alvin Morri­ son (1977:209) considered the First Maine Indian War as the "Northern Front" of King Philip's War. William Willis (1831:136-156) was almost alone in not equating the conflict in Maine with the war in southern New England. The confusion has been created by misleading comments found in the early accounts, by over-reaction among the white New England populace, and by some contemporary writers who imagined that the French abetted the war and that all New England Indians were either allied with or sympathetic to Philip. These beliefs were contrary to fact or without adequate supporting evidence. The Puritans were of a suspicious frame of mind and greatly ex­ aggerated notions of plots against themselves and the effectiveness of Indian political and military organization. Ancient feuds among the Indian nations of New England and a fragmented political organiza­ tion precluded the fulfillment of any really efficient pan-Indian mili­ tary organization. King Philip, the son of Massasoit who in friendship had greeted, feasted, and aided the earliest English settlers, must be regarded as a great Indian patriot who clearly foresaw the result of English land hunger and of the escalating conflict between European and Amerindian cultures, namely the eclipse of Indian peoples in the land of their forefathers. The conversion to Protestantism of many In- 138 Frank Siebert dians and the establishment of numerous "praying towns" through the efforts of John Eliot and the Mayhews; the awe created by superior Eu­ ropean sophistication and technology, which impressed many Indians unfavourably about themselves and promoted negative self-images; and Indian dependence upon Europeans in trade and in obtaining firearms, all contributed to Indian divisiveness. In contrast, the Puritans were united by unanimity of purpose in the face of a hostile challenge, had achieved ideological uniformity, and, despite jurisdictional individual­ ism, maintained political cohesiveness. Philip was foredoomed to be a loser, but fatalistically pursued the only course which he perceived to be available to him that accorded with Indian views of self-determination and cultural preservation. His retaliation came too late to sustain In­ dian hegemony, casting him in a tragic role. He very probably realized this himself toward the end of the war when he was reported to have been found often in pensive moods of reflection. King Philip's War began on June 14, 1675, and ended with Philip's death on August 12, 1676, in a swamp near his residence at Mount Hope in present Rhode Island. The exultingly worded description of his antagonist, Capt. Benjamin Church, reflected the Puritan spirit toward a fallen enemy. Philip "ran directly upon two of Capt Churches Ambush," and the Englishman missed fire,bu t an Indian mercenary who was a former subject of Philip "sent one Musket Bullet thro' his heart, and another not above two inches from it; he fell upon his face in the Mud & Water his Gun under him." Some English and Indians "drew him thro' the Mud into the Upland, a doleful, great, naked, dirty beast, he look'd like" (Church 1716:44-45). King Philip's adherents included most of his Wampanoags, the Nar- ragansetts, and the Nipmucks, although some few of each of these groups did not join his forces. The Nausets of Cape Cod and the na­ tives of Nantucket and Martha's Vineyard remained for the most part neutral. Only a few Massachusett Indians supported Philip, but many assisted the English. Most of these were Eliot's converts from Natick and Punkapog. Job Nesutan of Natick, who had been Eliot's chief assistant in his translation of the Bible, was killed in July 1675 in an abortive raid on Philip's headquarters at Mount Hope. The Niantics remained neutral, and many of the Mohegans and a remnant of the Pe- quots aided the New Englanders. The Pocumtucks and other Connecti­ cut River Indians, who appear to be mostly divisions of the Nipmucks, Incident at Machias 139 united with the other Nipmuck villages in actively supporting Philip in the war. There were frequent defections of converts from the Nipmuck praying towns. The Sokokis of Squakheag, at present Northfield, Mas­ sachusetts, also supported Philip. The Abenakis of New Hampshire and Maine, however, were not allies of Philip, and did not partici­ pate in King Philip's War. The Western Abenakis, in fact, remained neutral. They were commonly called Penacooks, from their principle village of Penacook at present Concord, New Hampshire. Their other villages were Piscataqua, Wamesit, and Pawtucket, the latter two near present Lowell, Massachusetts. Their famous chief was Passaconaway, who died about 1664, to be succeeded by his eldest son, Wonnalancet. As soon as Philip's War broke out, Wonnalancet "withdrew himself into some remote place, that he might not be hurt by the English, or the Enemies" (Hubbard 1677:9). The Eastern Abenakis, consisting of the Pigwackets of the Saco Val­ ley, the Aroosagunticooks of the Androscoggin, the Canibas of the Ken­ nebec, and the Penobscots, were not allies of King Philip, and were not involved in his attacks on southern New England towns. The Abenakis took up arms against the English frontier settlements at a later date for entirely different causes and the hostilities lasted until April 1678, long after King Philip was dead. Furthermore, the Abenakis confined their warlike activities to their own territory within present Maine and directed them chiefly against the specific groups of settlers who had unjustly provoked them. One major cause, never described by any previous writer, and the main events of this separate war will now be discussed in some detail. Incident at Machias In July 1676, while King Philip's War was still in progress, an out­ rage was committed against the small peaceful band of Indians at Machias who were affiliated with the Penobscots. By some undescribed stratagem Henry Lawton and William Waldron of Boston kidnapped 32 unoffending Indians from Machias with the intent of selling them as slaves. Machias was about 120 miles east of the St. George River, and far within the bounds of French Acadia as determined by the Treaty of Breda. However at this time, there was no active French rule in Acadia, and Massachusetts had not yet acquired jurisdiction. Much of the coast of Maine was in a state of anarchy. There was indignation in Boston, and Governor John Leverett issued 140 Frank Siebert an order for the arrest of Lawton and Waldron. Lawton was taken into custody and placed in jail in Boston, but Waldron eluded capture with his cargo of Indian slaves. On August 23, 1676, at Boston, Edward Rawson, the Secretary of the colony had issued a warrant for the ar­ rest of Lawton and Waldron "for seizing and carrying away 30 Indians where one Sagamore & his squaw to ye Eastward" (Baxter DHMe 6:120). Leverett's motives were probably threefold: partly humanity and jus­ tice; the desire to avoid any more trouble with the Indians of which he already had plenty; and partly to circumvent any protest from the French. Apparently the French took no note of the affair. Waldron took the 32 Abenakis to Fayal (modern Faial Island), the westernmost of the Azores. At that time the islands were not subject to any government, and Faial was the haunt of freebooters, slavers, cutthroats, and unsavory outlaws from half a dozen European nations. Situated in the middle of the Atlantic Ocean where the sea lanes crossed and the sailing routes between Europe, America, and Africa converged, Faial was a communication centre during the three centuries of horror of the African slave trade. Governor Leverett persuaded a kind-hearted English sea captain, Bernard Trott, to try to rescue the Indians. Trott sailed to Faial and secured the release of the chief and his wife, but the other 30 Abenakis had disappeared into the cruel oblivion of slavery. In June 1677 Captain Trott petitioned the governor for payment of 62 pounds due him for the expenses of his voyage and redeeming the two Indians, "a sagamore & his squaw stolen away from the eastward by one Waldron & 13 [error for 31?] Indians more & carried to Fyall and sold for slaves which made the first Indian War In those parts." He submitted new petitions in August 1703 and again 1704, but apparently Massachusetts never paid him the 62 pounds (Baxter DHMe 23:1-2). The 32 Indians taken from Machias must have represented about half the population of the village, for 12 years later a census revealed 26 Indians in nine wigwams, with 10 men, 10 women, and 6 children in the Machias band (Gargas 1688). Because of the raids of the Dutch pi­ rates and English under Thomas Cole there were apparently no French inhabitants of Machias in 1676. Not until 1683 did the French return when Jean Martel established a seigniory there. The Canibas and Penobscots now became fully involved in the war. The English inhabitants of Pemaquid fled to Monhegan Island for safety in August 1676, and petitioned the Massachusetts government for a Incident at Machias 141 redress of grievances and for supplies of guns and powder. Their request was signed by John Gardner, Richard Oliver, John Allen, and George Bickford. They also presented a protest and some inaccurate rumors (Baxter DHMe 6:111-119). They stated that the Indians had "killed most of the persons dwelling at Arrowsick in Kenibek River and for ought we know, Capt. Thomas Lake." They continued: The Cause of the Indians Riseing appears to us to be threefold. The first and Cheefest being the coming of divers Indians from the westwards who by their per­ suasion & assistance have set these Indians on this ungodly enterprise. The second cause being the perfidious & unjust dealing of some English as we suppose have stolen eight or nine persons from the Indians about Micheas River and carried them away, the Indians being incensed for their loss. We desire that Enquiry may be made of one Lawton... The third reason which they likewise render: divers the last winter for want of powder died in the country having nothing to kill food & they say that after their present crop of corn be spent this winter they must starve or go to Cannade. There is little confirmation that the Canibas and Penobscots became hostile because of the influence of "Indians from the westwards," either the Pigwackets or Philip's allies. In response to seizure of Abenakis at Machias, and apparently also the selling of some of the Indians taken by Walderne and Frost at Cocheco, the Massachusetts Council on March 29, 1677, forbade the buying or keeping of any Indian slaves "without allowance from Au­ thority" (Rawson 1677; see illustration 1). The Principal Events of the First Maine Indian War In 1675 a small and scattered population of English settlers was found in Maine from Kittery eastward to Pemaquid and Monhegan Island. The settlements were almost entirely confined to the coast, and counted about 2,000 people. The English were fewer than the In­ dian inhabitants of the region. The largest and most important white community was Black Point, which included Prout's Neck and Scar­ borough, and extended from the Spurwink River west to the Nonesuch River. It counted more than 50 houses, and had a population of about 650 people with a militia of 100 men. Black Point was recognized by the Abenakis as the strongest fortification in Maine and the most diffi­ cult to reduce since it had at least four strong garrison houses, those of William Sheldon, Joshua Scottow, Richard Foxwell, and Henry Jocelyn (Josselyn). Next in size was Casco Bay or Falmouth , which included the scattered habitations along the Fore River, on Munjoy Hill, and about the Back Cove and Presumpscot River, with a total of about 142 Frank Siebert

40 houses and 400 people (Willis 1831:131,140). There were about ten other smaller settlements from Kittery to Pemaquid. There were innumerable small-scale attacks on every white settle­ ment in Maine, some of which proved to be repeat performances. The Abenakis usually were successful in forcing the English to abandon their habitations and to flee to islands on the coast or to Massachusetts. Ca­ sualties on both sides were considerable. Only the more significant actions will be mentioned here. The First Maine Indian War began in September 1675, and at the start involved only the Pigwackets under Squando and the Arosagunticooks under Robin Hood. Early in September about 20 Arosagunticooks under Mahotiwormet or Robin Hood attacked and plundered the settlement of Thomas Pur­ chase but no lives were lost (Mather 1676:12; Hubbard 1677:The Table, leaf T3; Sewall 1859:155; Willis 1831:136). From September 9 to 12 at Falmouth and Casco Bay fivehouse s were burned, two of them belong­ ing to George Munjoy, and about 10 English killed, and three children taken into captivity (Mather 1676:13; Hubbard 1677:The Table, leaf T3). On September 18, 1675, Saco was attacked and burned, and 13 white men killed by about 40 Abenakis under sagamore Squando who claimed that divine revelation had stopped "his Drinking of Strong Liquors" (Mather 1676:13; Hubbard 1677:The Table, leaf T3). In Sep­ tember and October there were assaults on Falmouth, Casco Bay, Blue Point, Kittery, Wells, Cape Porpoise (later Arundel, now Kennebunk- port) and York, and on October 9, some 70 or 80 Indians attacked Black Point, and killed six men and a woman and burned 22 houses (Mather 1676:13). Again on October 19 they burned eleven or twelve houses and 500 bushels of corn in barns (Hubbard 1677:The Table, leaf T3). In the first two months about 80 English were killed in Maine, and others taken into captivity. Black Point was attacked again on November 3, 1675, by 60 Indians, but Bartholomew Tippen (or Tipping) came to the relief of the town (Hubbard 1677:The Table). The war then quieted down. A truce was made at Cocheco on July 3, 1676, being negotiated by Major Richard Waldeme and signed by Squando of the Pigwackets, Wonnalancet of the Penacooks, Robin Doney of the Canibas, and Sam Numphow, a leader of the praying Indians of Wamesit, and a grandson of Passaconaway. However, on August 11 of that year hostilities were renewed. Of the above, only Squando had been involved in the war. Incident at Machias 143

Although many of the English settlements of Maine had fortified gar­ rison houses which served a double purpose, the English were poorly prepared to withstand carefully planned attacks by the Abenakis. At the largest town, Black Point, there was dissension created by the hos­ tility of a large group of early settlers led by Richard Foxwell and William Sheldon against the commander, Captain Joshua Scottow. On August 9, Henry Josselyn and Walter Gendall sent a letter to Scottow who was then in Boston. They mentioned the refusal "of ye generality of ye Inhabitants to obay Military orders" which impaired the "capacity to Defend our Selves against ye comon enemy" (Josselyn and Gendall 1676; see illustration 2). The Canibas and a few Penobscots now joined the war in force. On August 11, Falmouth and the other points about Casco Bay were at­ tacked and about 34 English were killed or taken captive. Anthony Brackett, his wife, five children, and a Negro slave were carried off as prisoners from their farm on the Back Cove. Nathaniel Mitton, a brother to Mrs. Brackett, offered resistance and was killed. From Au­ gust 14 to 18 the settlements about the mouth of the Kennebec were destroyed. At Nequasset (present day Woolwich) Richard Hammond, Samuel Smith, and Joshua Grant were killed and Mrs. Elizabeth Ham­ mond was taken captive.The fort on Arrowsic Island was captured, and Silvanus Davis was wounded but eluded the Indians. Thomas Lake in attempting to escape was killed, and his body lay all the following win­ ter on a nearby island until it was discovered and taken to Boston for burial on Copp's Hill seven months later. For a long time it had not been certain whether he had been killed or was a prisoner. Francis Card and his family were taken captive. In all, about 15 English were killed and a greater number carried to Taconock as captives. The re­ maining settlers from Pemaquid to Casco Bay fled to the islands on the coast or to the southwest, and no English remained east of Cape Eliz­ abeth (Hubbard 1677: The Table; Sewall 1859:159-162; Baxter DHMe 6:149-151). Governor John Leverett dispatched Captain William Hathorne with some troops and some Penacook Indians commandeered by Major Wal- derne to Casco Bay. They arrived by sea on September 19. On Septem­ ber 22 Hathorne wrote to the Governor that they had captured the Sagamore of Peggwackeck [who told them] that the Kennibeck Indians were to come into these parts that night or the next day [and] that the Indians in these parts are not above 30 or 40 fighting men & these keep up at Orsybee Peggwackeck. 144 Frank Siebert

[He] told us that there be 20 English captives at Peggwacckick two of them men, & that Captain Lake was killed. [He said he knew] of no Frenchman among them as ye inhabitants informed us. We found him in many lies, & so ordered him to be put to death, & ye Cochecho Indians to be his executioners, which was readily done by them. This day going over a river [Presumpscot?] we were ambuscaded, but soon got over & put them toflight. Kille d dead in the place but one Indian, named John Sampson, who was well acquainted with Major Waldern's Indians. They say he was a Captain [war chief] & he was double armed [i.e. with a long knife or pistol inserted in the outside of the legging] ... such are all the enemies. (Baxter DHMe 6:123-126).

The executed Pigwacket sagamore, who was not identified—he was not Squando—seems to have been entirely truthful in his statements. The unwarranted suspicion and vindictiveness of Puritan conduct to­ ward a prisoner of war are evident, and his execution must be consid­ ered a lynching. No record of any Frenchman at Pigwacket in that period is known, and Lake was found later to have been killed in Au­ gust. John Sampson, whose Abenaki name was Aboquacemoka, was a Pigwacket war chief under Squando, and together with Squando, and the Penacooks under Wonnalancet, had signed a truce at Cocheco on July 3 of that year. Hathorne's expedition was indecisive if not actually a failure, as he himself admitted when he wrote: "We find it very diffi­ cult to come neare them there is so many rivers & so much broken land, that they soon escape by canoes the country being full of them" (Bax­ ter DHMe 6:124). Captain Thomas Moore also led a force from Boston to the lower Kennebec in September, but seemed to have accomplished nothing of note (Baxter DHMe 6:148). Small fleetingwa r parties of Pigwackets ravaged the lower country and wholly cut off Cape Nedick, Wells, and York (Baxter DHMe 6:125-126). After the destruction of the settlements on the Kennebec, the Cani­ bas divided their forces, some going to Casco Bay and some to Black Point. About 100 Canibas under war chief Mog laid seige to Black Point on October 12 (Baxter DHMe 6:150; Willis 1831:149). Henry Josselyn went out to parley with Mog while most of the English in­ habitants escaped by boat. When Josselyn returned he found that he and his family had been left to face the Indians alone. He promptly surrendered. The bloodless conquest encouraged Mog, and he believed the Abenakis had now accomplished their purpose to expel the English from their country. The Abenakis did not raze the town and burn the garrison houses at Black Point or establish a guard to prevent English reoccupation. This was later to prove a costly mistake. Indian methods Incident at Machias 145

of warfare differed from the European, and Indians did not practice a scorched earth policy. The complete Abenaki conquest of Maine was confirmed by the let­ ter of Walderne to the governor on October 19, that "in ye deserted and conquered Eastern Country" they had learned that "ye Enemy is Numerous & about those parts, having carried all clear before him as far as Wells." In late October Mog went to Cocheco and told Major Walderne he was empowered by Matahando, the chief sagamore of the Canibas, and by Madockawando1 of the Penobscots to establish a peace. After arrangements were made, Mog arrrived in Boston November 6, and signed a peace with Massachusetts on November 13 (Hutchinson 1768; Willis 1831:150). The peace soon proved to be a failure, since both sides did not release all their prisoners, the Pigwackets and Arosagun­ ticooks had not been included in the settlement, Squando apparently favoured continuing the war, and the English had no intention of per­ manently abandoning their deserted settlements in Maine. In fact, early in November and unknown to Mog, Captain Joshua Scottow, who had been in Boston when Josselyn surrendered, returned to Black Point with some soldiers under Sergeant Bartholomew Tippen. Hostilities contin­ ued against the Pigwackets, and in early November Captain Hathorne marched his troops to Ossippee but found only a deserted Indian fort which he burned. Mog was taken down east on an English vessel to secure Madockawando's confirmation and to aid in releasing English captives. Madockawando concurred and surrendered a few prisoners. Later Mog was sent to another group of Indians on a similar mission, but he never returned, and after a period of waiting, the ship sailed back to Boston in late December. Although the details of the peace are not known, it is quite possible that Mog had a change of heart when he heard of English activities which he might have considered perfidious. Francis Card, who had been captured in August on the lower Ken­ nebec and taken to Taconock, went with some of his captors to Pe­ maquid, where he escaped on January 5, 1677, and made his way to Black Point and then to Boston. His report of January 22 contained

1 Madockawando was the hereditary chief of the Penobscots from about 1667 un­ til his death in 1608. One of his parents was from the Machias band. His East­ ern Abenaki name was /matahkwphonten ehphonten qnphonten eto/ 'supernatural mover of trees', or 'magic shaker of trees'. 146 Frank Siebert much information and influenced the decisions of the Massachusetts government, although some of his account may be coloured by biased or overstated opinions. He said "they do use our english captives as civilly as we can ezpect by such a pepell"; that Mog "the rog he be­ ing com again to the fort he doth make his brag and laf at the en­ glish and saith that he hath found the way to burn boston"; that the Abenakis had promises of powder and shot from Castine and the gover­ nor of Canada, but had only "about 2 galons and a halfe" of powder at Taconock; that "there is a gret many endenes at canedy that hath not ben out thes somer both of canebeck and of damroscoggin" and "many of thes do intend to go to canedy in the spring to call the indenes to comebeck"; that they had "two fortes [Taconock and Norridgewock] about 60 [warriors] at a place with 6 or 8 wigwams between the 2 forts" [at Wesserunsett, below Skowhegan]; and that Squando "doth inform them that God doth speak to him and doth tell him that God hath left our nacion to them to destroy and the indenys do tak it for a truth," but "dockewando and Squando ar of severell Judgements so have parted and dockewando doth pretend love to the english" (Baxter DHMe 6:149-151). The Massachusetts governor and Council reacted strongly to Card's testimony and to the demands of the militia. For example, on Jan­ uary 8, Ichabod Wiswall, Captain Silvanus Davis, and Captain Thomas Moore addressed them as follows: Without any tedious delays we apprehend that the present season ... expedient to retalliate to the heathen the injuries offered to and forced upon the English. If a considerable number of able men were sent forth ... one party land in Casco Bay ... another party at Pemaquid ... to move towards Abaquedussets and Damarascottey or Sheepscoat fortes in such proportion of time that neither Abaquedussets men nor Damarascottey men might have relief from each other... during which time a small force with a flag of truce not finding Madockawandoe at New Harbor might sail to Penobscot and ... without expense of blood make a prisoner of him and those with him ... that if the Mohawks were employed in this service they might save much English blood and cut off much of that expense which will otherwise rise unavoidably. (Baxter DHMe 6:147-148). On January 29, the Massachusetts Council ordered that 200 soldiers and 80 Massachusetts Indians under the supervision of Major Daniel Gookin be assembled at Black Point by February 8 for an expedition to the Kennebec to be commanded by Major Richard Walderne (Bax­ ter DHMe 6:153-155). Walderne was given punitive and discretionary orders to endeavor with all silence and secresy to surprise them in their quarters, wherein if Incident at Machias 147

it please God to succeed you, you shall to your utmost endeavor to save and rescue the English prisoners. If you shall faile in this designe you shall assay by all means in your power to disturb & destroy the enemy, unless you shall have such overtures from them ... not trusting them withoutfirst deliver y of all the Captives ... The expedition left Black Point on February 17 and returned to Boston on March 11. Captains Silvanus Davis, Thomas Moore, and Walter Gendall went along. It was characterized by distrust, duplic­ ity, and ruthlessness on the part of the New Englanders, and proba­ bly by outright treachery on both sides. An impartial account may be impossible to record since the actual events were muddled by ob­ scure details, and probably by omissions and a degree of mendacity. The Kennebec below Merrymeeting Bay was blocked by ice and above this point Walderne found the Indian village of Abagadusset deserted. Captain Silvanus Davis was left with a force to build a garrison on the lower end of Arrowsic Island and directed to remain there after the re­ turn of the expedition to Boston (Baxter DHMe 6:164-165). Walderne's ruthlessness was confirmed later by the complaint of Mrs. Elizabeth Rowden (formerly Hammond), wife of the captain of the Kennebec mili­ tia, John Rowden, and the widow of Richard Hammond, who had been killed by the Canibas in August 1676. She claimed that Walderne "ut­ terly destroyed the remainder" of her "estate by cutting of her mills, spoiling her smith-shop & carrying away her Iron work, & ... " (Bax­ ter DHMe 6:268, 362). Walderne then set sail for Pemaquid, and on February 26 and 27 parleys were held with a large group of Canibas and a few Penobscots, which were marked by distrust, treachery, and violence. Three English captives were ransomed, but a melee followed in which several Abenakis were killed, including the aged Caniba chief Matahando. On the return voyage two more Indians were killed on Arrowsic Island and the body of Captain Lake was found on a nearby island and brought to Boston for burial (Hubbard 1677: The Table and passim; Sewall 1859:168-173). The Abenaki version of the fiasco at Pemaquid was given in a communication from Madoasquarbet2 to be cited later. On April 13, Black Point was attacked again, and on May 13, a full

2 Madoasquarbet, called by the English Deogenes, was a minor Caniba chief in the 1670s of the village of Taconock (/ktahkihkanak/ 'at the plantation', now Winslow). In Eastern Abenaki his name was /metewaskwaUpet/ 'one who freezes water by supernatural means', a participle from the AI verb /matewaskwabpe/ 'he freezes water by magic'. 148 Frank Siebert scale siege of the settlement began under Mog with over 150 Abenakis. Several unsuccessful assaults were made by the Indians but the English were better prepared than the preceding October and were now com­ manded by a competent officer, Captain Bartholomew Tippen. The whites resisted defiantly for three days and had three stildiers killed and one man taken prisoner. On the third day, May 16, Mog impru­ dently exposed himself while leading his warriors against a garrison house and was killed by the sharpshooting of Tippen. The Abenakis considered this a bad omen, lifted the siege, and withdrew (compare Willis 1831:151-152). Black Point was attacked again during June 1677, and some inexperienced English soldiers under Captain Benjamin Swett and 36 mission Indian auxiliaries from the Plymouth Colony suffered heavy losses at Massacre Pond near Prout's Neck within Black Point. Squando was reported to have led the Indians on this occasion "at Black Point & did a great exploit against the English & lost 2 Indians killed & 2 wounded fighting them in an open field with only a few small bushes"(Baxter DHMe 6:180). From April to June 1677 there were also minor hostilities in Yorkshire County about Wells, York, and Kittery, conducted by Simon, apparently a Nipmuck from Philip's broken forces who had joined the Pigwackets. There were only four Indians who ran "sculking about in small parties like wolves," but they did immense damage, killed about a dozen English, and took about as many cap­ tives (Baxter DHMe 6:162-164). After Matahando was killed at Pemaquid in February, Moxus (Moxis, Moxes) became the head chief of the Canibas, and also the supreme chief of the Abenaki Confederacy, or as Edward Rawson noted "head of all the Indians from Piscataqua to Penobscot, Squandos men & all ye Rest having put themselves under him" (July 25, 1677, in Baxter DHMe 6:190). During the first week of July the Massachusetts governor and Council received "sundry letters" from Moxis and the other Caniba chiefs written by Mrs. Elizabeth Hammond who was held a captive at Taconock (Baxter DHMe 6:186-188). They were conciliatory but not submissive, and were considered by the Massachusetts government, by now weary of Indian warfare, as a basis for peace. The scarcely literate letter by the hand of Mrs. Hammond on July 1, 1677, was dictated in broken English by Madoasquarbet (alias Deogenes), apparently be­ cause he was the Caniba chief considered to have the best control of English. It was informative, and gave fine accounts of the Abenaki Incident at Machias 149 position in the war and of the Indian rendition of the disgraceful fra­ cas at Pemaquid the previous February. It was signed by Moxis, Hen- nwedloked, Winakeermit (Winnekemet), Essomonosko (Essemenosque), Pebemoworet, Tasset (Tasuch, Taxous?), John (Sheepscot John?), and Madoasquarbet (Baxter DHMe 6:177-179). Most of Madoasquarbet's message follows:

Govenour of boston we have bin cheted so often & drove off from time to time about powder that this time we would willingly se it furst & you shall have your prisners. we can fight as well as others but we are willing to live pesabel. we will not fight without theyfight u sfirst. Here is 20 men women and children that is prisners. Most of them was bought. We have not don as the damrellscoging engons did. They kiled all their prisners at the spring, we would have you com with your vessell to Abonnegog [at the entrance to the Sheepscot River, but Pemaquid was probably intended]. Mr Garner [Gardner] can tell that last somer that we did Agree and it was Squando Angons did all the hurt. gov. of boston this is to let you understand, how we have been abused, we love yo but when we are dronk you will take away our cot & throw us out of dore ... Because there was a war at Naragans[ett] you com here when we were quiet & took away our guns and made prisners of our chief sagamore, and for that winter for want of our guns there were several starved, we count it killed with us ... Now we hear that you say you will not leave war as long as one Indyan is in the country, we are owners of the country and it is wide and full of Indyans and we can drive you out but our desire is to be quiet ... governor of boston this is to let you to understand how major walldin served us. we cared 4 prisners abord. we would fain know whither you did give such order to kill us for bringing your prisners. is that you fashing to come & mke pese & then kill us. we are ofraid you will do so agin. Major Waldin do ly. We were not minded to kill no body. Major Waldin did wrong to give cloth & powder but he gave us drink & when we were drunk killed us. if it had not bin for this fait you had your prisners long ago. Major Waldin have been the cause of killing all that have bin killed this sommer. you may see how honest we have bin. we have kiled non of your English prisners. if you had any of ours prisners you wold a knocked them on the hed. do you think all this is nothing. July 1677. deogenes madaasquarbet.

The Massachusetts governor and Council gave some consideration to the communications from the Canibas, but claimed ignorance of abuses against the Indians. On July 10 they asked the Kennebec Indians "to bring Squando and Amoroscoggin Indians to peace" or "make warre upon him" (Baxter DHMe 6:186-188), and immediately dispatched Cap­ tain Mathias Nichols to Pemaquid with a small force which included Anthony Brockholt, Caesar Knapton, and George Manning. On July 21, Nichols agreed to a peace with Moxis and seven other Caniba chiefs. The Indians surrendered one captive, sent away to their villages for more captives, and dispatched a messenger to inform the Penobscots and Madockawando of the peace. At that time Squando would not con­ sent to a peace, and according to Manning's journal Squando immedi- 150 Frank Siebert ately fell upon seven or eight captives and killed them, and then fled to Canada [the first statement is doubtful, and the second is probably incorrect] (Baxter DHMe 6:180). On August 17 Madockawando arrived at Pemaquid, signed a peace with Captain Nichols, and delivered up five English captives, but said the Penobscots had more captives still to be released later. On August 18 Nichols, Brockholt, and Knapton wrote to the governor and Council that they had made peace with the Indians, and that the Canibas had brought in and released 18 more En­ glish captives, besides Mrs. Hammond. They said also that "Squando the Sachem of Saco, with the sachems of Ambascoggan [Androscoggin] and Pequagick [Pigwacket] came here, & wished to be included in the peace." However, they noted that the Indians were provoked by a fail­ ure to receive back their own captives, and added It is like to spoyle all wee had done, & make a new breach, Some of the looser Indyans threatning to rescue the Captives by force (there being then about 60 of them here) & they told us of breach of promise in not delivering our Captives (Baxter DHMe 6:101-103). The events of the autumn and winter of 1677 are obscured by a scanty record. Apparently an Iroquois force appeared in Maine at the behest of Massachusetts but the details of their activities seem to have escaped attention. The First Maine Indian War came to an end on April 12, 1678, when the Massachusetts Commissioners signed an agreement with the Abenaki chiefs at Casco Bay. A detailed account of this treaty seems to be missing from the record. The peace was made public by the General Court at Boston on May 8 (Rawson 1678) "for defeating the Counsels, and rebuking the Malice of the Blood-thirsty Heathen about us," and was to be commemorated "the sixt Day of June next ensuing to be solemnly kept as a Day of Humiliation and Prayer, throughout this Jurisdiction." Apparently the New Englanders had engaged the Iroquois in May 1677 to force the Abenakis to make peace, for Ed­ ward Rawson noted on behalf of the Massachusetts Council that the Mohawks had agreed at a later time to compel the Abenakis to come to terms, the "arrangements being kept secret" (Baxter DHMe 6:166- 167). The clandestine nature of this imposed peace was confirmed by the comments of others. Governor Louis de Buade de Frontenac of New France wrote in 1681 (O'Callaghan NYCD 9:144-149) that in 1678 peace was established with the Abenakis by "the English in detaching against them some Iroquois, to whom they gave a passage across their Incident at Machias 151

country" which obliged the Abenakis "to come to an arrangement." Other evidence is found in the 1688 statement of Elihu Gunnison that Abenaki chief Hope Hood told me that if ever it were a war again, it would not be as it was formerly, for the Indians and the Mohawks were all agreed throughout the whole country that they would not fight to kill one another any more, ... (Baxter DHMe 6:421-422). Conclusion The First Maine Indian War which lasted from September 1675 to April 1678 was a completely independent conflict waged by the Abenakis entirely within the borders of the present state of Maine against the English settlers on the northeastern fro ntier. It was caused solely by the abusive conduct and unprovoked outrages of the whites against the peaceful Abenakis. The majority of the English regarded the Indians with ill-concealed contempt as inferior beings who were to be tolerated until such time as they could be either acculturated or driven away. A notable exception in colonial Maine was the Indian trader Thomas Gardner, who pleaded the cause of the Abenakis. This war had only a very slight connection with King Philip's War. Per­ haps the only well-known survivor and certain representative of King Philip's defeated forces who later joined the Abenakis was an Indian chief called by the English Symon or Simon. Apparently a Nipmuck, he was brought in to Cocheco by Wonnalancet on June 3, 1676, and placed in prison. Simon soon escaped, joined the Pigwackets, and was alleged to have led the attacks on Falmouth and Casco Bay on Au­ gust 11, 1676. He may have been present at some of the Black Point engagements. In April 1677 he led a band of only four Indians who ha­ rassed settlements about Wells and Kittery (Baxter DHMe 6:162-164). The French were not involved in this war and did not instigate or en­ courage it. In fact, French rule in Acadia was in complete disarray at the time because of the activities of the Dutch pirates and English outlaws. By October 1676 the Abenakis had, in effect, won the war, since they had achieved the purpose for which they had taken up arms, namely to entirely destroy the English settlements on their ancestral lands within present Maine and to expel those whom they considered to be intruders and usurpers. When Mog made peace in November 1676, he naively miscalculated. The New Englanders failed to release all the Indian prisoners and retained some as hostages to insure themselves an advantage, but insistently demanded the return of all English captives 152 Frank Siebert

held by the Abenakis. Also, the Indians did not understand European methods of warfare. If they had been able to garrison in European fashion the captured English forts and villages they might have made their victory permanent. On the other hand, the English returned without hindrance and reoccupied their vacant settlements. When the Abenakis renewed the war because of the retention of their tribesmen and the resurgence of the settlements, the English were better prepared and stronger. Caniba war chief Mog attempted to retake Black Point but was killed in battle on May 16, 1677. The Abenakis nevertheless continued the war with some success. They eventually made peace in April 1678 at Casco Bay, at least partly under the duress of Iroquois intervention fomented by Massachusetts.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The typing andfinal preparatio n of this article was funded by National En­ dowment for the Humanities Grant No. RT-* 1884-80 (formerly RT-* 10010),support which is gratefully acknowledged. Incident at Machias

f. *c At a Court •\ Held at Boaoniii/

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Figure 1. March 1677 Broadside issued by the Massachusetts Court forbidding Indian slavery without "allowance from Authority" (from the unique copy in the Boston Athenaeum), reduced 1/2 size. 154 Frank Siebert

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Figure 2. Photograph of the original letter of Henry Jorelyn (Josselyn) and Walter Gendall, Black Point, August 0, 1676, to Joshua Scottow, mentioning Bartholomew Tippen. All four were prominent in the First Maine Indian War (Siebert Collection), reduced 2/3 size. Incident at Machias 155

REFERENCES

Baily, Alfred G. 1060 The Conflict 0/ European and Eastern Algonquian Cultures, 1504-1700. 2nd ed. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Baxter, James P, and William Willis, eds. 1860 Documentary History of the State of Maine. 24 vols. Portland: Maine His- -1016 torical Society. [DHMe in Text]. Church, Thomas 1716 Entertaining Passages Relating to Philip's War which Began in the Month of June 1675. Boston: B. Green. Day, Gordon 1081 The Identity of the Saint Francis Indians. National Museum of Man Mercury Series 71. Ottawa. Eckstorm, Fannie H. 1010 The Indians of Maine. Pp. 43-64 in Maine, A History, vol. 1. Louis C. Hatch, ed. New York: The American Historical Society. Gargas, M. 1688 Recensement general du pays de la Cadie, 1687-88. Manuscript of 7 pages folio on both sides. Hubbard, William 1677 A Narrative of the Troubles -with the Indians in New-England. Boston: John Foster. Hutchinson, Thomas 1768 The History of the Provmce of Massachusetts-Bay. 2 vols. 2nd ed. London.

Josselyn, Henry, and Walter Gendall 1676 Autograph letter signed, to Captain Joshua Scottow, Black Point, August 0, 1676. [Original manuscript 1 page, in possession of the author. It is reproduced here.]

Leach, Douglas E. 1066 The Northern Frontier, 1607-1763. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.

Mather, Increase 1676 A Brief History of the Warr With the Indians in New-England. Boston: John Foster. Morrison, Alvin 1077 Tricentennial, Too: King Philip's War Northern Front (Maine, 1675-1678). Pp. 208-212 in Actes du Huitieme congres des Algonquinistes. William Cowan, ed. Ottawa: Carleton University.

O'Callaghan, Edmund B., and Berthold Fernow, eds. 1853 Document* Relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York. 15 -1887 vols. Albany: Weed, Parsons.[NYCD in text].

Rawson, Edward 1677 At a Court Held in Boston in New-England the 20th of March, 1677. [Broadside; the only known copy is in the Boston Athenaeum and is slightly defective. It is reproduced here.] 156 Frank Siebert

1678 At a General Court Held at Boston May 8, 1678. [Broadside; copy in the Massachusetts Historical Society.]

Sewall, Rufus K. 1850 Ancient Dominions of Maine. Bath, Maine: Elisha Clark.

Williamson, William D. 1832 The History of the State of Maine. 2 vols. Hallowell, Maine: Glazier, Masters. Willis, William 1831 The First Indian War. Pp. 136-156 in Collections of the Maine Historical Society, vol 1. Portland. 157

ARCHEOLOGIE ET ETHNOLOGIE 158