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TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION AND ETHNIC ENTREPRENEURSHIP AMONG THE CHAM IN MALAYSIA1

MIGRASI TRANSNASIONAL DAN KEWIRAUSAHAAN DIASPORA CHAM DI

Betti Rosita Sari Research Center for Regional Resources-Indonesian Institute of Sciences Email: [email protected]

Diterima: 11-4-2017 Direvisi: 5-5-2017 Disetujui: 31-5-2017

ABSTRAK

Artikel ini berkaitan dengan diaspora Cham di Malaysia, yang mempertahankan hubungan transnasional dengan tanah asal mereka “” di Kamboja. Dengan proses perpindahan dan pemukiman kembali, komunitas ini menghadapi tantangan nyata dan harus mengembangkan cara hidup baru di lingkungan baru. Dari bentuk tradisional pertanian dan perikanan, yang merupakan sumber utama dukungan ekonomi mereka di Kamboja, orang- orang ini mengubah kegiatan tradisional utama mereka untuk mengembangkan kegiatan ekonomi berorientasi komersial di pemukiman baru mereka. Makalah ini bertujuan untuk menjawab dua pertanyaan, pertama, bagaimana migran menggunakan hubungan klien patron untuk bertahan dan mengejar kehidupan mereka di Malaysia. Kedua, bagaimana Cham diaspora di Malaysia yang mengambil peran pengusaha etnis atau pelindung membantu migran lainnya untuk menegosiasikan ruang transnasional dan karena itu memfasilitasi transnasionalisme. Jaringan etnik ini memegang peranan penting dalam bisnis etnik dan strategi bertahan hidup ekonomi mereka, baik bagi pendatang migran migran sebelumnya maupun pendatang baru. Makalah ini berkontribusi pada isu kontemporer Cham diaspora di Malaysia, salah satu etnis minoritas di Kamboja dan strategi mereka untuk menghadapi globalisasi dengan membangun jaringan transnasional.

Kata kunci: Diaspora, Cham, migrasi transnasional, kewirausahaan, jaringan etnik, Malaysia.

ABSTRACT

This article is concerned with the Cham diaspora in Malaysia, who maintain transnational ties to their home land of “Kampong Cham” in . With the process of movement and resettlement, this community confronted real challenges and had to develop new ways of life in a new milieu. From traditional forms of farming and fshing, which had been their main sources of economic support in Cambodia, these people transformed their main traditional activities to develop commercially-oriented economic activities in their new settlement. This paper aimed to answer two questions, frst, how migrants use patron client relationships to survive and pursue their life in Malaysia. Second, how Cham diaspora in Malaysia who take the role of ethnic entrepreneur or patron help other migrants to negotiate transnational space and therefore facilitate transnationalism. This ethnic network plays an important role in their ethnic businesses and economic survival strategy, both for the previous migrant and new comer migrants. This paper contributes to a contemporary issue of Cham diaspora in Malaysia, one of ethnic minority in Cambodia and their strategy to face globalization by establishing transnational networking.

Keywords: Diaspora, Cham, transnational migration, entrepreneurship, ethnic network, Malaysia

1 Some content of this paper were presented during the 13th Asia Pacifc Sociological Association (APSA) Conference “Globalization, Mobility, and Borders: Challenges and Opportunities in the Asia Pacifc”, 24-25 September 2016 at Royal University of , Cambodia

Betti Rosita Sari | Transnational Migration and1 Ethnic Entrepreneurship among the Cham ... | 1 INTRODUCTION such as the semi-structured in-depth interviews with Cham traders (both men and women), The era of globalization is characterized Cham businessman and their labour in clothing by dynamic interactions linking more countries business, and Cham public fgures in and more people than ever before, resulting in and . We have also carefully interviewed a proliferation of studies on the various driving several scholars in universities, like the University forces in the process of globalization, such as the of Malaya as well as the University Kebangsaan state, capital, interesting groups, etc. , Malaysia, concerned with Cham people. characterized by a strong cultural identity, the Moreover, we also carried out observations of maintenance of links with the country of origin on-going activities of the Cham community in and transnational identity, have begun to play a Kota Bharu, Kampong Bunga Mas, Penambang, role of increasing relevance in the global society, and Kampong Banggol, PCB in Kelantan and where non-state actors emerge in the frst instance the Cham in Tanjung Minyak and Taman Sri with an increasing economic weight and in some in Malacca. Field works in Malacca was cases also political weight. conducted in May-June 2012 and Kelantan’s feld This article is concerned with the Cham work in June-July 2013. diaspora in Malaysia who migrate in the period of 1975 until present who still maintain THE CHAM DIASPORA IN MALAYSIA: transnational ties to their home land in Cambodia. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW With the process of movement and resettlement, Diasporic communities have been the Cham community confronted real challenges emerging along with the rapid transnational and had to develop new ways of life in a new movements witnessed by the migrations in milieu. From traditional forms of farming and . Cham people, who originally fshing, which had been their main sources of came from the Kingdom of Champa in Central economic support in Cambodia, these people , have migrated to Cambodia and transformed their main traditional activities Malaysia in several stages. We need to understand to develop commercially-oriented economic the meaning of diaspora that is often used by activities in their new settlement. The Cham’s scholars. Gabrielle Sheffer defnes a diaspora as: entrepreneurship cannot be separated from economic networking among the Cham diaspora A social-political formation, created as the in Malaysia and Cambodia. In this paper I argue result of either forced or voluntary migration, that even though the Cham diaspora live in whose members regard themselves as of the same ethno-national origin and who different countries, but they still have strong permanently reside as minorities in one or ethnic relationship and kinship. several host countries. Members of such entities maintain regular or occasional This paper aimed to answer two questions, contacts with what they regard as their frst, how migrants use patron client relationships homelands and with individuals and groups to survive and pursue their life projects in of the same background residing in other host Malaysia. Second, how Cham diaspora in countries. Thus, globalization has engendered the possibility for diasporans to live a Malaysia who take the role of ethnic entrepreneur transnational community life, psychologically or patron help other migrants to negotiate identifying and socially interacting transnational space and therefore facilitate simultaneously with their countries of origin/ transnationalism. To answer these questions, this heritage and their countries of residence if they are interested and willing to do so. As paper utilized the anthropological, economic, and a result, globalization has broadened the historical approaches in order to understand how set of actors that potentially have a stake in traditional pattern of patron-clientism found in national development to not only include Malacca and Kelantan, Malaysia are adapted to local residents but also emigrants and their descendants as well – if they can be engaged, ft transnational circumstances. enabled and empowered to do so. For data collection and analysis, we The frst wave of Cham diaspora to Malay employed the qualitative data analysis method, Peninsula had caused by the falling of , the

2 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.1, 2017 capital of Champa Kingdom by the Vietnamese such as , Malaysia, , and in 1471. , particularly Malacca, Western countries. When the Communist regime Kelantan, and was one of destination in took control in Cambodia, they were afraid of the post-1471 Cham diaspora, while others took living under what they considered oppressive refuge to Cambodia, , and further away to government. During the regime, the in and ; they tried to eliminate Cham’s culture, tradition and to island in (Collins, 2009; and identity because they believed that it should Mohd. Zain Musa, 2003; Ysa, 2010).2 During be only one race in Cambodia which is the Khmer that time, Malacca and Kelantan became main (Ysa, 2010). Cham Muslim people were forced to destination for Cham refugees since they had abandon their religious traditions; names related emotional connection, mainly due to ethno- to were eliminated; and madrasah cultural considerations (Wong Tze Ken, 1994). were destroyed and other religious practices abolished. Al Qur’an and other religious readings Quoting from The Sejarah Melayu (Malay were wiped out. People were also forced to move Annals), Marrison mentions the presence of out from the Muslim community, or expelled to Cham in Malacca during the reigns of the Malay the jungles and mountains. Culture in the form sultans. They were known to be political refugees of activities, clothing, food and accessories was who had arrived in Malacca after 1471 (Marrison, also decimated. As a result, many Cham Muslim 1951). They were well received by the rulers of people were not familiar with Islam, not good Malacca, who appointed some Cham noblemen to at and ignorant of Cham culture. Pol offcial positions in the court. The Cham played Pot eroded Islamic identity of Cham Muslim a very important role in establishing trade links people (Fauzi, 2011). In a similar vein, Danny between the Melaka straits area and Indochina Wong mentions that another reason why some where one of the Champa sea captains from people fed Cambodia to Malaysia was because Champa Kingdom (nakhoda Campa) had high they were enemies of the Communists as they position in Melaka as important traders (Nishio, had taken part in the fghting against the regime 1997). Trade contacts between Champa and (Wong Tze Ken, 2013). Malay traders occured since 13th century. The Sejarah Melayu (Melayu annals) also noted Our previous study mentions that Kelantan that several Cham’s vessels were anchored in attracted the largest number of Cham refugees at Malacca, Banten, Makasar, Petani, Kelantan and that time due to several reasons. Firstly, family port (P.Y. Manguin, 1979). It shows that the relations since there were a marriage between people movement of the Champa Kingdom in princess of Kelantan and Champa regent. A few Indochina to the Malay Peninsula seemed to be Cham claimed that they have ancestors from frequent and even lasting. Kelantan since there were mix marriage between Kelantanase and Cham people of Cambodia The second wave of Cham migration (Fatimah, Mohd. Zain and Farid, 2009). Secondly, from Indochinese to Malay Peninsula took majority of the Kelantanese community was place in 1975-1990s (Sari, 2012). The fow of Muslim and they have strong Islamic education Cham’s migration from Cambodia then go to connection since long time ago. According to Thailand and fnally to Malaysia as a result of Nik Mohamad, the Cambodian Cham comes both rebellion and terrible political situation to Kelantan in order to pursue their religious on Cambodia during regime. Since study in pondok-pondok or pesantren in Sungai then, refugees from Cambodia and Vietnam Pinang, Jalan Merbau, and Atas Banggol which fed their country to neighbouring countries, well known as Surau Kemboja. Even, several

2 The Sejarah Melayu mentions that the presence of in Islamic teachers or Syeh from Kelantan went to Malacca (Champa Melaka) during the reigns of Sultan Mansyur Cambodia to teach Islam in 19 century (Fatimah, Syah. They come from descendant of Prince Indera Berma Mohd. Zain and Farid, 2009). The Cham regard Syah, a Cham prince who escaped from Champa after defeated by King of Kuci (Vietnamese) in 1471. They were well received Kelantan as Mecca or Serambi Mekah because by the rulers of Malacca, who appointed some Cham noblemen they view Kelantan as center of Islamic education to offcial positions in the court.

Betti Rosita Sari | Transnational Migration and Ethnic Entrepreneurship among the Cham ... | 3 (pusat keilmuan), center of da’wah (pusat who were mainly Muslim permitted to remain in dakwah) and center of economy. Thirdly, Cham Malaysia by the government, even after all the language has affnity with Kelantan language. refugee camps were closed.5 Almost 40 years the People carrying such titles as “Nik” and “Wan” in Cham diaspora live in Malaysia and their number Kelantan and , for example, are said is increasing since Cham migration to Malaysia to be the descendants of Champa Kingdom. Many in fact is still continuing until today. The Cham Cham also share cultural, religious values similar community can be found in Kelantan (Kota Bharu to the . Finally, Kelantan’s east coast was and Pasir Mas); Terengganu (Kuala Terengganu face to face with Gulf of Thailand, so it made and Dungun); Pahang (Pekan and Rompin); Johor easier for the Cham refugees from Cambodia to (Ulu Tiram, Kota Tinggi, and Muar); Melaka cross to Malay Peninsula.3 (Tanjung Minyak and Bukit Rambai); (Seremban); (Klang, Banting, The Cham refugees from Cambodia have Sungai Buluh, Kajang, and Bukit Belacan); entered Malaysia from Thailand by overland (Ipoh, Parit Buntar, and Kuala Kangsar); Pulau through Sungai Golok-Rantau Panjang, in the Pinang (Nibong Tebal); (Alor Star); and border of Malaysia-Thailand. With the assistance Perlis (Kangar) (Awang, 2011). of Thailand government, they left by train to Narathiwat in Southern Thailand then However, until today there is no exact cross the border to Kelantan. As reported by record of the number of the Cham population actors who take place as informant, their frst in Kelantan. According to the Kelantan statistic, arrival in Kelantan was the end of a complicated the Cham are included under other categories, evacuation process and a long struggle for and some of them might be included under survival at which they were taken away by bus Non-Citizens of Malaysia or others. However, from refugee camps at Thailand-Cambodia Musa estimated that the Cham people in Kelantan border to Bangkok and then by train to be almost 3.000 people, mainly located in Kota settled in Pangkalan Tujuh and Pangkalan Chepa Bharu, Phaya Rambai, Kampong Tendung, PCB, camps in Kelantan (Manan, 2012). Meanwhile, Penambang, and Pasir Mas (Musa, 2011: 45). another group made their own way by sea route with boat or small vessels from Cambodia (Koh TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION OF Kong) to Trat harbor in Thailand or from Cau THE CHAM IN MALAYSIA Doc (Vietnam) to east coast of Malay Peninsula, At the turn of the last century, many namely Kelantan, Trengganu, Pahang, and farther immigrants experienced what is now called away to Indonesia, , , Hong transnationalism. In the global economy, Kong, and China (Sari, 2012). changes in transportation and communication By the end of June 1975 to 1988 about (jet air travel, faxes, electronic mail, videos) have 10,722 refugees of Malay Cham ancestry have enabled immigrants to maintain closer and more entered Malaysia and were placed in refugee frequent contact with their home country and to camps in Kemumin, Pengkalan Chepa, Kota participate both actually and vicariously in its life, Bahru, Kelantan for one to two years (Nik so that they “take actions, make decisions, and Mohamed Nik Mohd Solleh. 2004).4 In the develop subjectivities and identities embedded beginning the Cham refugees in Malaysia were in networks of relationships that connect them paid attention to with feelings of sympathy, but simultaneously to two or more nations” (Basch then it became a dilemmatic issue due to the et al. 1994, 7). For example, Italian and Russian disturbance of the socio economic balance and immigrants also kept ties of sentiment and security issues of the country (Arzura, 2001). connection with family back home by living in Then they have a policy that only Cham refugees 5 Compared to the Vietnamese, the Cham refugees of Cambodia were given two options by the Malaysian government. The frst 3 Field interview with Prof. Anis, UM, July 7, 2012. option was to transit in Malaysia and resettle in third world countries like the one offered to the Vietnamese refugees, and 4 The camp was later renamed Taman Putra, Kemumin which second option was to settle Cham refugees in Malaysia and was administered by PERKIM. integrate them into Malaysian society (UNHCR, 1978).

4 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.1, 2017 what today are called “transnational households.” and house. There have been many sad stories, In these, family members are scattered across starting from being able to fee from Cambodia households and they send remittances back home, which was in deep trouble, reaching Malaysia, including political contributions for particular struggling for survive, to being able to have causes, such as the Irish support for the nationalist own income for living. Often, informants could cause. not stand when they told their sad experiences. The Cham refugees at that time tried to survive In similar vein, as reported by Patterson by linking or looking for patron could be local (2006), the Chinese Diaspora in the US can people of Malaysia or families/ relatives who live infuence political affairs in the home country. in Malaysia before. More limited employment Furthermore: “Strategic transnationalism of opportunities available for Cham refugees due brain circulation on the part of Chinese, Koreans, to the language barriers, no capital and skill, and Indians and more recently Mexicans is a also discrimination have been observed to drive form of politico economic agency to stem the them to self-employment or work to their patron predominance of the West” (Patterson, 2006: that secures their livelihood. How the Cham 1895). As Choi (2003) points out: refugees use patron client as survival strategy “Ethnic Koreans have contributed to the will be illustrated in the paragraph below. development of the South Korean economy by transferring their knowledge and skills - As mention previously, the Cham refugees which they obtained and strengthened in the from Cambodia were placed in the refugee more advanced countries of their residence - camp in Pangkalan Chepa, Kelantan for at to their homeland.”(p .25) The South Korean least one-two years. They had nothing and all state has long maintained a network of direct and indirect means of infuencing the of their necessities, such as food, clothes, and diaspora (Patterson, 2006, 1898). other necessities were provided by PERKIM (Malaysian Islamic Service Organization) Transnational migrants are “immigrants on behalf of the Malaysian government (An who develop and maintain multiple relationships interview with Ismail, Malacca, June 2012). (familial, economic, social, organizational, They would be allowed to leave the camp only religious and political) that span borders’’ (Basch if they had a guarantor/ sponsors that provided et al. 1994, 7). Transnational migrants forge them with jobs in batik factories or as farmers in a complex matrix of social relationships that plantation felds, either they stayed together with connect two localities in two different nation- sponsors or separated from them. At that time, states. Thus, many migrants go to a receiving area the guarantor was local people (a Kelantaneses) and, rather than severing their social relationships or Cham people who lived in Malaysia for long in the sending area, maintain intense ties (Adler, time (penduduk Melayu tempatan). After getting R. 2002). The process of transnational migration sponsorship, they lived with the guarantor to look emphasizes the deterritorialization of space for a job and live temporary in Malaysia. Some by showing how migrants are able to create of the guarantors were owners of Batik factories, social networks that bind two places, separated estate owners, farmers or rice planters who need by political borders and other boundaries, into a work force during harvesting seasons. They one social space (Adler, 2002, 132-33). The were allowed to work in kilang, guarantor’s experiences of the movements of immigrants are farm of palm oil, and to sell fabric and cloth often linked with family ties. door to door (berniaga). Some of them work as domestic servant as well. In case that those who Cham people of Malaysia have encountered wish to stay separated from sponsors will get a a long and winding road to be successful in fnancial assistance of amount around RM400 Malaysia. Fleeing from Cambodia with no money from PERKIM (Mohd. Zain Musa, 2006). With has been experienced by most of the Cham people. the fnancial assistance they can purchase any Working hard is the main strategy to survive and kinds of goods such as clothing, household to live in prosperous life, enough food, clothes, utensils from plastic, cradle and other necessities

Betti Rosita Sari | Transnational Migration and Ethnic Entrepreneurship among the Cham ... | 5 and start a new business by selling from door to shops, cafes, etc (Castles, Stephen and Mark J. door (Abdullah, Musa and Mat Zain, 2009, 138). Miller, 1998). After left the refugee camps in Kelantan The Cham people reside in groups in or Pahang, many Cham refugees were tried to Malacca and they can be found in Taman look for a better life in other states in Malaysia Sri Champa, Kampung Datuk Bin, Malacca. including Malacca. Beside economic purposes, However, they are also formed groups in other another reason to move to Malacca was family place, like in Serkam, Bukit Rambai and Masjid reunifcation or follows the previous immigrants. Tanah. The Taman Sri Champa was located 15 One of our informant, Haji Husein with his kilometer from Malacca city (Bandar raya). family moved to Malacca because his sponsor The pioneer of this community was Haji Thayib was his uncle who have been reside in Malacca. (he was a Cham refugee from Cambodia) who He stayed together with his uncle in Malacca and bought 3 Ha (ekar) of land for RM 36.000 from assisted him in running a small business on selling the Chinese. Previously it was tanah bajak or land clothes. From his uncle, he got experiences how loan from the government, so there had no land to sell clothes, create clothes trading network and title. After clearing of the land and establishing collect some money to run his own businesses. the community, Haji Thayib was followed by his While Mrs. Fatimah could leave the camp due families and relatives who have started to live in to her older brother who lived in Malacca since Taman Sri Champa. They built 22 houses for 22 1979 became her sponsor. From 1984 until now, Cham families which has square 13.5 meters for she lives in Tanjung Minyak, Malacca helps his wide and 35 meters for length per house (Field brother to take care of his clothing shop (kedai interview with H. Husein, Kampong Datok Bin, baju) in Masjid Tanah trading center. Tanjung Minyak, Malaka, June 12, 2012). Until today, this community was inhabited by 500 of Different reason was mentioned by Mr. Cham people or 70 households from Cambodia, Azhari bin Abdullah who entered Malaysia in both the Cham refugees in 1975 and recent 1989, he said: migrants who moves to Malaysia voluntarily for “I followed my brother in Malaysia and economic reasons (Field interview with Ahmad, assisted my uncle (mak cik) to sell clothes Kampong Datok Bin, Tanjung Minyak, Malaka, (niaga kain). Thus, I had worked in factory June 12, 2012). (kilang) in Syah Alam, Selangor for 9 years. I have been living in Malacca for 5 years and Based on interview with Cham people in married with Cham Malay in Malacca”. Kelantan, Cham communities could be found in many kampongs or areas, including Kampong From the cases above, network, particularly Banggol, PCB and Kampong Bunga Mas, ethnic networks have been formed between Penambang. They can be divided into “orang migrants and natives in the host country and lama” or old people (migrant who moved to between migrants and their home country. In Malaysia since 1975) and “orang baru” or new the migratory process, network based on personal people (Cham people who moves to Malaysia relationship, family or common place of origin in 2000s till present time). From interview with help in social and cultural matters such as to Cham people in Kampong Banggol, PCB, some provide shelter, work, assistance in coping with of them are rent a house from the local Kelantan bureaucratic procedures and support in personal and others have their own house. Their houses are diffculties, such as in obtaining credit, and/or behind the Malay house which is quite far from adaptation to a new environment (see Castles, the main road. Only 3-4 families of Malays are Stephen and Mark J. Miller, 1998; Wahlbeck, living together with the Cham in this kampong. 1996). The migration networks also provide the Kampong Banggol located in the PCB road, basis of processes of settlement and community along the river bank, so they can catch fsh easily formation in the area. Even, migrant for daily consumption or growing fsh farm in the groups develop their own social and economic cages. I can see the river stream from the window. infrastructure, such as worship place, association, Similar in Cambodia, the Cham people cannot

6 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.1, 2017 be separated from the river and they prefer to least developed states in Malaysia if we compare eat fsh than meat (interview with Haji Yakoob, with other states. So there is a few shopping mall Kelantan). or modern live. According to them, Kelantan is really Islamic city, in terms of religiousity. They In my observation in Kampong Banggol, have a public holiday on Friday, not Sunday in the daily live they used to gather in the coffee because Friday is a big day for Muslim. Every shop and food stalls which become a meeting woman should wear baju kurung with hijab. centres for men, women and children every Fourtly, it is easy to fnd halal food, masjid, or morning, since the Cham women usually did not preacher (majelis taklim) in Kelantan and they prepare breakfast for the family members. Every are really accepted us. Finally, there are a lot of morning, men and children went to the coffee Cham who reside in Kelantan so they feel like a shop or stall to buy ready cooked food for their home because they can gather with their relatives, breakfast, such as Cambodian mie soup or nasi family, and other neighbour from Cambodia. air (porridge) before going to work or school. In the coffee shop in Kampong Banggol, Cham men Moreover, for Cham people, networking- usually chat to each other and share experiences, building among them, specialty with their such as the problems they were facing, how to families and relatives, is very important not expand their market for clothes business. In this only with those who living in Malaysia but place, those who are newcomers can collect also those who living in Cambodia and other information from the previous migrant about job countries. For the beginning, a contact and opportunities, temporary settlement, immigration communication among them has been done by processes, and transportation to get around, place those who stay overseas through collecting any to shop and to eat, and so forth. Sometimes, they information about Cham people, their brothers, also discuss the politic and economic change sisters and relatives in Malaysia with assistance that has happening in Cambodia. Soon after the from national and international concerning men and children left the village, the second agencies on refugees. If collected information is group, usually women and men who worked relatively enough, a trip agenda to Malaysia then within the village, had their breakfast, such as is made in order to fnd and meet their families Cambodian mie soup. The villagers had a number and relatives. A number of informants explained of choices; they could buy breakfast in Ramli’s that Cham people living outside Malaysia have coffee shop, Cik Fatimah or Aini’s stalls because no any handicaps or problems about cost spent these premises operated every morning serving a for overseas travelling, as governments where breakfast to either Cambodian or Malaysian taste. they stay always support the elder residents with welfare assistance program. From discussion with Cham men in the coffee shop, I can conclude that there are some The relationship with Cham people in reasons why the new Cham migrants choose Cambodia has been initiated by Malaysian Cham Kelantan to settle, not Johor Bharu or other due to their very bad collective memory in the states in Malaysia. Firstly, live in Kelantan is past and strong willingness to assist those who easy or “selesa” to live. Mostly the local people living in poverty. Even though Cambodia after in Kelantan are old people, so they do not have a Pol Pot regime has changed in many aspects high competition to get a job or to earn money. In and it is now in developing process, most Cham addition the local Kelantanese are very welcome people are found still marginalized (An interview with new migrants, especially similar Muslim with Ismail, Malacca, June 2012). Variety of fellows. Secondly, they can take their children assistance has been drop in the past and it looks to get Islamic education in Kelantan. It is very likes will be continued in the future. However, the easy for them to send their children to Islamic activities do not only involve the Cham , school and mostly the Kelantanese are very but also some Malay and Chinese people in helpful. Thirdly, the situation or environment in Malaysia. This happened long before the 1990s, Kelantan is not so far different in Kampong Cham but grew even more remarkably starting 1993 and in Cambodia. As we know that Kelantan is the became dynamic in the 2000s. The activities can

Betti Rosita Sari | Transnational Migration and Ethnic Entrepreneurship among the Cham ... | 7 be divided as follows: humanitarian or charitable in Malaysia. And only a small proportion of work, visiting families or sites, religious native-borns view Cambodia to be like their education and construction, business or own country because it used to belong to their trade relations, and marriages across countries predecessors. (So, 2014). The most visible forms of relationship ETHNIC ENTREPREUNERSHIP OF are those established through humanitarian or THE CHAM DIASPORA IN MALAYSIA charitable work, especially through Qurban Comparing with Cham in Cambodia who (sacrifces), religious sacrifces feast and donation mostly involved in primary sector, the Cham in the form of money, food, and medicines during diaspora in Malaysia engaged in secondary Ramadhan (fasting month) from Cham Muslim sectors, such as trading or working in home in Malaysia both individually and collectively to industry. The Cham in Malacca, Kelantan, Johor receiver by certain Cham Muslim in Cambodia. Bharu, Trengganu mainly enganged in clothes According to Awang (2011, 197), sending money household home industry and petty trading. to family in Cambodia is very important for Some of them also work in Batik factories, small bonding amongst the family. The spirit of being clothing shop, food stall, and selling fabric and ‘Cambodian’ is also expressed in this kind of clothes door to door independently. While the remittance built by Cham people in Malaysia Cham in Pekan and Pahang are fsherman on cage with their families in Cambodia. The close and fsh traders. Other occupations are running relationship between the Cham in Malaysia and a food stalls, labour construction, raising cattle, the Cham in Cambodia is also acknowledged and farmer. While the Cham in , by the informant, Haji Thayib. who told us that Selangor, Seremban engaged as labour in some the Cham in Malacca still have close relatives companies, domestic helper, and petty traders. in Cambodia with whom they keep in contact. When their economic condition better off, they Thanks to the budget airline services, people began selling clothes, both small and large scale can fy from Kuala Lumpur to Phnom Penh and (Sari, 2012). The Cham’s economic life of the frst vice versa. Though they have painful memories generation in Malaysia is characterized by trading of Cambodia, Cambodia is still important to activity as a simple choice as well as an available them. When we visited Pak Haji, his family was chance to do at that time in Malacca and Kelantan, watching a Cambodian TV Channel; to keep up particularly clothing trade. This situation caused with what is happening in that country. by the social environment in Malaysia, especially in Malacca and Kelantan, has changed their In her research on Cham Diaspora in basic human resource capacity as farmers and Malaysia and Thailand, So (2014) claimed that most Cham Muslims in Malaysia still have a fshermen when they lived in Cambodia to become stronger attachment to Cambodia than their merchants (Manan, 2012). Moreover, the Cham fellows in Thailand. This is happened because (1) refugee from Cambodia previously did not have their migration is more recent, (2) many relatives a high education or other skill, so they can not in their home country are still recognized and apply any job in Malaysia. The last opportunity identifed, and (3) the relationship between the for them to earn money just from selling door to Cambodian government and the Malaysian door (Interview with Romlah, Cham trader in government is good. This connection is facilitated Pasar Tok Guru, Kelantan, May 2013). by modes of transportation, better economic In general, Cham’s serious effort to conditions, and security. trade is intended to be clothing business a main 6 Many old Cham Muslims still consider commodity, even until at present time. As stated Cambodia their home country; only a few feel by Ismail, an informant who also staying in Taman reluctant to make such a claim because of their Sri Champa Residence, Malacca the reason why long separation from Cambodia and because 6 Although majority of Cham in Malacca and Kelantan is clothing their relatives are gone or have already reunited traders, but a little bit of them sell another commodities, such as foods, plastic materials and other household equipment.

8 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.1, 2017 the clothing is to be the main Cham’s trading fabric or to open small store (rungcit) which commodity is just because it is a part of people‘s sold daily necessities, such as sugar, eggs, instant noodle, canned food, soft drinks, etc. basic needs, particularly for Malaysian Moslems I think rungcit is proftable since it provides who do need new clothing to celebrate the two dailynecessities which everyone needs. holy celebration days every year, i.e. Idul Fitri During Ramadhan time, when the clothing and Idul Adha Moslem’s feast sacrifce. Therefore, demands high, I start to sell clothes door to undoubtedly that to sell clothing commodity is a door again”. prospective business, both quantity and income. The involvement of the migrants into In similar vein, Haji Yakoob, a Cham entrepreneurship sector can be explained entrepreneur in Kelantan mentions that Kelantan by the disadvantage theory and the cultural is one of the clothing or baju kurung production theory. Disadvantage theory suggests that most in Malaysia. Majority of the Muslim clothes in immigrants have significant disadvantages Malaysia, such as baju kurung, baju koko, tudung, hampering them upon arrival but which at kain telekung were produced in Kelantan. The the same time steer their behavior (Fregetto, Cham in Kelantan mainly involved in clothes 2004). Firstly, they lack human capital such as home industry as tailor, cutting the fabrics, language skills, education and experience, which ironing, and packaging. Some of them are selling prevent them from obtaining salary jobs, leaving cotton, yarn, needle, buttons, zipper, etc. Another self-employment as the only choice. Secondly, Cham made baju kurung and kain tudung with lack of mobility due to poverty, discrimination Kelantan batik in his workshop. The Cham who and limited knowledge of the local culture can has big capital owns clothing shop (kedai baju) lead ethnic minorities to seek self-employment. which sold many kinds of baju kurung, saroong, This theory sees entrepreneurship not as a praying clothes, tudung, songkok, praying mat, sign of success but simply as an alternative to tasbih, religious books, etc. Some Cham also un-employment. The cultural theory suggest sell clothes in the market, small shops, and door that ethnic and immigrant groups are equipped to door (Sari, forthcoming). which culturally determined features such as The involvement of Cham people in trading dedication to hard work, membership of a strong activities is not a new thing. Mohamad Zain Musa ethnic community, economical living, acceptance (2003) explains that after leaving the refugee of risk, compliance with social value pattern, camp, some of the Cham refugee works as shop solidarity and loyalty, and orientation towards assistant for the local people, especially textile self-employment (Fregetto, 2004). and clothes shop. From this previous job, he got This theory can be applied into the case of the experience and tried to run his own clothes Cham diaspora in Malaysia. As a refugee from business at very small scale. They earn the money Cambodia at that time they lack of education little by little for capital. By using such capital, and skills. Barely they can speak Malay fuently they have started to run their own business. This and face a cultural gap with the local Malay. clothes business has opened up opportunities and At that time, small scale trading was the only broader network of the other Cham communities opportunities for the frst generation of the Cham who want to participate in the business. When diaspora to survive in Malaysia because it does clothes businesses are running well, they tried to not need high skill. They sell clothes by uphold open new business on groceries (rungcit) which it and sold it door to door, even very far into the sell daily necessities or other proftable business. palm oil plantation from dawn to dusk. They also Interview Mr. Azhari bin Abdullah in his stall in sell ice cream, plastic utensils, and other daily Kota Bharu who entered Malaysia in 1989 said: necessities from kampong to kampong (Sari, “I work as clothes trader door to door and forthcoming). Malay informant pinpointed that in the night market. I give a credit for RM10/ month for my customer. They can pay anytime if we look for Cham people, we need to see the when I visit their houses. Even though I got a street the clothe trader since they have often small proft, but still I can sell clothes. When opened tents to sell clothes in certain areas. the clothing sales decrease I change to sell

Betti Rosita Sari | Transnational Migration and Ethnic Entrepreneurship among the Cham ... | 9 Night market could be one of popular place for Ahmad, a Cham informant entered the Cham to open stand for clothes. Malaysia told us that his parents, brothers and sisters in 1979 as refugee when he was nine years The Cham traders are well known as work old. He will never forgotten his self-experience hard person, diligent, and honest which make in which any kinds of trading goods had been them are being trusted by the Malay and Chinese on the backs by his parents and offered to local businessman. They have got a big loan and a people from door to door from one village to credit from the Chinese, Indian, and Malay tauke another for their survival. What Cham expected to sell clothes. From the interview with Cham is so simple, i.e taking rice home to consume traders in Masjid Tanah Commerce center, most by members of family, mainly as encouraged of them take the clothes from the Chinese supplier by experiences living in Cambodia during Pol in Kuala Lumpur, Pudu, Masjid with an Pot Regime in poverty and hunger. For Cham, installment system where they pay for only 50 the most important to reach are that ability to percent or less for down payment and the rest of survive, chance to build the future and ability payment will be done after selling the clothes. The to take children to school (An interview with amount of money and the time to pay depend on Ahmad, Malacca, June 2012). the agreement between the suppliers and traders. Moreover, the traders can return unsold clothes Furthermore, Ahmad explained that the to the suppliers and change to other models. way Cham offered their trading goods from one Meanwhile, the Cham entrepreneur in Kelantan village to another was in a positive way, so that also took textile and other necessities from Indian local people conveyed deep sympathy a sense tauke, called Jackel. He got the fabric/ textile of humanism on the basis of positive social even the sewing machine from the tauke to run values and order within society at the time. This off their clothes business. In addition, they are sympathy in fact was a real encouragement very observant to look for economic opportunity that gave them a spirit to continue their efforts. both in Malacca and Kelantan which make them Contrary to that situation, we ensures that the success in clothes business, both a small and a intended way of trading is not suitable to be done large scale. They are adaptable person who eager at the present time as community’s social order to adapt with local culture and customs and way grows to be more complicated so that emerging of life of Malay people and try hard to learn Malay negative thinking and assumption from local language in order to interact with their Malay people to unknown persons. customer (Sari, 2012). In 42 years old, now Ahmad has become It is admitted by many informants; Malays a successful clothing merchant mainly because of Malaysia, that Cham people are hard workers. his work hard and fghting spirit derived from his One Professor in University of Malaya told us parent’s attitude and teaching. As a successful that if people wanted to know the Cham, they merchant, now he is living with his family in simply needed to look at the clothing traders welfare condition in which he owns a big house which would show that they are mostly Cham. He located at Taman Sri Champa Residence. On top further said that the Cham often sell clothes door of this, he owns a car, and a clothing shop situated to door or erect a tent to sell clothes whenever in Seremban, Negeri Sembilan State. there are events in their areas. Interview with This condition is really different with the local people of Kelantan also stated that the Cham frst generation of the Cham refugees. If we look people in Kelantan are hard workers. They woke at their economic position of the Cham people, up very early in the morning to work as ice cream especially those who come around 1979 and sellers, traders, shop keepers, and any kind of contemporary arrival, have been improving, but work until midnight. They never feel shameful have not been strong enough since they mostly with his job because they believe what they do engaged in petty trading or workers at garments. is “halal”. Based on interview with many Cham people, they have not been able to take loan from the

10 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.1, 2017 bank. Some people do not know how to deal today situation. The struggle to survive has been with the loan and others are afraid if they cannot a journey a long as well. pay the loan. Their capitals are therefore from Although the Cham’s socioeconomic their own money or borrow from their relatives. welfare is relatively high, clothing business does As mention above that they have mostly started not always run smoothly. Income will increase it from very small business. Some even sell signifcantly around thousands Malaysian Ringgit clothes in the street or door to door (Maunati, only during a month before Idul Fitri and Idul forthcoming). Today, many Cham’s second Adha celebration days. For the whole days generation in Malaysia work as businessmen, except the two celebration day, the daily income teacher, doctor, lecturer in some university in is usually about below MYR100 until MYR400. Malaysia or continue their parents business as Even in certain situation no income is derived clothes traders. They got higher education and from consumers (An interview with Salmah, many opportunities to work in Malaysia. Even, Malacca, June 2012). However, Cham traders some of them are getting married with Malaysian. have never been hopeless, as this kind of business The Cham’s success in trading more or is their real and main life resource which cannot less is infuenced by the way they undergo that be replaced by others. This has been admitted by business, from traditional method by offering many Malays who told us when we talked about commodity from door to door to be centered Cham people in Malaysia. at afternoon and morning markets7 to establish The clothes business, both in Malacca and shops as a new way. By this way, Cham traders, Kelantan is usually undergone by all members especially the Cham in Malacca take their trading of a family where fathers take role as managers commodity to afternoon and morning markets by meanwhile their wives take part either as sellers vans as operational vehicles to several locations, or servants as well. They also involve their such as Jasin and Malimau markets of Malacca. children, particularly teenagers, to take part and In addition, the Cham’s possessing of a number contribute in more actively outside school hours of permanent shops in some places like in Masjid (Abdullah et.al., 2009, 141). The involvement of Tanah district, Seremban and Johor is an indicator teenagers in this business is very important as a of their success, such as in Masjid Tanah district. teaching process. Women are basically the main Some of them own more than one or two shops. actors and controllers while doing transaction In this district, almost all clothing shops are under with consumers in shops. As managers, husbands Cham traders’ control even though some of them have also another role to build a network with are rental shops. Abdul Razak in an interview other trading partners, such as commodity occasion said that the shop rental rate in Malacca suppliers or selling agents. For instance, Mr. is around MYR 1.600 a month or equivalent to Ashari, a wellknown Cham trader in Kelantan, IDR 5 million. with his father and other relatives usually going Salmah, for instance, is a Cham woman for business trip to Pasar Tanah Abang in Jakarta, in Masjid Tanah district who has started her Vietnam, and China to looking for fabric or business since she was 12 years old. After material for baju kurung. They negotiate with renting a shop from a Chinese merchant for 8 the supplier directly and choose the materials for years, she is fnally able to purchase the shop to their clothes. He said that in the past the materials be her belonging with amount of MYR 150.000 from Indonesia was cheaper, but now majority or equivalent to around IDR 500 million. Now the materials and fabric come from Vietnam and she takes three local women to employ as shop China because it was much cheaper comparing servants to serve local customer. Indeed, like to Indonesia (An interview with Mr. Ashari, other Cham traders, she has struggled to be like Kelantan, June 2013). Meanwhile, Cham traders in Masjid Tanah district, Malacca for instance, 7 Afternoon and morning markets are shopping centers that are receive trading commodity supply particularly located in certain locations or areas and conducted in certain from suppliers or big companies in Kuala Lumpur days, including along with main roads. Malaysian authority allows traders who have license to use these areas to trade. without cash payment system. They usually gain

Betti Rosita Sari | Transnational Migration and Ethnic Entrepreneurship among the Cham ... | 11 advantages to make payment several days or on van. They usually choose strategic location to weeks after transaction is made. sell clothes, such as bus station, empty land on the corner of street, near the market and pusat In terms of the division of labour, the keramaian where the local people can fnd them Cham in Kelantan also employ husband, wives, easily. The commodities are clothes, long dress children, and large family member. Mr. Ashari’s or baju kurung, ready wear tudung, sarong, kain shop in Pasar Lama, Kelantan provides all of the batik and fabrics. The sales increase signifcantly clothes for man only, like songkok, baju kurung, during Ramadhan time or “Hari Raya” (Sari, sarong, Al’quran, parfumes, etc, while his wives forthcoming). also runs one shop in Pasar Lama too. But she sells all the stuff for woman, like kain telekung, As it is stated above, trade is Cham’s main scarf, tudung, fabrics, .etc. her children always economic aspect to enable their socioeconomic help her to manage the clothes in the warehouse. life moving up. Nevertheless, it is not all mainly for their young generation whom were born as Another economic activity involving women’s participation is ‘cloth trading’, one Malaysian people. This new looks or paradigm of the oldest and most popular jobs among the emerges due to current situation in which Malaysia Cham in Malaysia. My general observation is developing to be a country appreciating not was that large numbers of the Cham woman only its economy development but also its science in Malacca and Kelantan were involved in this and technology achievement. This phenomenon kind of business. The Cham women traders indicates that Cham’s frst generation worldview have their own skill how to attract the potential most differs from the second generation’s one. customer. They do not force the customer to For the Cham’s second generation instead, high buy the commodities, good service, attractive education and universities as well are signifcant in lip service, very polite and honest. They aspects promising them to be able to reach better also dare to give credit or fexible payment for future, including better social-economic status 8 their customer. For instance they sold clothes among community. In addition to this trend, for RM80, the buyer can pay it in 5-6 months Ahmad told us that today we can fnd a number (only RM15/ month). These conditions make of Cham second generation work as civil servants the Cham traders favors and popular among the in government and private offces in the country. 9 local Malays (Sari, forthcoming). Similarly, in Ahmad’s daughter who is now a university business, Cham women in Vietnam seem to be student also told us that she will run for posts more skillful. Cham women are good/better at whether in governmental or private sectors after selling than them. Cham women know how to graduating from the university. However, some convince customers and they are clever at trading of them also insist to continue their parent’s goods (Huynh Van Phuc, et al, 2011) clothes business. In Kelantan, the Cham entrepreneurs had Living in residences and trading the same managed to set up a wholesale market in Pasar trade commodities in the same areas can be Waqaf Che Yeh, Pasar Lama MPKB, and Pasar regarded as ways how Cham build and construct Tok Guru known as ‘Pasar Borong’ among the its social networking, particularly among their Malays. This is the biggest ‘wholesale’ market community. To strengthen this primordial ties, in Kelantan. In Kelantan they also sold clothes Cham’s frst generation choose to marry Cham in the night market in Kota Bharu, which operate one and other. Malay people’s world view every Saturday and Sunday evening. While on on Cham as Cambodian is a factor leading to the weekend, they sell it in morning market near marriage with Cham is not an easy way. their community. The night and morning market The mindset then changes in which is a kind of mobile market. Its mean that the Cham’s second generation who was born in traders bring their goods by car or van and sell Malaysia can marry Malay people of Kelantan them in the market. When the market is over (night market from 6 to 11 pm, while morning 8 An interview with Ahmad, Malacca, June 2012 market from 6 to 12 am) they tidy up their goods 9 An interview with Nurul Saidah, Malacca, June 2012.

12 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.1, 2017 and outside this state.10 Wider communication Malaysia to offer aid to fellow migrants, such between Cham and Malay people in schools, as information of job opportunities, temporary university campuses, public sphere and working settlement, and so on. Then this ethnic network areas have resulted in assimilation among them to plays an important role in their ethnic businesses be closed, particularly Cham’s second generation and economic survival strategy, both for the is also citizen of the country similar to that of previous migrant and new comer migrants. the Malay people. Another strategy is that to Clothes trading networks have been the main assimilate with Malay people. Some of Cham strategy for the Cham refugess to struggle and even marry them. We also can fnd Cham persons survive in Malaysia. actively involved in Islamic religious activities, Another strategy is that to assimilate with mainly because they are Moslems and consider Malays people by married with local Malays Islam as their main identity. Ahmad said that a especially for Cham diaspora second generation. praying big leader of Tanjung Minyak Mosque They get to live with Malay people in the same is a Cham. As self-identity, Cham community neighborhood, which enhanced their presence in then can be accommodated by Malay in every this place of last resort. We also can fnd Cham life sectors. persons actively involved in Islamic religious activities, mainly because they are Moslems CONCLUSION and consider Islam as their main identity. As The relationship between Malay and Cham self-identity, Cham community then can be people are a long lasting relationship since they accommodated by Malay in every life sectors. have emotional connection, sharing similarities in ethnic ties, language, culture, and religion. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Wars and economic problems in Cambodia caused the Cham migration to Malaysia in 1975 This paper is based on the research Cham by using inland ways and water ways. The Diaspora in Southeast Asia: History of Migration Malaysian government and local Malays have and Construction of Identity (Study Case of welcomed the Cham refugees due to ethno- Malaysia) from 2012-2013. Thank you to other cultural consideration and also humanitarian team member: Prof. Dr. Yekti Maunati, MA and factor. The Cham refugees in Malaysia were Azzam Manan, MA. assisted by Malaysian government (through PERKIM), international agency (UNHCR) and REFERENCES their families who moved to Malaysia previously. Arzura. Idris. (2012). “Malaysia and Forced It has been a long and hard struggle Migration”. Intellectual Discourse, Vol. 20, for the Cham who used to be refugees from No. 1. Cambodia but now show that they are successful Awang. Siti Noor.(2011). “Kiriman Wang, Hubungan economically. Fleeing from Cambodia with no Kekerabatan dan Masyarakat Cham di money has been experienced by most of the Malaysia”. Journal Sosiohumanika 4 (2), UM, Cham people. Working hard is the main strategy Kuala Lumpur. to survive and to live in prosperous life, enough Adler. R. (2002). “Patron-Client Ties, Ethnic food, clothes, and house. Moreover, informal Entrepreneurship And Transnational Migration: The Case Of Yucatecans In Dallas, Texas.” networks based on personal relationship, family, Urban Anthropology and Studies of Cultural friendship, and community ties assist the Cham Systems and World EconomicDevelopment, diaspora settle down in Malaysia and start their Vol. 31, No. 2. business. Majority of the Cham entrepreneurs in Basch, Linda, Nina Glick-Schiller, and Cristina Malaysia hire family and relatives from Kampong Szanton-Blanc (1994). Nations Unbound: Cham and other provinces in Cambodia to work Transnational Projects, Postcolonial as their labour. They use their knowledge about Predicaments, and Deterritorialized Nation- States. Langhorne, PA: Gordon and Breach.

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