DOCSLIB.ORG

Quantification and Predication in Mandarin Chinese: a Case Study of Dou

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Quantification and Predication in Mandarin Chinese: a Case Study of Dou University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons IRCS Technical Reports Series Institute for Research in Cognitive Science December 1996 Quantification and Predication in Mandarin Chinese: A Case Study of Dou Shi-Zhe Huang University of Pennsylvania Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/ircs_reports Huang, Shi-Zhe, "Quantification and Predication in Mandarin Chinese: A Case Study of Dou" (1996). IRCS Technical Reports Series. 114. https://repository.upenn.edu/ircs_reports/114 University of Pennsylvania Institute for Research in Cognitive Science Technical Report No. IRCS-96-36. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/ircs_reports/114 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Quantification and Predication in Mandarin Chinese: A Case Study of Dou Abstract In the more recent generalized quantifier theory, 'every' is defined as a elationr between two sets such that the first set is a subset of the second set (Cooper (1987), anv Benthem (1986)). We argue in this dissertation that the formal definition of e' very' ought to reflect our intuition that this quantifier is always associated with a pairing. For instance, 'Every student left' means that for every student there is an event (Davidson (1966), Kroch (1974), Mourelatos (1978), Bach (1986)) such that the student left in that event. We propose that the formal translation of EVERY be augmented by relating its two arguments via a skolem function. A skolem function links two variables by making the choice of a value for one variable depend on the choice of a value for the other. This definition of EVERY, after which 'every' and its Chinese counterpart 'mei' can be modeled, can help us explain the co-occurrence pattern between 'mei' and the adverb 'dou'. It was observed in S.-Z. Huang (1995a) that 'mei' requires either 'dou', or an indefinite phrase, or a reflexive in its scope. Under the skolemized definition of EVERY, this is explainable: The skolem function needs a variable in the scope of EVERY. We stipulate that only morphologically/lexically licensed variables are available for quantification (of this kind). 'Dou' occurs with mei'' because 'dou' can license the event variable for skolemization. This function of 'dou' is performed by the tense operator in English, while Chinese, lacking tense, resorts to 'dou'. 'Dou', we will argue, is a sum operator on the event variable. Thus, 'dou VPs' always assert plural events, which predicts that the distribution of 'dou' may or may not involve universal quantification. Among other things, our account explains scope ambiguity in Chinese, the optionality of 'dou', and the interchangeability, in a number of contexts, between 'dou' and conjunction/additive words for VPs such as 'ye' "also, and", 'you' "also, again", and 'hai' "also, still". Comments University of Pennsylvania Institute for Research in Cognitive Science Technical Report No. IRCS-96-36. This thesis or dissertation is available at ScholarlyCommons: https://repository.upenn.edu/ircs_reports/114 QUANTIFICATION AND PREDICATION IN MANDARIN CHINESE: A CASE STUDY OF DOU Shi-Zhe Huang A DISSERTATION in Linguistics Presented to the Faculties of the University of Pennsylvania in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1996 _______________________________________ Supervisor of Dissertation: Anthony S. Kroch ________________________________________ Graduate Group Chairperson: Donald A. Ringe © Copyright 1996 By Shi-Zhe Huang TO MY PARENTS: LI XIANKUN & HUANG LUQUAN iii Acknowledgments I am indebted to many people whose impact on me can now be properly acknowledged. First of all, my sincerest gratitude goes to Tony Kroch, my advisor, and my stern but also endearing teacher, from whom I have learned what it means to respect language, and along the way, I have learned to respect him deeply and fondly. His high intellectual standards, his sharp sense of cross-linguistic patterns, and his generosity in offering ideas and advice, helped me immeasurably in this work. Without his guidance, this dissertation could never be the same. To Jim Huang, whom I've become accustomed to calling 'Huang Laoshi' (Teacher Huang) only, I want to say "Xiexie!" Huang Laoshi is partially responsible for leading me into doing theoretical linguistics and I thank him for seeing me through by serving as an external member on my committee. His interest in my work, his encouragement and care have been a constant source of strength for me. He holds my deep admiration. I feel very lucky to be in the same field with him not only for the opportunity of having him as a role model but also for the fun of hearing him singing his favorite songs again and again at conferences. And there is Robin Clark! Robin is my guardian angel over the past year and a half during which I had many tutorials with him. Without his help I would have been lost in the beautiful but very intimidating world of formal semantics, a field that I had had little formal training in. I often found myself wondering how trying my very naive questions on formalisms must have been to him, but he always had the patience to walk me through whatever it was one more time. His arrival at the Linguistics Department at U. Penn was indeed a blessing for me. Over my stay at U. Penn, Gillian Sankoff has been a caring teacher and friend, and her generous spirit has made the less joyous days of doing linguistics far more bearable. I am very happy that I have found this moment to say 'thank you' to her. A special note of gratitude goes to my first teacher at U. Penn: Bambi Schieffelin, whose help made it possible for me to begin my iv graduate study in linguistics. Although she is no longer at Penn, she has remained interested in my well-being. I hope I have not let her down. I'd also like to thank Sabine Iatridou, whose lectures and workshops first introduced me into the wonderful world of Syntax/Semantics interface. And her enthusiasm in teaching is unforgettable. Michael Hegarty had a short stint at U. Penn, but he was a big cheer-leader for me during that period. I am very grateful for that. In the Chinese Linguistics community, Tom Ernst and Bonnie Chiu have been exceptionally generous and encouraging to me and have been friends in need many a time. Tom's comments on some of the issues in this dissertation have definitely helped me sharpen my ideas; and his stylistic suggestions are appreciated. Many thanks are also due to Raffaella Zanuttini, Ruth Herold, Caroline Heycock, Enric Vallduvi, Shengli Feng, Peter Patrick, Bob Frank, Wei-Tien Tsai, Kuo-ming Sung, and Hong-Ming Zhang, for their friendship. My former teacher, Nancy Dorian, has been very special to me since I came to America. She is the inspiration in my life. The person OF my life is my husband, Zhu Hong. He is the staunchest supporter and sternest critic I have around every day and I appreciate that. And his patience and caring is beyond what anyone could expect. I can finally say to him, we can move on now. And I know he is very happy. To my extended family back in China: My parents, siblings, and my in-laws, I thank them for being my family. v ABSTRACT QUANTIFICATION AND PREDICATION IN MANDARIN CHINESE: A CASE STUDY OF DOU Author: Shi-Zhe Huang Supervisor: Anthony S. Kroch In the more recent generalized quantifier theory, 'every' is defined as a relation between two sets such that the first set is a subset of the second set (Cooper (1987), van Benthem (1986)). We argue in this dissertation that the formal definition of 'every' ought to reflect our intuition that this quantifier is always associated with a pairing. For instance, 'Every student left' means that for every student there is an event (Davidson (1966), Kroch (1974), Mourelatos (1978), Bach (1986)) such that the student left in that event. We propose that the formal translation of EVERY be augmented by relating its two arguments via a skolem function. A skolem function links two variables by making the choice of a value for one variable depend on the choice of a value for the other. This definition of EVERY, after which 'every' and its Chinese counterpart 'mei' can be modeled, can help us explain the co-occurrence pattern between 'mei' and the adverb 'dou'. It was observed in S.-Z. Huang (1995a) that 'mei' requires either 'dou', or an indefinite phrase, or a reflexive in its scope. Under the skolemized definition of EVERY, this is explainable: The skolem function needs a variable in the scope of EVERY. We stipulate that only morphologically/lexically licensed variables are available for vi quantification (of this kind). 'Dou' occurs with 'mei' because 'dou' can license the event variable for skolemization. This function of 'dou' is performed by the tense operator in English, while Chinese, lacking tense, resorts to 'dou'. 'Dou', we will argue, is a sum operator on the event variable. Thus, 'dou VPs' always assert plural events, which predicts that the distribution of 'dou' may or may not involve universal quantification. Among other things, our account explains scope ambiguity in Chinese, the optionality of 'dou', and the interchangeability, in a number of contexts, between 'dou' and conjunction/additive words for VPs such as 'ye' "also, and", 'you' "also, again", and 'hai' "also, still". vii TABLE OF CONTENTS Dedication iii Acknowledgments iv Abstract vi Chapter 1: Introduction 1 1.1. The Issues 1 1.2. Overview of The Literature on ‘Dou’ 5 1.3. Sketch of the Proposed Analysis 9 1.4. Organization of the Dissertation 12 Chapter 2: EVERY and Skolemization 16 2.1. 'Every' and Skolemization 16 2.1.1.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Interpretation of Tense — I Didn't Turn Off the Stove Toshiyuki Ogihara
    The interpretation of tense — I didn’t turn off the stove Toshiyuki Ogihara — University of Washington [email protected] Kiyomi Kusumoto — Kwansei Gakuin University [email protected] Abstract This chapter examines Partee’s (1973) celeBrated claim that tenses are not existential quantifiers but pronouns. In the first half of the chapter, we show that this proposal successfully accounts for the Behavior of tense morphemes regarding deixis, anaphora, and presupposition. It is also compatiBle with cases where tense morphemes Behave like Bound variables. In the second half of the chapter, we turn to the syntax-semantics interface and propose some concrete implementations Based on three different assumptions aBout the semantics of tense: (i) quantificational; (ii) pronominal; (iii) relational. Finally, we touch on some tense-related issues involving temporal adverBials and cross-linguistic differences. Keywords tense, pronoun, quantification, Bound variaBle, referential, presupposition, temporal adverbial (7 key words) 1. Introduction This article discusses the question of whether the past tense morpheme is analogous to pronouns and if so how tense is encoded in the system of the interfaces between syntax and semantics. The languages we will deal with in this article have tense morphemes that are attached to verbs. We use 1 this type of language as our guide and model. Whether tense is part of natural language universals, at least in the area of semantic interpretation, is debatable.1 Montague’s PTQ (1973) introduces a formal semantic system that incorporates some tense and aspect forms in natural language and their model-theoretic interpretation. It introduces tense operators based on Prior’s (1957, 1967) work on tense logic.
    [Show full text]
  • Overt Existential Closure in Bura (Central Chadic) 
    Overt Existential Closure in Bura (Central Chadic) Malte Zimmermann University of Potsdam 1. Introduction The article presents a semantic-based account of the syntactic distribution of the morpheme adi in Bura. This morpheme is traditionally glossed as an existential predicate there is (Hoffmann 1955) and occurs only in a limited set of – at first sight – heterogeneous syntactic environments, namely (i.) in (most) negative clauses; (ii.) in thetic constructions used for introducing new discourse referents (there is x ...); and (iii.) in existential clefts (there is some x that ...). The article will identify the semantic contribution of adi and give a unified account of its distribution. It is argued that adi is an overt marker of existential closure that can bind individual or event variables with existential force. The insertion of adi is argued to be a last resort operation. It applies if and only if alternative means of existentially closing a variable fail. The analysis of adi as an overt indicator of existential closure has repercussions for semantic theory as whole. For once, given that adi is overt, it gives us a better insight into the workings and the grammatical locus of existential closure, which can be accessed only indirectly in European languages (Diesing 1992). Second, given that adi must existentially close off event variables in negative clauses, it can be used as a diagnostic for the ability of verbal predicates to introduce an event argument into the semantic representation (Kratzer 1995). The structure of the article is as follows: Section 2 provides some background information on Bura. Section 3 lays out the main facts surrounding the distribution of adi.
    [Show full text]
  • The Evolution of Mathematics in Ancient China: from the Newly Discovered Shu and Suan Shu Shu Bamboo Texts to the Nine Chapters
    The Evolution of Mathematics in Ancient China: From the Newly Discovered Shu and Suan shu shu Bamboo Texts to the Nine Chapters on the Art of Mathematics*,† by Joseph W. Dauben‡ The history of ancient Chinese mathematics and texts currently being conserved and studied at its applications has been greatly stimulated in Tsinghua University and Peking University in Beijing, the past few decades by remarkable archaeological the Yuelu Academy in Changsha, and the Hubei discoveries of texts from the pre-Qin and later Museum in Wuhan, it is possible to shed new light periods that for the first time make it possible to on the history of early mathematical thought and its study in detail mathematical material from the time applications in ancient China. Also discussed here are at which it was written. By examining the recent developments of new techniques and justifications Warring States, Qin, and Han bamboo mathematical given for the problems that were a significant part of the growing mathematical corpus, and which * © 2014 Joseph W. Dauben. Used with permission. eventually culminated in the comprehensive Nine † This article is based on a lecture presented in September of 2012 at the Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies at Har- Chapters on the Art of Mathematics. vard University, which was based on a lecture first given at National Taiwan Tsinghua University (Hsinchu, Taiwan) in the Spring of 2012. I am grateful to Thomas Lee of National Chiaotung University of Taiwan where I spent the academic Contents year 2012 as Visiting Research Professor at Chiaota’s Insti- tute for Humanities and Social Sciences, which provided sup- 1 Recent Archaeological Excavations: The Shu port for much of the research reported here, and to Shuchun and Suan shu shu ................
    [Show full text]
  • Livret Des Résumés Booklet of Abstracts
    34èmes Journées de Linguistique d’Asie Orientale JLAO34 34th Paris Meeting on East Asian Linguistics 7–9 juillet 2021 / July, 7th–9th 2021 Colloque en ligne / Online Conference LIVRET DES RÉSUMÉS BOOKLET OF ABSTRACTS Comité d’organisation/Organizing committee Raoul BLIN, Ludovica LENA, Xin LI, Lin XIAO [email protected] *** Table des matières / Table of contents *** Van Hiep NGUYEN (Keynote speaker): On the study of grammar in Vietnam Julien ANTUNES: Description et analyse de l’accent des composés de type NOM-GENITIF-NOM en japonais moderne Giorgio Francesco ARCODIA: On ‘structural particles’ in Sinitic languages: typology and diachrony Huba BARTOS: Mandarin Chinese post-nuclear glides under -er suffixation Bianca BASCIANO: Degree achievements in Mandarin Chinese: A comparison between 加 jiā+ADJ and 弄 nòng+ADJ verbs Etienne BAUDEL: Chinese and Sino-Japanese lexical items in the Hachijō language of Japan Françoise BOTTERO: Xu Shen’s graphic analysis revisited Tsan Tsai CHAN: Cartographic fieldwork on sentence-final particles – Three challenges and some ways around them Hanzhu CHEN & Meng CHENG: Corrélation entre l’absence d’article et la divergence lexicale Shunting CHEN, Yiming LIANG & Pascal AMSILI: Chinese Inter-clausal Anaphora in Conditionals: A Linear Regression Study Zhuo CHEN: Differentiating two types of Mandarin unconditionals: Their internal and external syntax Katia CHIRKOVA: Aspect, Evidentiality, and Modality in Shuhi Anastasia DURYMANOVA: Nouns and verbs’ syntactic shift: some evidences against Old Chinese parts-of- speech
    [Show full text]
  • Anaphoric Reference to Propositions
    ANAPHORIC REFERENCE TO PROPOSITIONS A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Todd Nathaniel Snider December 2017 c 2017 Todd Nathaniel Snider ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ANAPHORIC REFERENCE TO PROPOSITIONS Todd Nathaniel Snider, Ph.D. Cornell University 2017 Just as pronouns like she and he make anaphoric reference to individuals, English words like that and so can be used to refer anaphorically to a proposition introduced in a discourse: That’s true; She told me so. Much has been written about individual anaphora, but less attention has been paid to propositional anaphora. This dissertation is a com- prehensive examination of propositional anaphora, which I argue behaves like anaphora in other domains, is conditioned by semantic factors, and is not conditioned by purely syntactic factors nor by the at-issue status of a proposition. I begin by introducing the concepts of anaphora and propositions, and then I discuss the various words of English which can have this function: this, that, it, which, so, as, and the null complement anaphor. I then compare anaphora to propositions with anaphora in other domains, including individual, temporal, and modal anaphora. I show that the same features which are characteristic of these other domains are exhibited by proposi- tional anaphora as well. I then present data on a wide variety of syntactic constructions—including sub- clausal, monoclausal, multiclausal, and multisentential constructions—noting which li- cense anaphoric reference to propositions. On the basis of this expanded empirical do- main, I argue that anaphoric reference to a proposition is licensed not by any syntactic category or movement but rather by the operators which take propositions as arguments.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Introduction
    Partial variables and specificity Gerhard Jager¨ University of Bielefeld Abstract In this paper I propose a novel analysis of the semantics of specific indefinites. Following standard DRT, I assume that indefinites introduce a free variable into the logical repre- sentation, but I assume the the descriptive content of an indefinite DP is interpreted as a precondition for the corresponding variable to denote. Formally this is implemented as an extension of classical predicate logic with partial variables—variables that come with a restriction. This leads to a reconception of restricted quantification: the restriction is tied to the variable, not to the quantifier. After an overview over the major existing theories of the scope of indefinites, the cen- tral part of the paper is devoted to develop a model-theoretic semantics for this extension of predicate logic. Finally the paper argues that the notion of partial variables lends itself to the analysis of other linguistic phenomena as well. Especially presuppositions can be analyzed as restrictions on variables in a natural way. 1 Introduction This article deals with the peculiar scope taking properties of indefinite DPs, which differ mas- sively from other scope bearing elements. The theory that I am going to propose can be seen as a variant of the DRT approach in the version of Heim (1982), according to which the se- mantic contribution of an indefinite is basically a free variable, while its scope is determined by a non-lexical operation of existential closure. The crucial innovation lies in the treatment of the descriptive material of indefinites. While DRT analyzes it as part of the truth conditions, I will argue that it is to be considered as a precondition for the accompanying variable to denote.
    [Show full text]
  • THE REFERENCE of INDEFINITES in This Paper I Argue That Indefinite
    The final version of this paper will appear in: K. von Heusinger & U. Egli (eds.). Reference and Anaphoric Relations. Dordrecht: Kluwer (Studies in Linguistics and Philosophy). KLAUS VON HEUSINGER THE REFERENCE OF INDEFINITES The indefinite article has the function of pick- ing out a single representative from among various representatives of a kind.1 1INTRODUCTION In this paper I argue that indefinite NPs have a more complex referential nature than is usually supposed, and that this structure must be reflected in their semantic represen- tation. According to the classical view due to Frege and Russell, an indefinite NP is represented by an existential quantifier, a variable, the restriction and the occurrence of the variable in the argument position of the main predicate. Hence, there is no clear correspondence to the indefinite NP on the surface. Sentence (1) is translated into the formula (2a), in which the indefinite NP amancorresponds to the variable x in the argument position of the predicate walk and in the predication manx . The formula specifies that the intersection of the two sets denoted by the predicates is non-empty. The model-theoretic interpretation (2b) links the variable x to an object d that fulfills both predicates, treating the attributive material man on par with the assertive material walk. Hence, at the representational level, the indefinite NP is not represented as an independent expression. This conception has been widely accepted in semantics and can be found in current semantic theories. (1) A man walks [ ] (2) a. 9x man x &walk x [ ] b. The formula 9x man x &walkx is true iff there is an object d in the domain of individuals such that d is in the extension of the predicate man and in the extension of the predicate walk.
    [Show full text]
  • Geurts and Nouwen 2007
    At least et al: The semantic of scalar modifiers Bart Geurts, Rick Nouwen Language, Volume 83, Number 3, September 2007, pp. 533-559 (Article) Published by Linguistic Society of America DOI: 10.1353/lan.2007.0115 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/lan/summary/v083/83.3geurts.html Access provided by Chicago Library (18 Feb 2014 11:15 GMT) AT LEAST ET AL.: THE SEMANTICS OF SCALAR MODIFIERS BART GEURTS RICK NOUWEN University of Nijmegen Utrecht University On the naive account ofscalar modifierslike more than and at least, At least three girls snored is synonymous with More than two girls snored, and both sentences mean that the number of snoring girls exceeded two (the same, mutatis mutandis, for sentences with at most and less/fewer than). We show that this is false and propose an alternative theory, according to which superlative modifiers (at least/most) are quite different from comparative ones (more/less/fewer than). Whereas the naive theory is basically right about comparative modifiers, it is wrong about superla- tive modifiers, which we claim have a MODAL meaning: an utterance of At least three girls snored conveys two things: first, that it is CERTAIN that there was a group ofthree snoring girls, and second, that more than four girls MAY have snored. We argue that this analysis explains various facts that are problematic for the naive view, which have to do with specificity, distributional differences between superlative and comparative modifiers, differential patterns of inference li- censed by these expressions, and the way they interact with various operators, like modals and negation.* 1.
    [Show full text]
  • E-Type Pronouns and Donkey Anaphora
    IRENE HElM E-TYPE PRONOUNS AND DONKEY ANAPHORA 0. INTRODUCTION Kamp and Heim intended this proposal to compete with and replace us earlier treatments of the same phenomena, including a family of related proposals by Evans (1977, 1980), Cooper (1979), and others, which in contrast to (i)-(iv) made the following more traditional assumptions: (i) a non-existential, quantifier-free treatment of indefinites, (ii) a treatment of anaphoric pronouns as plain bound variables, (iii) a treatment of quantificational determiners and the conditional operator as capable of binding multiple variables, and (iv) a provision for default existential generalization of free vari- ables. Kamp and Heim intended this proposal to compete with and replace various earlier treatments of the same phenomena, including a family of related proposals by Evans (1977, 1980), Cooper (1979), and others, which in contrast to'(i)-(iv) made the following more traditional assumptions: (i') Indefinites are existential quantifiers. (ii') Anaphoric pronouns are semantically equivalent to (possibly complex) definite descriptions. (iii'.) Quantificational determiners, frequency adverbs, and the hidden operator of generality in conditionals bind just one variable each-. (iv') There is no need for default existential generalization of free variables. (i'), (iii'), and (iv') are, of course, just the standard assumptions from which (i), (iii), and (iv) departed. For the sake of brevity, I will refer to Kamp and Heim's proposal and variants thereof as 'DRT analyses', and to Evans's, Cooper's, and similar proposals as 'E-Type analyses'. ('DRT' abbreviates 'Discourse Represent- ation Theory'; the term 'E-Type' is loosely borrowed from Evans.) Let me caution, however, against unintended interpretations of these labels, especially the first one.
    [Show full text]
  • Three Types of Ellipsis∗
    Three types of ellipsis∗ Jason Merchant Abstract The term ‘ellipsis’ can be used to refer to a variety of phenomena: syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic. In this article, I discuss the recent comprehensive survey by Stainton 2006 of these kinds of ellipsis with respect to the analysis of nonsententials and try to show that despite his trenchant criticisms and insightful proposal, some of the criticisms can be evaded and the insights incorporated into a semantic ellipsis analysis, making a ‘divide-and-conquer’ strategy to the properties of nonsententials feasible after all. 1. Introduction A character in Carlos Fuentes’s 2002 novel The Eagle’s Throne (trans. Kristina Cordero; Random House: New York, 2006) says with self-disdain and melan- choly (p. 93): Did you know I’ve learned to speak like an Anglo-Saxon, without articles or context? “Exactly.” “Done.” “Nothing.” “Careful.” “Perfect.” ∗This paper owes an enormous debt to a large number of people over the years since I first began working on it, but special mention must be made of Rob Stainton, whose work was the original impetus for it and whose comments at Rutgers and in Paris in 2007 led to numerous improvements. Thanks also to Ernie Lepore, François Recanati, Jason Stanley, and the participants in the Leverhulme Foundation workshop organized by Laurence Goldstein at Canterbury in 2008. “Warned.” “Face consequences.” I say these things, nothing else. As it turns out, such seemingly telegraphic speech is by no means limited to the Anglo-Saxon world. The question is just what such utterances could and do mean ‘without context’ and with, and what exactly a speaker who utters such phrases says, means, and conveys.
    [Show full text]
  • Non-Specific Specifics and the Source of Existential Closure of Exceptional-Scope Indefinites
    Non-specific Specifics and the Source of Existential Closure of Exceptional-Scope Indefinites RICHARD BREHENY Abstract Sometimes exceptional-scope indefinites are understood as if they refer to a specific individual or function, sometimes they are understood as if there is existential closure of a function variable from the exceptional-scope site. So-called contextualist accounts of these indefinites fail to account for the apparently non-specific exceptional scope readings. Accounts invoking a mechanism of free existential closure generate unattested readings in addition to failing to account for readings in a wider array of cases. Starting with the assumption that all exceptional- scope indefinites are specific, a third account is presented here which employs independently motivated pragmatic strategies of diagonalisation and accommodation. It will be shown how specific indefinites come to be understood as if some mechanism of free-existential closure were in operation. But it will be clear where this closure effect comes from and what constraints there are on it. 1. Introduction Indefinite noun phrases have long been known to pose a challenge to the orthodox account of the scopal behaviour of quantified noun phrases. The challenge concerns the fact that examples such as (1a,b) can be understood according to the glosses given in (2a,b) respectively: 1. a. If an uncle of Mary’s dies childless, she will inherit a fortune. b. Every linguist has studied every analysis that has been proposed for some problem. 2. a. x[uncle_of_M(x) & (die_childless(x) 6 inherit(M))] b. x[linguist(x) 6 y[problem(y) & z[solution_to(y)(z) 6 studied(z)(x)]]] 2 Breheny If the scope of the existential were achieved by movement of the indefinite noun phrase to the scope site, as illustrated in (3a,b), this would be in violation of the normal restrictions on the movement of quantified noun phrases: 3.
    [Show full text]
  • DOMAINS of QUANTIFICATION and SEMANTIC TYPOI.DGY* Barbara
    DOMAINS OF QUANTIFICATION AND SEMANTIC TYPOI.DGY* Barbara H. Partee University of Massachusetts/Amherst 1. Background and central issucsl The questions I am ~oncerned with here arise from the interaction of two broad areas of current research in syntax and semantics. One area, a very old one, concerns the systematic semantic import of syntactic categories, a question requiring a· combination of theoretical work and cross-linguistic study. The other area, only recently under active investigation, concerns the structure and interpretation of expressions of quantification, including not only quantification expressed by NP's with determiners like "every" and "no" but also what Lewis 1975 called "adverbs of quantification" ("always", "in most cases", "usually", etc.), "floated" quantifiers, and quantifiers expressed by verbal affixes and auxiliaries. At the intersection of these two areas are pressing questions which seem ripe for intensive investigation. Some key questions noted by Partee, Bach, and Kratzer 1987 are the following: (1) Is the use of NP's as one means of expressing quantification universal, as proposed by Barwlse and Cooper 1981? Does every language employ some other klnd(s) of quantification? Is there some kind of quantification that every language employs? Our current hypothesis ls that the answer to the first of these questions is llQ., to the second ~; the third ls still entirely open. One goal of current research ls the formulation of a finer-grained, possibly lmplicatlonal hypothesis in place of Barwlse and Cooper's categorical universal. (2) What are the similarities and differences, within and across language.s, in the structure and interpretation of quantification expressed with NP's and quantification expressed with "floated" quantifiers, sentence adverbs, verbal affixes, auxiliaries, or other non-NP means? 1.1 ~ semantics 2.f syntactic categories: background 1.1.1 Traditional linguistics YIL.
    [Show full text]