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O Líbano E O Nacionalismo Árabe (1952-1967): O Nasserismo Como Projeto Para O Mundo Árabe E O Seu Impacto No Líbano

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O Líbano E O Nacionalismo Árabe (1952-1967): O Nasserismo Como Projeto Para O Mundo Árabe E O Seu Impacto No Líbano Universidade de São Paulo Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas Departamento de História Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Econômica José Ailton Dutra Júnior O Líbano e o Nacionalismo Árabe (1952-1967): o Nasserismo como projeto para o Mundo Árabe e o seu impacto no Líbano Versão Corrigida São Paulo 2014 José Ailton Dutra Júnior O Líbano e o Nacionalismo Árabe (1952-1967): O Nasserismo como projeto para o Mundo Árabe e o seu impacto no Líbano Dissertação de Mestrado apresentada ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Econômica, do Departamento de História da Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas da Universidade de São Paulo para a obtenção do título de Mestre em História Econômica. Orientador: Professor Doutor Osvaldo Luis Angel Coggiola São Paulo 2014 Autorizo a reprodução e divulgação total ou parcial deste trabalho, por qualquer meio convencional ou eletrônico, para fins de pesquisa, desde que citada à fonte. DUTRA JUNIOR, José Ailton. O Líbano e o Nacionalismo Árabe (1952-1967): O Nasserismo como projeto para o Mundo Árabe e o seu impacto no Líbano; Orientador Osvaldo Luis Angel Coggiola - São Paulo, 2014 320 f.: il. Dissertação de Mestrado - Faculdade de Filosofia Letras e Ciências Humanas - Universidade de São Paulo. 1.História Econômica. 2. História Política e Social. 3. Nacionalismo Árabe vs. Nacionalismo Libanês. 4. Líbano. 5. Oriente Médio I. Título. II. Osvaldo Luis Angel Coggiola. AGRADECIMENTOS Ao meu grande amigo Ramez Philippe Maalouf, Mestre em Geografia pela USP e formado em História pela UERJ com quem sempre tenho grandes conversas. Agradeço também aos meus amigos Claudius Robertus Santos Silva, Felipe Ferraz Machado, Tito Lívio Barcellos, Rafael Regiani, Eduardo Fiorentini Votta (O Geleia), Maikel Messias Garcia, Fábio Rogério Casimiro Corrêa, Danilo Sousa, Marcos Favaro, Lucas Cabral e José Augusto Teixeira. Agradeço também a Clarice Gonçalves Costa, minha maravilhosa companheira, que esteve me apoiando ao longo de todo o Mestrado, incluindo os momentos mais difíceis. Ao apoio das pessoas do cursinho em que trabalho, a começar pelo seu diretor Manoel Francisco dos Santos Júnior. Ao meu orientador Osvaldo Luis Angel Coggiola. Ao professor de História Contemporânea Lincoln Ferreira Secco. A professora Safa Jubran do curso de Árabe do Departamento de Letras Orientais da USP. Ao Serviço de Assistência Social da USP, o Coseas e a assistente social Carla Cucollo. A minha família, especialmente a Senhora Josélia Correia de Lima Dutra, minha mãe, mas também as minhas irmãs Flávia e Gabriela e ao meu pai, o senhor José Ailton Dutra cuja ajuda foi importantíssima durante a revisão após a minha defesa . Nome: DUTRA JUNIOR, José Ailton. Título: O Líbano e o Nacionalismo Árabe (1952-1967): O Nasserismo como projeto para o Mundo Árabe e o seu impacto no Líbano Dissertação de Mestrado apresentada ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Econômica, do Departamento de História da Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas da Universidade de São Paulo para a obtenção do título de Mestre em História Econômica. Aprovado em: ___/___/_____ Banca Examinadora Prof. Dr._______________________________Instituição____________________________ Julgamento_____________________________Assinatura___________________________ Prof. Dr._______________________________Instituição____________________________ Julgamento_____________________________Assinatura___________________________ Prof. Dr._______________________________Instituição____________________________ Julgamento_____________________________Assinatura___________________________ RESUMO DUTRA JÚNIOR, José Ailton: O Líbano e o Nacionalismo Árabe (1952-1967): O Nasserismo como projeto para o Mundo Árabe e o seu impacto no Líbano. Dissertação de Mestrado - Departamento de História da Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas, Universidade de São Paulo. Programa de História Econômica. O presente estudo tem por finalidade descrever a interação conflituosa entre o nacionalismo árabe e o Líbano entre 1952 e 1967. Nesses anos ocorreu a ascensão do nacionalismo árabe, que teve na figura do presidente egípcio Gamal Abdel Nasser a sua principal liderança. Seu objetivo era promover a luta dos povos de língua árabe contra a dependência tecnológica e dominação econômica e/ou política dos países capitalistas centrais, situados na Europa Ocidental e América do Norte. Bem como desenvolver suas sociedades e combater os setores conservadores internos, aliados dos poderes capitalistas ocidentais e pouco interessados em uma modernização mais profunda ou uma grande melhoria nos padrões de vida das classes populares. O objetivo último dos nacionalistas árabes era a unidade de todos os povos árabes em algum tipo de estrutura estatal. No Líbano a ideia da unidade árabe era mais difícil de realizar, pois uma parcela importante da sua população, os cristãos maronitas, não se viam como árabes e buscaram criar um estado separado para eles no começo do século XX, com apoio de uma potência colonial europeia com quem se identificavam e tinha laços históricos: a França. No entanto, para que o Líbano pudesse existir como estado independente viável economicamente, após a II Guerra Mundial, tiveram os cristão maronitas de entrar em acordo com a população muçulmana, particularmente os sunitas, e aceitar que o Líbano tinha uma face árabe. Esse acordo, conhecido como o Pacto Nacional, garantiu a existência do Líbano e permitiu que este se tornasse um entreposto comercial e financeiro no Oriente Médio, algo desejado tanto por suas elites cristãs (maronita e outras), como pelas muçulmanas. Mas, enquanto o Líbano experimentava um grande crescimento econômico na década de 1950, as suas regiões muçulmanas eram mantida em grande parte alheias a esse crescimento. O resultado foi o seguinte: as populações muçulmanas passaram a questionar a preponderância cristã e viram em Nasser e no nacionalismo árabe um meio para isso. Suas lideranças tiverem que segui-las, enquanto a população cristã, particularmente os maronitas, sentia-se ameaçada. Estas tensões, mescladas às ambições do presidente Camille Chamoun e ao cenário da Guerra Fria, conduziram a guerra civil de 1958. Posteriormente, entre 1959 e 1964, em um governo de unidade nacional, o Presidente Fuad Chehab tentou promover a unidade nacional, fazer investimentos do estado nas regiões muçulmanas, criar um esboço de segurança social e regular o liberalismo desenfreado do país. Seu fracasso parcial e o mau tratamento da população de refugiados palestinos por suas forças de segurança abriu caminho para a grande guerra civil de 1975-1990. Palavras-chave: Líbano; liberalismo; cristãos; muçulmanos; maronitas; sunitas; nacionalismo Árabe e Nasser. ABSTRACT DUTRA JÚNIOR, José Ailton. Lebanon and the Arab Nationalism (1952-1967): Nasserism as a project for the Arab World and its impact on Lebanon. Master Thesis - Department of History, Faculty of Philosophy, Letters and Human Sciences, University of São Paulo. Program of Economic History. The present study aims at describing the conflicting interaction between Arab nationalism and Lebanon between 1952 and 1967. Those years was the rise of Arab nationalism, which had the figure of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser your primary leadership. His goal was to promote the struggle of the Arabic speaking people against technological dependence and economic domination and / or policy of the central capitalist countries located in Western Europe and North America. As well as developing their societies and combat domestic conservative sectors, allies of Western capitalist powers and little interested in a deeper upgrade or a major improvement in living standards of the working classes. The ultimate aim of Arab nationalists was the unity of all Arab peoples in some kind of state structure. In Lebanon the idea of Arab unity was more difficult to accomplish, because a significant portion of its population, the Maronite Christians, do not see themselves as Arabs and sought to create a separate state for them in the early twentieth century, with the support of a colonial power European with whom identified themselves and had historical ties: France. However, that Lebanon could exist as economically viable independent state after World War II, Christian Maronites had to come to terms with the Muslim population, particularly the Sunnis, and accept that Lebanon was an Arab face. This agreement, known as the National Pact, ensured the existence of Lebanon and allowed it to become a commercial and financial entrepot in the Middle East, something desired by both her Christian elites (Maronite and other), and by Muslims. But while Lebanon was experiencing great economic growth in the 1950s, its Muslim regions were maintained in large part unrelated to this growth. The result was as follows: Muslim populations began to question the Christian dominance and saw in Nasser and Arab nationalism means for this. Their leaders have to follow them, while the Christian population, particularly the Maronites, felt threatened. These tensions, merged the ambitions of President Camille Chamoun and the scenario of the Cold War, led to civil war in 1958. Later, between 1959 and 1964 in a government of national unity, President Fuad Chehab tried to promote national unity, make investments state in Muslim regions, create an outline of social security and regular liberalism rampant in the country. Its partial failure and poor treatment of the population of Palestinian refugees by its security forces paved the way for the great Civil
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