The Monthly-November 2011 English
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Mount Lebanon 4 Electoral District: Aley and Chouf
The 2018 Lebanese Parliamentary Elections: What Do the Numbers Say? Mount Lebanon 4 Electoral Report District: Aley and Chouf Georgia Dagher '&# Aley Chouf Founded in 1989, the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies is a Beirut-based independent, non-partisan think tank whose mission is to produce and advocate policies that improve good governance in fields such as oil and gas, economic development, public finance, and decentralization. This report is published in partnership with HIVOS through the Women Empowered for Leadership (WE4L) programme, funded by the Netherlands Foreign Ministry FLOW fund. Copyright© 2021 The Lebanese Center for Policy Studies Designed by Polypod Executed by Dolly Harouny Sadat Tower, Tenth Floor P.O.B 55-215, Leon Street, Ras Beirut, Lebanon T: + 961 1 79 93 01 F: + 961 1 79 93 02 [email protected] www.lcps-lebanon.org The 2018 Lebanese Parliamentary Elections: What Do the Numbers Say? Mount Lebanon 4 Electoral District: Aley and Chouf Georgia Dagher Georgia Dagher is a researcher at the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies. Her research focuses on parliamentary representation, namely electoral behavior and electoral reform. She has also previously contributed to LCPS’s work on international donors conferences and reform programs. She holds a degree in Politics and Quantitative Methods from the University of Edinburgh. The author would like to thank Sami Atallah, Daniel Garrote Sanchez, John McCabe, and Micheline Tobia for their contribution to this report. 2 LCPS Report Executive Summary The Lebanese parliament agreed to hold parliamentary elections in 2018—nine years after the previous ones. Voters in Aley and Chouf showed strong loyalty toward their sectarian parties and high preferences for candidates of their own sectarian group. -
What Is Hezbollah? Tony Badran
WHAT IS HEZBOLLAH? TONY BADRAN Imagine you live in a small country with more than a hundred thousand missiles pointed at it. And imagine the leaders who control those weapons had one stated purpose: to destroy you—to literally wipe your country off the map. What would do you? Strike first and try to destroy all the weapons? Set up an anti-missile defense system? Or would you ignore the problem and hope it goes away? You can now stop imagining, because these are real-life questions that one country in the world has to ask itself every day. That country is Israel. And the leaders who control these missiles (and the number I gave is a low-ball estimate) belong to an organization known as Hezbollah—Arabic for “Party of God.” Moreover, they’re not rogue terrorists. They actually run a country—Lebanon. You should know something about them. Hezbollah first burst onto the international scene in 1983, when they simultaneously bombed the United States Marine barracks and French paratrooper base in Beirut. 241 Americans— the largest loss of American military personnel in a single incident since World War II—and 58 Frenchmen were killed in the attacks. But this was only the beginning. More bombings followed, killing 24 people at the U.S. Embassy annex in Beirut in 1984; killing 85 at the Jewish Community Center in Buenos Aires in 1994; and killing 19 at a housing complex for American oil executives in Saudi Arabia in 1996. In 1985, Hezbollah terrorists highjacked TWA Flight 847, during which they beat passengers, separated those with Jewish-sounding names, and murdered U.S. -
“Shutting out Hezbollah in Its Entirety Will Destabilize the Lebanese
CLAIM “Shutting out Hezbollah in its entirety will destabilize the Lebanese government, in which Hezbollah and its allies gained a vast majority of the popular vote in parliamentary elections, making it one of the most effective fighting forces against the Islamic State group.” SHORT RESPONSE HEZBOLLAH IS THE DESTABILIZER IN THE LEBANESE GOVERNMENT AND HAS DONE LITTLE TO DEFEAT THE ISLAMIC STATE. INSTEAD, IT ASPIRES TO BECOME SOMETHING SIMILAR. THE FACTS The struggle to reduce the capabilities of a terrorist organization is ongoing, multi-dimensional, and requires a great deal of determination. A terrorist organization such as Hezbollah, which operates simultaneously as a terrorist organization and within the framework of the Lebanese political system as a “legitimate party,” relies on civilian infrastructure, living spaces, and sources of funding. It carries out profit and loss considerations on an ongoing basis. Reducing Hezbollah’s capabilities and influence must be achieved by exerting pressure on the organization — directly and indirectly. The key to this is international cooperation and the mobilization of political elements in the government to reduce Hezbollah’s power. SETTING THE RECORD STRAIGHT ON HEZBOLLAH A Joint Project by AJC and the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism KEY DETAILS WHAT DOES IT REALLY MEAN TO Î For years, an alliance between the Christian camp and the DESIGNATE HEZBOLLAH? Sunnis controlled the centers of power in the Lebanese The significance of designating Hezbollah as a terrorist political system. organization primarily derives from the entities that carry Î The assassination of Rafic Hariri, the Syrian withdrawal out the designation. The list of countries that have made the from Lebanon, Hezbollah’s entry into the government, designated Hezbollah a terrorist organization include: and especially the rivalry in the Christian camp led to the consolidation of new political dynamics, including an alliance Israel 1982 between President Michel Aoun from the Christian camp and Hezbollah. -
Lebanon: Managing the Gathering Storm
LEBANON: MANAGING THE GATHERING STORM Middle East Report N°48 – 5 December 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. A SYSTEM BETWEEN OLD AND NEW.................................................................. 1 A. SETTING THE STAGE: THE ELECTORAL CONTEST..................................................................1 B. THE MEHLIS EFFECT.............................................................................................................5 II. SECTARIANISM AND INTERNATIONALISATION ............................................. 8 A. FROM SYRIAN TUTELAGE TO WESTERN UMBRELLA?............................................................8 B. SHIFTING ALLIANCES..........................................................................................................12 III. THE HIZBOLLAH QUESTION ................................................................................ 16 A. “A NEW PHASE OF CONFRONTATION” ................................................................................17 B. HIZBOLLAH AS THE SHIITE GUARDIAN?..............................................................................19 C. THE PARTY OF GOD TURNS PARTY OF GOVERNMENT.........................................................20 IV. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................. 22 A. A BROAD INTERNATIONAL COALITION FOR A NARROW AGENDA .......................................22 B. A LEBANESE COURT ON FOREIGN -
Working Paper 2006/29
EUI WORKING PAPERS RSCAS No. 2006/29 Lebanese Politics of Nationality and Emigration Thibaut Jaulin EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Mediterranean Programme Series jaulin cov.indd 1 19/09/2006 12:02:40 EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE, FLORENCE ROBERT SCHUMAN CENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDIES Lebanese Politics of Nationality and Emigration THIBAUT JAULIN EUI Working Paper RSCAS No. 2006/29 BADIA FIESOLANA, SAN DOMENICO DI FIESOLE (FI) © 2006 Thibaut Jaulin This text may be downloaded only for personal research purposes. Any additional reproduction for such purposes, whether in hard copies or electronically, require the consent of the author. Requests should be addressed directly to the author. See contact details at end of text. If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author, the title, the working paper, or other series, the year and the publisher. Any reproductions for other purposes require the consent of the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies. The author should inform the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies at the EUI if the paper will be published elsewhere and also take responsibility for any consequential obligation(s). ISSN 1028-3625 Printed in Italy in September 2006 European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50016 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy http://www.iue.it/RSCAS/Publications/ http://cadmus.iue.it/dspace/index.jsp Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies The Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies carries out disciplinary and interdisciplinary research in the areas of European integration and public policy in Europe. It hosts the annual European Forum. -
Lebanon in the Syrian Quagmire
Lebanon in the Syrian Quagmire: Fault-Lines, Resilience and Possible Futures Ishac Diwan, Paris Sciences et Lettres Youssef Chaitani, UN ESCWA Working Paper for Discussion The purpose of this paper is to examine the weaknesses and strengths of Lebanon amidst the tensions created by the Syrian conflict that started in 2011. Lebanon’s sectarian governance system has been over 150 years in the making. But the Syrian fire next door, which has taken an increasing sectarian nature, is likely to burn for a long time. With such dire prospects, what is the fate of Lebanon’s governance system? Will it lead the country inexorably towards civil strife? The Lebanese governance system could be described as a horizontal deal among communal oligarchs, supported by vertical organizations within each community. While oligarchs have changed over time, the system itself survived devastating civil wars, endured extensive global and regional influences, and was also undeterred by the projection of power by many external forces, including the Palestinian Liberation Organization, Syria, Iran and Israel. What are the forces at work that make the Lebanese governance system both resilient and resistant to change? In the paper, we use as an analytical framework, which is introduced in section one, the model of limited orders developed by Douglas North and his associates. In section two, we argue that the Syrian civil war is likely to be long lasting. Section three examines the weaknesses and fault-lines of the Lebanese system in light of the Syrian war. Section four explores the factors that continue to contribute to the strength and resilience of Lebanon in spite of the rise in extremist Islamic militancy. -
Arab Racism Islamo Fascism Just Another Wordpress.Com Weblog
Arab racism Islamo fascism Just another WordPress.com weblog Posts Tagged ‘White Shirts’ search this site Pages » About Archives Islam Uber Alles? :: Does Islam and Shariah Have More In » April 2012 Common With Nazi Ideology Than With Religion » March 2012 December 1, 2010 » February 2012 » January 2012 Islam Uber Alles? » December 2011 » November 2011 Does Islam and Shariah Have More In Common With Nazi Ideology » October 2011 Than With Religion? » September 2011 » August 2011 By Steven Simpson Monday, October 11, 2010 » July 2011 » June 2011 Since the atrocities committed on 9/11/01 by Middle Eastern Muslim » May 2011 terrorists in the name of Islam, people in the U.S. and West have » April 2011 debated whether Islam is “a religion of peace” or more of an all- » March 2011 encompassing totalitarian ideology cloaked in religious garb. » February 2011 Unfortunately, it appears that the Qur’an, Shariah, and the Islamic » January 2011 terrorist attacks of the last thirty years, indicate that Islam is indeed a » December 2010 totalitarian ideology engaged in an effort of world-wide conquest much » November 2010 like Nazism. The major difference being that Nazism was based on » October 2010 racial affiliation while Islam is based on religious affiliation. » September 2010 » August 2010 The word “Islam” – contrary to popular belief – means “submission” » July 2010 and not “peace.” When Islam was founded by Muhammad ibn Abdallah » June 2010 in the 7th century, it conquered the Arabian Peninsula through bloody » May 2010 » April 2010 wars and conquests against fellow Arabs, and Jewish tribes. After the » March 2010 consolidation of Islam in Arabia, the Arabs quickly moved out to » February 2010 conquer the Persian and Byzantine empires, as well as parts of India, » January 2010 and subsequently Spain. -
The Specter of Sunni Military Mobilization in Lebanon
The Specter of Sunni Military Mobilization in Lebanon Patricio Asfura-Heim • Chris Steinitz with contributions by Ghassan Schbley Cleared for public release DOP-2013-U-006349-Final November 2013 Strategic Studies is a division of CNA. This directorate conducts analyses of security policy, regional analyses, studies of political-military issues, and strategy and force assessments. CNA Strategic Studies is part of the glob- al community of strategic studies institutes and in fact collaborates with many of them. On the ground experience is a hallmark of our regional work. Our specialists combine in-country experience, language skills, and the use of local primary-source data to produce empirically based work. All of our analysts have advanced degrees, and virtually all have lived and worked abroad. Similarly, our strategists and military/naval operations experts have either active duty experience or have served as field analysts with operating Navy and Marine Corps commands. They are skilled at anticipating the “prob- lem after next” as well as determining measures of effectiveness to assess ongoing initiatives. A particular strength is bringing empirical methods to the evaluation of peace-time engagement and shaping activities. The Strategic Studies Division’s charter is global. In particular, our analysts have proven expertise in the follow- ing areas: The full range of Asian security issues The full range of Middle East related security issues, especially Iran and the Arabian Gulf Maritime strategy Insurgency and stabilization Future national security environment and forces European security issues, especially the Mediterranean littoral West Africa, especially the Gulf of Guinea Latin America The world’s most important navies Deterrence, arms control, missile defense and WMD proliferation The Strategic Studies Division is led by Dr. -
The MENARA Booklet for the Humanitarian Sector (Eds.) Sala Cristina Cristina & Quero Jordi the MENARA Booklet For
Jordi Quero & Cristina Sala (Eds.) the MENARA MENARA the The HumanitarianSector booklet for the MENARA booklet for The Humanitarian Sector Jordi Quero & Cristina Sala (Eds.) © 2019 CIDOB Editors: Jordi Quero & Cristina Sala CIDOB Elisabets, 12 08001 Barcelona Tel.: 933 026 495 www.cidob.org [email protected] Print: Book-Print S.A. ISBN: 978-84-92511-61-7 Legal Deposit: B 6220-2019 Design and layout: Joan Antoni Balcells Barcelona, February 2019 Cover image Mustafa Khayat. Syrian refugee camp, Karkosik Erbil. https://www.flickr.com/photos/mustafakhayat/11876961544/in/album-72157639625717426/ Foreword ..................................................................................................................... 4 Jordi Quero & Cristina Sala Notes on contributors ............................................................................................... 5 Military factors in the MENA region: Challenging trends ..................................... 7 Sven Biscop & Julien Sassel Armed conflicts and the erosion of the state: The cases of Iraq, Libya, Yemen and Syria ...................................................................................................... 17 Virginie Collombier, Maria-Louise Clausen, Hiba Hassan, Helle Malmvig, Jan Pêt Khorto Militarization and militia-ization dynamics of armed group proliferation in Egypt and Libya .................................................................................................. 28 Rasmus Boserup & Virginie Collombier Demographic and economic material factors in the MENA -
CHAPTER 2 the Sunni Community in Lebanon: from “Harirism” To
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Institutional Research Information System University of Turin CHAPTER 2 The Sunni community in Lebanon: from “Harirism” to “sheikhism”? Daniel Meier (University of Grenoble), Rosita Di Peri (University of Torino) Introduction On August 15, 2015, Sheikh Ahmad al-‘Asîr was arrested at the Beirut International Airport while trying to flee to Nigeria with a fake passport. Even though all groups of the political class applauded the capture of the man wanted for his role in the bloody events that took place in Abra, near Saida, in June 2013, where 18 soldiers of the Lebanese Armed Forces lost their lives in a confrontation with al-‘Asîr’s partisans, the re-appearance of this icon of radical Sunni mobilisation underscored a deep sectarian divide among the Lebanese population. A family member of one of the soldiers killed expressed his concern about a double standard in the application of laws and security between Sunnis and Shiites. He was referring to the unsuccessful capture of a Hizbullah member accused of the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafic Hariri (Nader 2015). This particular event raises the issue of a major change of perception among the Sunni community in Lebanon; it also highlights a broader mindset according to which Iran and Hizbullah are responsible for the emergence of radical Sunni groups in the country and for the exclusion of a moderate political faction like the Hariri-led Future Movement (al-mustaqbal). This change of perception becomes quite clear when one remembers that Sunnis represented the Muslims of Lebanon in the National Pact (1943), which gave the community a key role in the process of nationhood building. -
Revisiting the Path of Lebanon Over the Past 100 Years
REVISITING THE PATH OF LEBANON OVER THE PAST 100 YEARS Analysis of Different Constitutional Aspects of the State REVISITING THE PATH OF LEBANON OVER THE PAST 100 YEARS This book is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution - Non Commercia - Share Alike 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0). Please be notified that the book has been released under a Creative Commons license to allow optimal accessibility while preserving attribution to the contributors and the editor’s work, as long as it is not used for commercial purposes. We would like to provide equal opportunities for anyone who wants to disseminate, write and search on the topic. You can share and adapt the content by remixing, transforming, building and redistributing the material in any medium or format as long as you attribute it and properly credit the authors under the same license as the original. For more information, a copy of this license is available at URL: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by- nc-sa/4.0/ REVISITING THE PATH OF For more information, a copy of this license is available at URL: https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ LEBANON OVER THE PAST 100 YEARS Analysis of Different Constitutional Aspects of the State REVISITING THE PATH OF LEBANON OVER THE PAST 100 YEARS Notre Dame University-Louaize NDU Press© First published: 2020, Lebanon ISBN 978-614-475-009-4 Zouk, Kesrwan, P.O.Box 72 Cover design: Department of Creative Design www.ndu.edu.lb | [email protected] P.O. Box: 72, Zouk, Keserwan Phone: +961 9 208 994/6 REVISITING THE PATH OF LEBANON OVER THE PAST 100 YEARS – ANALYSIS OF DIFFERENT CONSTITUTIONAL ASPECTS OF THE STATE ©2020Notre Dame University - Louaize (NDU) and Rule of Law Programme Middle East and North Africa, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. -
The Special Tribunal for Lebanon
Power and Perception: The Special Tribunal for Lebanon Melia Amal Bouhabib* Introduction. ........................................ 173 I. Background of the Tribunal: A Circuitous Route...................... 175 A. Assassination .......................... ..... 175 B. The International Independent Investigation Commission: From Mehlis to Brammertz ....... ..... 178 C. Talk of the Tribunal ........................... 185 II. The Tribunal: Issues of Legality and Legitimacy ..... ..... 188 A. Legality of the Tribunal: Innovations and Obstacles..........188 1. Narrow Mandate .......................... 190 2. Exclusive Reliance on Lebanese Domestic Criminal Law ................................... 191 3. Practical Obstacles to Fulfilling Mandate .... ..... 194 4. Bypass of Lebanese Parliament by Chapter VII........... 197 B. Legitimacy: The Appearance of Justice..... .......... 199 Conclusion .................................... ..... 203 INTRODUCTION On March 1, 2009, the long-anticipated Special Tribunal for Lebanon ("Tribunal," also known as "STL") finally opened its doors. The Tribunal, established to try the killers of former Lebanese Prime * Melia Amal Bouhabib is a recent graduate of Fordham University School of Law where she was a Crowley Scholar in international human rights and a Stein Scholar for public interest. Prior to attending Fordham, Ms. Bouhabib worked as a journalist in Lebanon, where she covered social and cultural issues for a daily paper. She will be starting as a first year associate at Crowell & Moring, LLP in New York, in the fall of 2010. 173 174 BERKELEYJ. OF MIDDLE EASTERN& ISLAMIC LAW Vol. 3:1 Minister Rafiq Hariri, has been hailed as a triumph against impunity and "a decisive milestone" in the quest for justice. Nonetheless, the Tribunal has been fraught with complications since the outset and faces significant challenges as it forges ahead. The use of the U.N.