'pABLOISM' \ And The

JIONAL CRISIS IN THE MITTEE PHILIPPINES

De~end surcharged councillors!

ON 5 MARCH ~he High Court will rule on the cases of the surcharged Lambeth and qverpool councillors. According to Ted Knight It will almost certainly find against them, despite the £118,000 legal fees paid by Lambeth and the £200,000 by Liverpool. The council ors were In fact bound to take the case to the Liverpool. If they lose they will High Courts. The ruling of the be barred from office (local or District Auditors against them government) for 5 years and perso­ was based not on any kind of nally liable for the surcharge. hearing or trial, but on the The same would have been true District Auditors' opinion alone. had they not taken the case to No doubt this opinion was shaped the High Court at all. by a few guiding words from If the judgement goes against Patrlck Jenkln. the councillors then a decision The councillors are accused has to be made within 2 weeks of 'wiIful misconduct' In not set­ as to whether or not to appeal. ting a rate, and Issued surcharge This would cost another £50,000 notices amounting to £126,947 at least for Lambeth. Such a stra­ against 32 Lambeth councillors tegy may delay the councillors' and £106,103 against the 49 from disqualification for a few more weeks but Is unlikely to reverse the court's decision. Its only pur­ pose would be as part of a cam­ paign to mobilise the local trade unions and community to take action against the court decisions. If the councillors are disqual­ ified the Lambeth and Liverpool counciIs will be left In the hands of Alliance and Tory councillors. But conducting the battle exclu­ sively tl gyg!! the courts Is not the way tv we have argued at every _ t\S)f resistance to ~~~e~~~en:' .i ~~ THE FIGHT AGAINST the witch­ BBC to remove Benn from the key to victory. hunt In the Labour Party now "Question Time" which went out Council unions must refuse needs to move up a gear. At the the day after the NEC to pre­ to co.,operate with any such 26 February National Executive vent him defending the Militant! bodies and organise all out strike Committee (NEC) Klnnock got The NEC also lay the charge action in the event of It happen­ the mandate he wanted to carry of membership of the Militant ing. With massive local industrial through his purge of Militant sup­ Tendency which would render action, paralysing local services, porters In LiverpooL them Ineligible for membership and refusing to deal ·wlth payments His kangaroo-court Investiga­ of the Labour Party. It Is this to the City, sufficient pressure ting the Liverpool District Labour charge which will provide the can be exerted to force the gov­ Party (DLP) provided the charge­ ammunition for the right wing ernment to retreat. This is the heet. The NEC duly acted In I f they choose to launch a full­ In the Labour · Party and trade of the crisis In the Tory ranks only effective way to deal with !le manner of a hand-picked jury, scale purge, not only of MlIltant unions such as Blunkett, the Labour In order to de onstrate the ur­ th~ courts. The unavoidable legal delivering a nine vote majority. but of other socialist trends In coordinating committee (LCC) gency of a fight galnst the witch­ battle must be backed up with The scene Is now set for the the Labour Party. and Tribune. Blunkett, once con­ -hunt. Nor Is It good enough to industrial strength. March NEC to expel leading MIli­ Nothing can obscure the fact sidered the left-wing leader of slinply call for a 'truce' with Kln­ Ted Knight has said there tant supporters. that this Is a political witch-hunt. Sheffield council,· not only suppor­ nock as MIlltan do: "It Is now will be a local conference In Lam­ The NEC empowered General It Is Klnnock's attempt to define ted but voted for Klnnock's wltch­ vital for the EC to abandon beth, within two weeks of the Secretary, Larry Whltty to ap­ the limits of the political spec­ hunt. all the purges and Inquisitions decision, of trade unions, com­ trum to the left of the party. on within the munity organisations and Labour point two full-time organisers Blunkett's role, as ever, Is which are goln to run the Liverpool party, re­ He made as much clear at the party, so that he whole labour Party representatives. This con­ to help Klnnock carry through ference must become a real deci­ organise It and replace the DLP NEC meeting, "People talk of the wltch-huntj and by protesting movement can united In the with a "temporary co-ordinating a broad church party••• Those fight to tr the Tories In sion making body, not a rally. that It Is not because of anybody's It must be a forum where a stra­ committee". This will be less than who would have no boundaries. polltlcal beliefs, trying to avoid Fulham, the' To Halls and the one tenth the size of the DLP no limits, no walls for this party next general ,el tlon.· tegy can be worked out to wIn civil war In the party by pacifying the battle. The councillors must Itself and will be responsIble for simply are not aerious about this the soft left. By his actions he We clear that a I the May election campaign. party and don't deserve to taken behind Klnnock come out with a call for all out has placed himself well beyond action from the council unions Whltty wUl finally decide seriously. " consideration for any 'left' NEC and his pollcles an not, will not, Of course, Klnnock and the and other local workers. how many of the 16 will be ex­ slate. 'fight to trounce the Tories'. pelled and on exactly what right 'regretted' the departure There Is a urgent need to Such a conference could also charges. The Inquiry conveniently of the embryo of the SDP - The LCC welcome the findings call and organise a national confer­ be reconvened to discuss the leaves Whltty two options with Jenklns, Wllllams, Owen and of the report and called on party ence against t e witch-hunt. It Labour Party's strategy for this regard to the charges against MlIl­ Rogers. There Is always a place members In the city to co-operate should Involve 11 those opposed year. Knight's proposed budget tanto The first verdict of the In­ for vicious anti-working class poli­ In getting the party fully opera­ to the wltch- unt Mllltant, which 'muddles through' by selling quiry concerns alleged abuses and ticians like these In the Labour tive again. In similar right-wing Labour Left C ordination, trade off the counciI's capital assets breaches of Labour Party rules Party. Not only are the likes of terms, the latest Tribune editorial unionists, and C Ps, like Hackney offers no prospect for the expan­ and constitution. Klnnock lectured Healey, Shore and Hattersley safe announces overwhelming support North and Vau hall, who have sionary budget whIch Lambeth needs to provide adequate jobs the NEC that "This Is not a wltch­ within the walls of the broad for Klnnock and the witch-hunt: already backed he call for such and services. An expansionary -bunt, It Is a democratic party church but they have reserved "It Is esaentlal that the party a conference. using Its democracy to uphold pews near the pulpit. acts against this conspiracy. • •To This confere ce must discuss budget based on local working democracy". The real Intention behind the that end the NEC had endorsed and agree on a strategy to fight class needs would lead to another Of course, Klnnock's attach­ recent moves Is clearj by purg­ a aet of reforms and measures, Klnnock's wltc hunts whenever confrontation. By mobilising and ment to democracy Is hypocriti­ ing the left Klnnock alms to ren­ which everyone should be able they occur. T is must Include succeeding on this one the labour movement can swing the balance cal and partial. He Is not In favour der the Labour Party presentable to support, to re-organlse the .,not only mllltan lobbies, protests back In Its favour and prevent of the democratic re-selection to the bosses and middle class party In the city."(28.2.86)Between and resolutions ut also a clear Tory cuts being Imposed on already of Militant's supporter Pat Wall In the next election and leave now and the next NEC, a massive commitment to refuse to Imple­ deprived areas like Lambeth and In Bradford, or the democratic their options open for any future campaign against the witch-hunt ment, comply wl h or accept any Liverpool•• de-selection of his own ally Kllroy­ co-alltlon deal with the Alliance. must be launched which goes right NEC decisions t expel Individuals -Silk In Knowsley. He Is not In The witch-hunt will also, by through the union conference sea­ or attempts to favour of democratic control of driving out the left an reducing son and to the Labour Party Con­ Labour" parties. Into how the city party Is run. " the party over the PLP, or of the pressure for radical pollcles, ference Itself - where any appeal Ive repudiating (Militant 28.2.86) This Is to be using democracy as a weapon to help to guarantee that If Labour will be heard. Walworth Road-I posed candidates welcomed. But the Liverpool party unearth and deal with the mass did win a majority In an election, It Is not sufficient for MlIltant and standing de ocratically selec­ must go beyond this. They must of corruption and wheeler-deallng Klnnock's government would clear­ to simply cite the abuses of other ted candidates a alnst these. refuse to comply with any part In the dozens of constituencies ly be a vicious anti-working class DLPs In mitigation against the In opposltlo to the wltch- of the Inquiry, Including the 'tem­ controlled by the right In the Labour government. NEC's accusations. That Is Simply hunt MlIltant cl Ims that "mem­ porary co-ordinating committee', Labour Party. Klnnock has not carrIed to play by the rules of the Kln­ bers of Llv I DLP, meeting continue to meet as a DLP and Walworth Road's attachment through his attack single handed­ nockltes. In defiance of the NEe. over­ prepare to stand Its own candi­ to democracy was well-Illustrated Iy. He has been handsomely assis­ Neither Is It useful to put whelmingly reject the recommen­ dates In the May elections. in Whltty's attempt to get the ted by those once left-talkers forward an exaggerated account dations of the ri ed Investigation continued on page 2. --=--.;. _ ...... 2 WORKERS POWER 81 March 1986

• THE LAST MONTHS have from the plant In the 1950s. The Is attempting to dampen mounting at risk just so the British bosses In secrecy. Workers In the mines, furnished Irrefutable evidence that real total was 40 times the laun­ concern by dispatching twelve can have the mel ns to nuke the In the chemical Industry and on the bosses of the nuclear Industry dered figure given to the Inquiry. Health and Safety Executive Ins­ USSR or Argentl a In pursuit of the building site have a history are running It at enormous risk Despite this Sir Douglas Black pectors to scrutinise the Sella field their Interests. It must not tole­ of bitter struggle to defend and 'to the Industry's workers. They - the Inquiry's chief - has refused plant. But, as the Black inquiry rate a situation In the Industry Improve safety standards. In the are running It with scant regard to modify his conclusion that ra­ showed, this will not break down where safety stan ards are Ignored nuclear Industry the early stage for the health and safety of com­ diation discharge from Sella field the wall of secrecy and deceit and where dangers are blatantly of Its technological development munities located In the vicinity was insufficient to warrant making that surrounds the running of the covered up In the Interests of and the new type of risks that of nuclear plants. Moreover, the a link between the plant and the Industry. The government will commercial secrecy. Such secrecy .It poses make the fight for Industry's bosses, the Tory govern­ incidence of leukaemia. His Inquiry not even allow Euratom the benefits the pro ~ lts makers but workers' Inspection and a workers' ment and top civil servants have was In fact a government white­ EEC's nuclear fuel body - to Ins­ jeopardises the lIyes of the rest veto absolutely crucial. created a web of secrecy and wash job. Even though It was lied pect Sellafleld or Impose Its of us. I deception to hide this fact. to, even though leukaemia rates required safety standards on the The entire Industry, and its In mid-January British amongst children living near the plant component plants, must be opened WORKERS Nuclear Fuels Limited (BNFL) Aldermaston and Burghfleld re­ to workers' inspection. This cannot dumped half a tonne of radio­ actors are well above the national "NATIONAL be left to civil servants or to CONTROL active waste In the Irish Sea after average, Black is flatly refusing 'questions In the House'. It must a failure at Sellafleld. At first to question the health and safety INTEREST"? be organised by the labour move­ BNFL publicly claimed the dis­ standards of the nuclear Industry. ment alongside the workers In charge was no more than a few Evidence of the dangers posed The nuclear bosses and the the plants and their Immediate We do not accept the view kilos; only later were they forced by the Industry grows daily. There Tory government have two stan- neighbourhoods. Lapour's Dr. Cun- of the anti-nuke movement that to change their story. was a leak of 15 tonnes of radio­ dard excuses for keeping the work- nlngham has already said he thinks under all circumstances nuclear Less than two weeks later Ilctlve carbon dioxide recently Ings of the industry a closed book. BNFL management are doing "a power Is evil and should be there was a leak of radioactive at the Central Electricity Generat­ Firstly they use the argument good, effective, open and honest opposed. Such a view Is false and mist at the same plant. BNFL Ing Board's plant at Trawsfynydd. that It Is In the Interests of 'na- Job". Those who apologise for pro­ pessimistiC. Moreover It offers management claimed that only But this has not been a freak ,tional security' to maintain secre- ven liars deserve no trust from the bulk of the world, particularly a few workers were exposed. La­ month of leaks, breakdowns and cy. At Sella field Magnox reprocess- the labour movemePlt. A workers the Imperlalised world where ener­ ter the actual number of workers cover up. Back in 1983 there was Ing mixes both military and civil Inquiry should appoint its own gy needs are desperate, the uto­ at risk was shown to be fifteen. a major leak at Sellafleld. BNFL fuel. This Is used to justify top technical experts who are pre­ pian perspective of solving the Within another fortnight there announced at the time that there secrecy. On the same grounds pared to challenge the bosses' energy problem with wind power was yet another leak at Sella field. was absolutely nothing to worry the government refuses to say claims. Brushing aside claims for or wave power! . This time 250 gallons of radio­ about! In the end twelve miles how much plutonium Is derived "national security" and business Marxists counterpose to this active water escaped from a of beaches were closed because from the CEGB's reactors. secrecy It would examine the real unscientific outlook the perspec­ broken pipe contaminating at least of the radioactive risks they The second defence Is the risks the Industry poses to workers, tive of mastering the present day two workers. More assurances posed. maintenance of 'commercial con- reveal who Is responsible for such problems of nuclear power so that from BNFL were followed on It Is now clear that In 1983 fldentlality'. It Is on these nakedly risks and assess how and when the energy problems of the world March I st by yet another leak BNFL effectively supressed a capitalist grounds that the BNFL those risks can be overcome. It can be decisively overcome. But and twelve more workers contamin­ report that showed that a minor justifies Its refusal to say just would fight for an effective veto we have no faith In the nuclear ated. earth tremor on a scale that Is how much spent fuel Is being re- by the workers against production power Industry's capitalist bosses' These events have also ex­ exprerienced in Britain would des­ processed at Sellafleld. In any plant that poses a proven ability or Interest in achieving posed the lie machine which has troy reactors at Sella field and Faced with the evidence of threat to the health of the work­ ihls. In the nucleat:, Industry vie been used to cover up the risk Chaple Cross and cause a risk their preparedness to take risks force or the surrounding commu­ see most vividly why only that the nulear Industry poses of a major nuclear explosion. All with workers' lives, It is In the nlty. The workers should shut workers' Inspection and control as It Is presently run. It Is now the evidence shows that the BNFL vital Interests of the labour move- down any such plant, either for can defend the safety of workers abundantly clear that a govern­ and CEGB bosses cannot be trust­ ment to break down the wall of refitting or demolition, with gua­ and deploy Its productive potential ment Inquiry Into the abnormally ed to run the Industry without secrecy that the bosses and Tories ranteed full pay met by the In the Interests of satisfying high Incidence of leukaemia in putting the workers and whole have erected around the Industry. bosses. society's needs•• the Sellafield vicinity was given communities at risk. It must not tolerate an Industry " In all Industries the bosses wildly Inaccurate figures concern­ Faced with the succession that Is allowed to avoid Inspection seek to push down safety stan­ by Dave Hughes the scale of radiatjR'" discharges of disasters the Tory government and rep::ly put workers' lives dards and shroud their working

"}~ ) } L- \> y / \ GERMAN WORKERS FACI ON MARCH 6TH Bonn will see thousands of h !d1 ff 'Yorkers and Cided to demand a further amend­ mass demonstrations of mllltant potentially, bankr pt the union. ment to the law so that lay-off trade unionists. This will be the The only other osslblllty, which pay and unemployment benefit peak of a campaign that has seen the bureaucrats did not want to will be wltheld from workers even 500,000 workers In Print and consider, was to ektend the strike" outside the geographical 'negotia­ Engineering Industries down tools call the bosses' b ~ uff and hit the ting districts' and In all branche ~ on December lOth and 10,000 whole engineering Industry. Even of Industry. They Intend to make - trade unionists demonstrate In so the strike did begin to spread sure that the law Is unambiguous Dusseldorf on December 18th. out of the contro of the bureau­ and does not allow for Interpre­ crats; laid-off workers began tations that might work to the Their calls for strike action to occupy their factories. The advantage of the unions. made It clear that there Is now IGM leaders cou d think of no an Increasingly militant current other tactic than. 0 appeal against In the West German unions. The the 'Franke Edict' to the courts. object of the campaign Is the MOBILISE UNIONS Khol Government's plans to Intro­ duce an amendment to the Employment law. The effect of "NEUTR L" LAW the amendment (to paragraph 116) The proposed amendment does not mark a major change of stra­ Storage tanks at Sellafleld source of the leaks? would be to stop workers laid-off by strikes from receiving either In . the face 0 the heightening tegy by the ruling class, It Is employment benefit or lay-off tension of the strl e and the cons­ a tightening up of their legal de­ continued from front page unions Is stepped up. Already, pay. tant confrontatio s with scabs fences. The fate of the govern­ John Edwards secretary of In the German unions strike at the factory ga es, the Welfare ment wlll not be decided by this Unfortunately Militant's re­ GMBATU - has threatened to take pay Is relatively high, anything Tribunal In Bre and Kassel one clause. All the same It Is cord elsewhere is not so defiant. action against lan Lowes for his between 60% and 80% of wages. decided that It ha try to main- Important that the West German In Sheffield, expelled councillor role among Liverpool council In the mid seventies the union tain the appear an e of legal neu­ unions mobilise to defeat It. We and Militant supporter, Paul workers. The very day of the NEC leaders used this as an argument trality and fou d against the do not support the bureaucrats' Green, has signalled retreat. Under NUPE leaders circulated branch to justify a tactic of only calling employers and the ranke Edict. selective strike tactics, they are threat from the local DLP who secretaries with the unsubstantia­ selective local strikes. These so The IGM strl s showed, once designed to keep strikes under have Instructed Intake (Green's ted charges against Militant called 'key point' strikes were again, that the la and Its Inter­ control and to prevent mass mo­ ward) to select another candidate emanating from Liverpool NUPE designed to knock out whole pretation, reflect the balance of blllsatlons of workers. However, by 11 March ' or have an 'offic­ secretary J ane Kennedy. branches of Industry by striking class forces. WI h the workers not all disputes require a nation­ Ial' candidate Imposed on them Given the decisive weight some key production facility. mobilised and a ry the courts wide mobilisation. Local strikes by the NEC Green has an­ of the block vc ~e at the Labour In 1984, In the engineers' preferred to defu e the situation. are Important In developing organ­ nounced that he will not stand Party conference and the fact strikes, when the Engineers' Union Thereafter, howe er, with the Isation and confidence. The pro­ against the 'official' candidate. that the conference will be a IGM called out key sections In workers back at ork, the powers posed amendment would make The ward on the other hand watershed In the fight against two areas, the bosses went on behind the courts - the capitalists such strikes difficult to win be­ was prepared to hold firm. Green the witchhunt we must co-ordinate the offensive and locked out hun­ themselves - are repared to alter cause the bosses would Immediate­ has also announced that - legal a national campaign in the dreds of thousands of workers the law. They chosen to ly use the lock out tactic to divide aid permitting he Intends to unions. In other areas. do this by am dlng paragraph union members. start legal action against the local * Opposition to all witch-hunts; Especially In the car Industry, 116 of the Empl ment Act, the In the unions we say that party and the NEC to seek 'jus­ no expulsions! the bosses reckoned on the sup­ so-called 'neutrall y order'. This the leaders must lead a real fight, tice' against unlawful expulsion. • ' The right of all socialists port of the CDU/CSU government clause, Introduce during the not Just meetings and demos but This method ' of using the courts to remain In the Party and the law. They reckoned right. Grand Coalition f the SDP and strikes and occupations to force to fight battles within the labour • The right of organised socialist The President of the Federal La­ CDU In 1969, ys down that the government to back down. movement Is a diversion. It de­ tendencies to affiliate to the bour Office, Egon Franke, decreed those receiving unemployment The scale of such strikes should flects from the political argument Labour Party that no lay-off or short time pay pay may not tak part In an In­ be determined by the resistance and It falls to recognise that over • For resistance to the wltch­ could be claimed by those locked dustrial dispute. his means not of the bosses. If they see the time the courts will back the hunt up to and Including stand­ out as a result of the dispute. only those on st Ike cannot re­ amendment as vital to their plans right-wing since they share a com­ Ing candidates agalnst 'official' The Implication of this rul1ng ceive benefit b t also those they will not be moved by local mon goal. Labour Party candidates In were clear. Either the IGM had locked out! or token strikes. We must demand Finally, It Is particularly cru­ the case of expulsion or dls­ to abandon Its strike or It had After the s ruggle for the of the unions that they be pre­ cial that the struggle In the trade afflliatlo~ to payout to the hundreds of 35 hour week th employers de- pared up to the level of a general

------~------' -+-----=~ / ___ THE SIX COUNTIES ______w_o_R_KE_R_s_po_w_E_R_8_1 _M_a_rc_h _19_86;.....;,3 AREACT THE CRISIS THAT the Anglo­ relief that they thought they had pute' that makes this str*e lawful? Irish agreement has unleashed got themselves out of a corner. Thatcher's tempered response Is In Unionist ranks took on a sharper Molyneaux declared "We are not motivated by the desire not to form with the decision to call at the end of the road, the door push Paisley and Molyneaux sup­ a 24-hour Ulster strike on 3 was not slammed ••• we have porters any further Into the arms March. Unionist leaders Molyneaux, got away from what we anticipated of, the UDA. of the Official Unionist Party was a deadlock situation." The strike places great press­ (OUP), and Paisley of the DemIT The problem for the Unionist ure on official constitutional cratic Unionist Party (DUP) are leaders was their 'Ulster says Unionism. The middle-class and coming under Increasing pressure no' campaign has opened the way business elements at the core to turn their rhetoric Into deeds for more militant reactionary ele­ of the OUP have little stomach and step up the action against ments to Increase their audience for a showdown. Molyneaux's calls the agreement. and Influence amongst the Loyalist­ for peaceful protest will not con­ Paisley and Molyneaux have s. The Ulster Clubs, the UDA vince them of the value of enter­ been aware of the Inherent weak­ and other hardllne Loyalists have Ing on a collision course of with nesses of constitutional Unionism used Paisley's threats and bluster Thatcher that the UDA want and faced with a Unionist Tory govern­ to force him and Molyneaux to stand to recruit from. Paisley ment resolved to stamp out Slnn put up or shut up. too had hoped to avoid heightened Feln In concert with Dublin. For On their return to Belfast conflict with the 'evil woman' tl1at reason they have tried to from Downing Street both leaders In Downing Street. Pressure within maintain a protest campaign that had their negotiated settlement their ranks, Including power from was sufficiently vocal to gain unceremoniously rejected by the and shipyard workers' leaders forc­ concessions while not upping the joint Unionist Working Party of ed them to support the strike stakes In a direct showdown with top Unionist politicians. Instead call against their better judgement. Thatcher. of their expected escape from The paramilitary fringes of The resignation of Westminster deadlock Molyneaux and Paisley Orange Ism will take heart from Intransigent wing and those who heart from that fragmentation. seats and the by-election 'referen­ were forced to give their backing the strike whatever Its scale. They want to avoid being kicked Into But they must do so not by dress­ clum' was seen as the key to win­ to the call for a one day strike plan to escalate the action Into escalating action that Invo1l1es Ing up any particular loyalist frag­ Ing a better deal with Thatch­ that had first been floated In the summer when the Orange pog­ greater confrontation at every ment In progressive colours or er. While Paisley In particular UDA and Ulster Club circles. Pres­ romlst marching season begins. stage. Paisley has come under conceding an Inch to a movement vowed a campaign of boycotting sure for this proved Irreslstable Their hope Is that the leadership attack In his own private political of reactionaries whose objective Parliament and making the Six especially given that at the fringes of the protest against the deal party from Roblnson who rejected Is to recoup every privilege the Counties 'ungovernable' after the membership of the DUP and UDA will pass to them as they challenge the Downing Street deal that had Orange bigots think they have by-elections, both he and Moly­ overlap. the march re-routlngs that thwart been struck by his master. lost to the nationalists. neaux Intended to take another their sectarian Intent. As Alan There Is a continual process Protestant workers have no course. In late February they Wrlght of the Ulster Clubs told of Ideological spli ntering and dis­ Interest In heeding the call for struck a deal with Thatcher that DECISION an Interviewer recently "I don't orientation amongst the paramili­ this reactionary strike. Those who granted them a few concessions want to put a date on anything tary ,world of Loyallsm. None of refuse to heed It will contribute within the framework of the very The Tory Cabinet may be but the marching season could this Is suprlslng. Unionism and to the fragmentation of the Union­ agreement they had fulminated dismayed by the decision to strike make for a very hot summer." the sectarian Orange state was Ist bloc. That fragmentation weak­ so fiercely against. on 3 March but what Is noticeable (Fortnight 233) the creation of Britain. Deprived ens the northern state and even The Unionist chiefs left Down­ Is the mildness of their attack The rejection1st pressure will of full-blooded British support opens up the possibility of winning Ing Street with promises of no on the Unionists. Faced with put great strains on the united or, as Is the case now, In conflict sections of Protestant workers more than Loyalist Input Into a miners at Orgreave or a Wapplng front of Constitutional Unionism. with the British Government It away from the Orange bigots and conference on devolution for the picket Thatcher spits blood and Molyneaux will come under attack fragments and dlvl~es. to revolutionary class struggle•• Six Counties, an Improved arrange­ encourages the full use of the In his own party both from a more Revolutionaries can take by John Hunt ment for discussing Northern Ire­ Tory anti-union laws and Intervent­ land at Westminster and negotla­ Ion of the courts to cripple effect­ . tlons on the function of the Stor­ Ive action. But where Is the lIt1ga­ mont Assembly. Yet these 'Intran­ -tlon now, where are the seques­ sigents' could not conceal their trators? Where Is the , 'trade dls-

unwilling to do much more than make empty rhetorical gestures, and resolutions about resisting LEGAL ATTACK the cuts In social services. - For example, a public meeting at the Derry Guildhall on February 20th was called to discuss the basis for resisting the discrimina­ HOPES WERE RAISED In socialists cuts In social an cultural ameni­ tory financial cuts made In comm­ within Slnn Feln (SF) when Gerry ties at the behest of Tory Imperia­ unity groups In republican areas. Adams recently promised "a mass list dlctat. They have grave consequences campaign against the Tory-Imposed In Derry, for example, admis­ for the continued employment cuts". He argued that this signalled sion prices to the popular recreat­ of community workers. At the a radical shift away from 'verbal Ional and leisure centre will rise, meeting Slnn Feln's trades council socialism' to the real thing. with the flnancla axe failing on members offered nothing by way These hopes were to be sorely the annual festl al and a new of a perspective for building a dashed by the antics of SF coun­ museum for the r glon. No wonder fighting campaign around this cillors throughout the North a a local Chambe of Commerce Issue. week later. First In Derry SF 'and council mem er (an Indepen­ The IWG proposed that the voted with the SDLP majority dent Unionist) c uld congratulate ,fight to restore the financial aid for an 8% Increase In local rates the council for Its 'responsible should be the basis of a campaign Imposed as a direct result of the behaviour' In mln mlslng the rate to win trade union rights and con­ Tory Imperialist government's eCIT Increase. Otherwl , he said, the ditions for these workers and for nomic policies. business communlt - among them positive discrimination for Catholic Then In Strabane SF capitulat­ Dupont Internatlon I - would have workers within a perspective of ed with one local councillor sounc!­ to consider redund ncles. one person, one job. Yet Slnn Ing off about the need for 'an In the face f this reasoning Feln's trades councillors could German workers marching In 1984 all-party committee' to decide In the council hamber SF did only reply that If the community where the cuts must be made ,not even muste an argument. workers would join trade unions In order to keep the rate Increases In Derry, the m tlon for passing, and then submit resolutions then strike to defeat the bosses. German capitalists are preparing as small as possible. a rate was pass d In seventeen 'the Trades Council would consider Naturally, In the process of escala­ a concerted attack on the living These Increases set by natllT minutes! So In site of the so--' the Issue. tion that might lead to a general standards and conditions of the . nallst and republican councillors called 'left-turn' In SF with a This kind of bureaucratic strike, we would broaden the de­ working class. Paragraph 116 Is throughout the north are but the series of annual c ferences passing response comes from a group who mands of the movement to Include only one small part of their stra­ first part of a global Increase. 'ever-so-radlcal-sou dlng policies previous to achieving its own all the rest of the anti-union legis­ tegy, the struggle against It must The second part will be levied It Is Increasingly clear that the majority position on the trades lation. be the starting point of a working directly by the Stormont administ­ 'ballot box and a mallte' strategy council had perfectly correctly In the SPD, we call for the class strategy to throw back the ration. The overall effect of them Is coming apart at the seams. criticised the same response from Parliamentary fraction to take whole attack. and the cuts made to keep the When an IWG ember In Derry Militant. It illustrates the essential all possible measures to disrupt We support the demands Increases to a minimum will be challenged Slnn eln to justify distrust that SF - like Militant and block the passage of the on the SPD and union leaders to hit most harshly those working the Increases the were told that - have of organising the. rank and amendment. Rank and file mem­ to organise the struggle. The work­ people whose communities are there would be 0 discussion or file both Inside the unions and bers of the . SPD should Insist that ers expect this of their leaders already blighted by mass unem­ debate In SF 0 er the actions outside for a real struggle against their leaders commit themselves and we should not allow them ployment, low wages and poor of the councillors - actions which capitalism. As the attacks on the to repealing all anti-union laws to escape their responsibilities. housing. The latest EEC report these particular SF supporters working people of the North and should they again form a govern­ All the same we have to warn describes this poverty as the worst deeply deplored. It was clear, South continue to erode living ment after next year's election. the workers not to have any blind In Europe. they said, that SF policies In local standards even further It Is becom­ There Is a growing current faith In these leaders. To the It Is from these same comm­ councils were to a pear as 'respon­ Ing clear that the nationalist pro­ of militancy In the unions and workers we say, · "Organise your­ unities that SF and the IRA derive sible' as possible galnst the back­ gramme and methods of SF are this must be mobilised and organ­ selves for the struggle, call mass most of their support In the north. ground of Union t attempts to bankrupt. Ised Into -it permanent, democra­ meetings, form strike committees, These people were encouraged obstruct local gove nment. Instead of a clear fight to tically controlled body of mili­ prepare for the fight now! Only by SF to believe that In taking But It Is no only the local mobilise the working masses In tants. It will be their task not thus will you know friend from up ballot box politics It continued council that act d as a forum town and country on all fronts only to pressurise the established foe, only thus will you win this to stand for resistance against for SF's opportunl m. In the Derry against the exploiters and oppress­ leaders but to undertake action struggle.-. all the policies of Imperialism Trades Council, fo example, where ors, SF are being Increasingly Independently of them to defend by a member of In Ireland. Now SF have not only there Is a SF ma orlty and chair­ found In opportunist blocs with working class Interests. The West Gruppe Arbeitermacht Imposed rate Increases but also person, SF are oth unable and the SDLP•• by a member of the IWG .:-INTERNATIONAL WOMENS' DAY ______WO_R_KE_R_S_PO_W_ER_8_'_M_a_r Ch_198_6

IT IS NO accident that the Socialist lriternatlonal's women's organ­ isation, under the leadership of Clara Zetkin, declared for an Interna­ tional Proletarian Women's Day to be marked on March dth. The date was in honour of New York women workers who demonstrated on that day in 1908 to demand the vote, an end to sweatshop conditions and for child care facilities. It was to be followed by a bitter struggle in 1908-10 by women clothing workers In New York and Philadelphia BLACK WOMEN who struck to improve their appalling working conditions. Again in 1917 it was demonstrations on this day by proletarian women In Russia which sparked off the revolt which overthrew the Tsar. This year on International Women's Day, black women In South Africa are In­ volved in a heroic struggle against apartheid which working women everywhere should salute.O AGAINST APARTHEID Today in South Africa, black out-building of their bosses' house, working women are In the fore­ these women are not entitled to front of the struggle against the have their own families with them. apartheid regime. Their white With long hours and few If any bourgeois 'Sisters' have long had holidays, the black domestic serv­ the vote. Whilst black women ant creates a family life for the were being beaten and Imprisoned privileged white kids, but Is lucky' for resisting the pass laws and to see her own children once a land restrictions the white femi­ month In many cases. Her husband nists were campaigning for the Is not allowed to stay with her vote. Their leaders' attitude was even If they are both employed summed up when one of these In the same household. suffragists was asked whether Perhaps more Insulting are she favoured extending the vote the stili existing petty apartheid to black women. She replied: laws, such as the fact that a black "As a woman, Sir, yes. women may take off her shoes but as a South African born and paddle In the sea whilst look­ person, I feel that it would Ing after a white child, yet on be wiser if we gave the her own she Is banned from bathing vote to the European only." on the same beach! They won their battle In 1930 The whole system of apartheid when General Herzog's government rests on the super-exploitation granted white women the of African workers, 40% of whom franchise. are 'migrants'. They are either In all countries the oppression 'foreign' from neighbouring ' of women takes different forms countries In Southern Africa amongst different classes. In our or Internal migrants, African work­ society only bourgeois and upper ers allocated to segregated 'home­ middle-class women are able to lands' (Bantustans) where they 'offload' aspects of their oppression must return If their employment through the nanny, the 'cleaning In the urban areas ends. lady', the au pair or' the boarding The use of migrant workers school. In South Africa a very enables the South African bosses large proportion of white women to pay extremely low wages, since only meet their black 'sisters' they largely exclude any element . Organised protest against the Homelands system · as servants or maids. It Is little In the pay for the workers' family. wonder that black women have They try to get out of paying migrant workers who live In the for the reproduction of the next workers or Increasingly in manu­ Perhaps the' best known enthusiastically taken up the urban townships. generation of workers. The Nation­ facturing Industries. Low wages example of the courage and struggle against their exploitation Women have to wait for money alists' view was summed up by due to lack of equal pay make determination of black women and oppression In South Africa. from husbands and sons who they one of their MP's In 1969. black women a profitable group In South Africa Is their role In may only see for two weeks a to employ - wage are 20% lower the squatter camps such as Cross­ DISCRIMINATION "The African labour force year - a holiday granted out of than for men dolnl:j the same work. roads. In the 1950's the govern­ must not be burdened with necessity to allow a minimal level The governmf nt showed Its ment tried to forcibly remove The Apartheid regime brutally superfluous appendages such of procreation to occur. In the contempt for blayk women when black workers from the Western oppresses all placks In South townships many workers live In In 1983 It Introduced , new legis­ Cape. Thousands were shifted to as wives, children and depend­ single-set( barrack-type accommo­ PITrrar, but nolie more than the ants who could not provide ~atlon to remove pay discrimination the Bantustans. Necessity brought dation. Because of the caricature women who suffer Its harsh dis­ against all women teachers, except them back, but this time not as service." this creates of 'family life' the crimination In all aspects of their The task of caring for and rearing African women teachers. family groups of commuters but Incidence of marriage Is low. Only lives. The most acute demonstra­ the next generation Is left to as migrant or contract workers, 23% of African women are married Despite the enormous oppression setting up home In illegal tion of apartheid Is presented the women, many of whom have that black women suffer In South compared to 46% of white women. 'squatter' camps. to the many black women who been forcibly confined to the Africa they have formed a militant Many black women now work Crossroads was one of these. are In domestic service - the single 'homeland' areas. In these areas vanguard in many struggles against In jobs outside the homelands - In 1977 the government moved biggest occupational group of 5 million women are expected Apartheid. Back , In 1913 when either as agricultural or domestic In to evict these 'squatters'. In women. These count for over 25% to survive by scratching a living the pass laws were used against of all women working In South off tiny plots of land. some areas, such as Modderdam, women In the ° ange Free State a population of 10,000 were forc­ Africa. Extreme deprivation exists large demonstratl ns of defiance Ibly evicted. In service the extreme exploit­ In the homelands with over occurred. But at the <:rossroads camp ation of women Is 'personified' two-thirds of the population land­ A wldesprea campaign was there was organised resistance In the black servant. She must less and the majority living well launched In whl many women - a Women's Committee was res­ cook, clean, run the household below even official poverty levels. were arrested, efused to pay ponsible for sit-downs In front and raise the children of the Idle Acute land hunger makes the fines and the g ols became too of bulldozers, and vigilantes to whites. people living there (mainly women, full to hold al the prisoners. Usually paid extremely low children and the elderly) depen­ Although this mov ment was basic­ prevent demolitions and removals. They became, In the words of wages and forced to live In an dent on remittances from the ally sporadic and eventually the government: subsided, It form d the basis for the first real poll Ical organisation "a symbol of provocation and of black worn the Bantu blackmail of the government, Women's League. and we want to destroy that During the 1 50s the govern­ symbol at all costs." Women In South Africa have a A WASTED ment extended t e Pass laws to Include women, he majority of great tradition of struggle and resistance. Organised In the com­ whom had until t en been exclud­ ed. Again the det mined resistance munities to oppose passes and OPPORTUNITY removals, to run consumer boycotts of the women as a lesson for and the like, but also In trade ON MARCH ISf the AnU-­ both black men nd white South Is to say, the strategy of the unions and political organisations Apartheid Movement (AAM) held Africa. It took t e regime eleven AAM remains pressurising govern­ fighting for economic and political its first Trade Union Conference years, from 1952 to 1963, to en­ ment and big business Into action demands. for four years. Some 400 delegates against Apartheid - with the work­ force the laws. gathered hoping to discuss and Ing class a mere adjunct In this Women demo strated, refused debate the ways In which workers campaign. to carry passes, ced mass arrest ORGANISATION In this country could aid black The highlight of the conference and Imprisonment. In August 1956 workers In South Africa In their was the address by Andy Lewader, 20,000 women protested In A network of tens of struggle against the raCist regime. one of the Portsmouth health Pretoria. Their d monstratlon was thousands of women, giving the Unfortunately, many of the workers boycotting South African banned, so they waited around lead In the current struggle, delegates were to leave disappoint­ foodstuffs since January 13th. In groups of thr e, flooding the already exists In South Africa. ed. Why? In the first place, the This is exactly the sort of direct city with these women dressed This network needs to be developed .AAM obViously viewed the confer­ action that needs to be extended In the green black colours Into an organisation embracing ence as a diSCUSSion school, rather during the MM Trade Union week of the ANC. millions of black women. A working than a forum In which debate of action, April 14th-20th. In the period before the pass class women's movement can and about the way forward could take But little lead can be expected laws were Impo ed on women, must be built In South Africa. place (motions and voting were from either the trade union leaders Illegal trade unl ns were being It can and must play a full role disallowed). Complementing this, or the AAM. Ron Todd called formed. Once ag In women were In the struggle to destroy this the conference was treated to for the week of action to "re launch In the vanguard s nce the legislat­ vile regime. a succession of worthy speakers, the consumer boycott". And the Ion governing the right to organise The power and determination like that well known friend of MM confined Itself to calling excluded 'Pass- earlng natives' of black women needs to be organ­ the working class, Ron Todd for "meetings and leaflettlng, - at the time wo en did not have ised in a struggle not only against General Secretary, TGWU. lobbying management for disinvest­ passes so could act as leaders apartheid but against the class Secondiy, it became clear ment, symbOlic (emphasis added In the building of he unions. society - South African capitalism that, as far as the AAM was con­ - WP) boycotts". All these things Many such omen were Im- cerned, the central purpose of have their part to play in educat­ prisoned, some st 11 remain there, - which will maintain the oppres­ workers' action In this country Ing workers about Apartheid. But but their effect on the trade sion of women as long as It exists. was to "em bar ass the government" rank and file trade unionists should unions has remain d. Even In 1983 Only socialist revolution points (Mike Terry Executive Secretary, use the opportunity of the week there were 24 women general the way for the full liberation AAM) Into Implementing sanctions of action to campaign for what secretaries out f 240 unions - of black women In South against South Africa In line with Is really necessary workers' a ratio consider bly higher than Afrlca/Azanla •• United Nations directives. That boycotts.. In countries like Italn. by Helen Ward l 1 ---

March 1986 lOp If sold separately

THE INTERNATIONAL.COMMITTEE ,

No Alternative To 'Pabloism' - by Mark Hoskisson

THE WORKERS REVOLUTIONARY Party has followed and stabllisatlon of democratic Imperialism and Stalinism sing its own privileges and depriving the working class up Its expulsion of G. Healy by breaking with the "Intern­ and could It analyse correctly the overthrow of capitalist . of political power. It repeatedly obstructs the inter­ ational Committee of the Fourth International" after property relations by the USSR In Eastern Europe and national expansion of the revolution. It seeks to subor­ the latter had suspended the WRP. The IC groupings. by national Stallnlst parties first In Yugoslavia and then dinate class and anti- Imperialist struggles to Its own especially Dave North's Workers League (US), could not In China? To do this meant creatively re-elaborating self-preservation. The Stallnlst parties are strategically go along with the denunciation of Healy's frame-up Trotsky's perspective and Transitional Programme - de­ committed to class collaboration and submission to the campaign against the late Joseph Hansen and the leader­ veloping both on the basis of Trotsky's method. bourgeoisie. ship of the SWP (US). They had sunk too much of their Cannon, Pablo, Mandel, Healy and Hansen all failed However. the specific contradictory character of moral and political capital In this repulsive slander to do this. A confused discussion erupted In the FI which Stalinism is given by Its material base In a series of campaign to be able to extricate themselves from It. the most consistent revisionists won. Pablo and Hansen bureaucracies whose power and privileges rest on post­ In addition they were up to their necks In law suits dragged the hesitant and suspicious Cannon and Mandel capitalist property relations. Whatever the class coli abo­ arising from the issue. Into a fully centrist position - embodied In the documents rationist Intentions of the Stallnlsts this fact places the The Workers Press has opened a discussion on the of the Third World Congress (1951). Cannon proved him­ bureaucracy under permanent threat from Imperialism question of the International Committee. Contributions self merely a dogmatist with regard to Trotsky's per­ again t Which. in defending Itself. the bureaucracy is from two senior participants In the IC's history Mike spectives and programme and Mandel, In the final forced to defend historic gains. It Is even occasionally Banda and Bill Hunter (W. Slnclalr) have raised fundamen­ analysis, revealed himself to be a very clever scholastic. obliged to mobilise or support anti-Imperialist or class tal questions about the IC but In our opinion they have When 'reality' (the Stallnlst overturns) contradicted their struggles in Its defence. not given the WRP members any answers. Mike Banda's dogma and scholastic resistance to Pablo they collapsed Usually these mobillsations are restricted within "Twenty-Seven Reasons why the IC should be buried and before It. Pablo's 'success' gave hl rp the brief to 're-arm' · bourgeois limits. However the particular circumstance :the FI built" takes the most 'radical' swing at the IC the FI with a centrist programme and perspectives. of an extremely powerful dynamic within an antllmperlal­ tradition and In doing so virtually writes off the history The Tlto-Stalln split shortly after the Second World ist struggle and weaknesses on the part of imperialism of the FI since 1938. Banda regards the FI as stillborn, Congress triggered the programmatic revisions that the can result In the overturn of capitalist property relations puts the blame for Its degeneration fully on James P fake perspectives had always threatened to bring about. and the creation of a degenerate workers state. China Cannon's shoulders, accuses the SWP of a 'seml-defenclst' Having converted Trotsky's perspective of Stalinism's and Yugoslavia demonstrate this. pOSition on the Second World War and a consistent Stalln­ Imminent demise. as If It were a programmatic truth, That workers state will be qualitatively identical phobia. the Yugoslav events were seized upon as confirmation to the USSR and therefore degenerate from birth. But In response to Banda's onslaught Bill Hunter has of this perspective. Stalinism's essential social patriotic this does not necessarily mean that It will be permanent­ written "Mike Banda and the Bad Men Theory of nature - and therefore Its tendency to fragment along ly subordinated to the Soviet bureaucracy. The fragmen­ History", defending Cannon against the charge of Stallno­ national lines - was entirely forgotten. A break with tation of world Stalinism has seen Stalinlst bureaucracies phobia. Now while this defence is largely accurate It the Kremlln was therefore hailed as a break with Stalin­ with their own national material base and particular centres on a secondary question. Banda's more Important Ism. While the FI debated whether Yugoslavia was yet mechanisms of international class collaboration break charge, that Cannon( abandoned ::iefeatlsm, Is not rebutted a workers' state all the Fl's leaders agreed that Tlto with he Kremlin without breaking with Stalinism In any by Hunter. H~ argues In relation to Cannon's Socialism had broken from Stalinism - under the pressure of the funda ental sense. Once again China and Yugoslavia on Trial: masses - and was some sort of centrist. Pablo pushed · are t e key examples. "I think we wlll find that, In respect of war, all the more hesitant leaders to the conclusion that Yugo­ S alinlsm's lack of an Internationalist perspective Cannon's testimony Is based on Trotsky's articles." slavia was a more or less healthy workers state - not gives it an Inherent tendency to fissure along national This Is not at all true. Cannon utilised only the tactical in need of political revolution or a Trotskylst party lines and enter Into sharp conflicts with Its fellow compromise Involved in Trotsky's military policy. He distinct from the YCP. The latter and Its leaders could burea cracies In other degenerate workers' states (up did not situate It In the context of Trotsky's strategic be won to the FI. Pablo generalised the Yugoslav to an Including armed conflict). position of revolutionary defeatism, of the main enemy 'experience' at the Third Congress to other communist en when Stalinism does overturn capitalist property being at home. Proof of this charge exists in Socialism parties. drawing revisionist conclusions about Stalinism. relatl ns or defends such an over-turn It does so In a on Trial: mann r that Is counter-revolutionary from the vantage "Q. Is It true that the party (SWP - Eds) Is as equal­ point of the transition to socialism and the Internatlonall­ ly opposed to Hitler as It Is to the capitalist claims While the FI debated whether satlo of the revolution. In the USSR It deprived the of the United States? workl g class of political power. Elsewhere It politically A. That Is unanswerable. We consider Hitler and Yugoslavia was yet a expro rlated the working class prior to over throwing Hltlerlsm the greatest enemy to mankind." (our capit lism. This was the case throughout Eastern Europe. emphasis) workers' state all the FI's Asia nd Cuba. The Stallnlst bureaucracy at every stage This is a clear departure from revolutionary defeatism and the prinCiple that the "main enemy Is In your own leaders agreed that Tito savag Iy persecutes the revolutionary vanguard. evolutionary Marxists must recognise the highly country". It was a serious concession to "democratic" had broken with Stalinism contr dictory character of Stalinism. It Is committed US imperialism which Cannon justified (in his debate to cl ss collaboration with capitalism yet to that very with Munls) as a pedagogic adaptation to the conscious­ - under the pressure of the end I forced to defend, and even extend. post-capitalist ness of the US workers. But Cannon and the SWP did masses - and was some sort prope ty relations In order to defend Itself. For that not collapse into social patriotism. reaso we must reject unmarxist characterisations of As we have pointed out In our book The Death Agony of centrist. Stalin srn as being simply counter-revolutionary or of the Fourth· International the SWP's left-centrist 'coun er-revolutionary through and through'. However waverlngs were not unique - far from It. Yet In our we ust not artificially separate Stalinism's class colla­ view the FI groups emerged from the Second World War In order to understand the scale of revision that borat onlst and 'bad' acts from Its progressive acts. On weakened but not politically dead. Indeed the re-construc­ the entire FI sanctioned It Is necessary to re-state the all cas Ions the predominant character of Stalinism ted FI remained up to 1948 the only revolutionary key elements of the Trotskylst analysis of Stalinism and Is co nter-revolutlonary. tendency on the planet. programmatic challenge to It. nly a political revolution - whereby the working The · 1944 "Theses on the liquidation of World War Stalinism possesses a counterrevolutlonary reformist class. led by a revolutloflary vanguard party. establishes 11 and the Revolutionary Upsurge" charted a revolution­ programme expressing the world view of a bureaucracy or r -establishes the rule of the soviets - can smash ary policy of combat against the Stallnlst and that has usurped power from the proletariat. Its essen­ this ureaucracy and open the road to socialist construct­ social-democratic counter-revolutionary forces trying tial politiCS are those of 'peaceful coexistence' with ion a d world revolution. to strangle this upsurge. The FI called for the transform­ capitallsmj a strategic commitment to a 'democratic' rotskylsm. and the Fourth International came Into ation of the Imperialist war Into civil war, for the utili­ national revolutionary stage prior to a later 'SOCialist' exist nce as the extension of Marxism and Leninism to sation of democratic slogans and transitional demands stagej and popular front alliances that tie the working t the degenerative process afflicting the world's "to advance the struggle for soviets and for power". class to supposedly 'progressive' sections of the bour­ workers' state. The post-war Fourth International It stood resolutely against the tide of anti-German chau­ geoiSie. was nable to develop Its analysis and programme on vinism whipped up by the Allies and their 'SOCialists' The working class has paid with Its blood for this the pansion of Stalinism. Collapsing Into centrist frag­ and 'communists'. counterrevolutionary programme. In the states where It has oscillated between Stalinophile and Stalino­ In short we believe that In the years 1944-48 the the bureaucracy rules Its power has been maintained positions. In the late 1940s It was the former FI repeatedly manifested the potential for a thoroughgoing by the systematic persecution of the proletariat's revo­ was dominant. The Third Congress documents political regeneration. At the Second Congress In 1948 lutionary vanguard. Elsewhere Stalinism has repeatedly on Iinlsm stated: the FI came out clearly for revolutionary parties and led the struggles of the working class to physical anihlla­ e have made ·clear that · "the CP's are not exactly proletarian revolution In the colonial and semi-colonial t lon at the hands of fascists and bourgeois r form 1st parties and that under certain exceptional countries. It characterised all the Stallnlst parties as nationalists. ndltlons they posses the posslblllty of projecting counter-revolutionary. The problem for the FI was two­ Within the workers' state the Stalinlst bureaucracy revolutionary orientation." (Fourth International fold. Could It re-adjust Its perspectives to the triumph consciously blocks the transition to socialism by buttres- ovember/December 1951) r Workers Power March 1986 2 r The Trotskylst position on Stalinism as a counter-revolut­ corrected or even questioned their complicity In the as May 1953 he was still hoping against hope that a Ionary force within the workers' movement was un­ 1948 to 1951 period. They built the errors of that period political break with Pablo could be avoided. Amongst ceremoniously junked. The programmatic consequence Into their respective politics - as we shall see. They his praises were such gems as: was the abandonment of the call for political revolution. never constituted a revolutionary alternative to Pablo. "He (Pablo - Eds) has done a remarkable Job and As the Third Congress resolution stated: The split In the FI in 1953 was ill-prepared, an org­ right now he needs our help. • • This man wants "In Yugoslavia, the first country where the proletar­ anisational fiasco and politically reduced to a series of to do the right thing - of that I am sure, but right Iat took power since the degeneration of the USSR. questions about the Immediate events of the class strug­ now only a strong polltical line can make him see Stallnlsm no longer exists today as an effective gle, rather than about the Fl's strategic errors. The tim­ reason." (Trotskyism Versus Revisionism Vol.!) factor In the workers' movement. which. however. Ing of the split was a product of the SWP's narrow At this point the only 'political line' that Healy and does not exclude Its possible re-emergence under factional interests In their struggle with the Pablo Cannon were looking for a change In was that Pablo certain conditions." (Class, Party and State in the sponsored Cochran-Clarke faction In their ranks. Healy should abandon factionallslng within their sections. East European Revolution) willingly assented to the split because of the organisa­ Even several years later Healy was still unable to Mao's China was soon to be added to Yugoslavia to butt­ tional difficulties he was having with Pablo's agent, John see much wrong with the way Pablo had politically led ress this perspective. Pablo's triumph was complete. No Lawrence, In "the Club" and on the editorial board of the F ~ up to 1951. In 1956 he wrote: section voted against him. After the Congress he rapidly Soclaltst Outlook. The PCI had already had Pablo bureau­ "Pablo wrote 95% of the 3rd World Congress resolut­ developed the tactical and organisational conclusions cratically replace the critical majority leadership around Ions in a way which won our applause. but It was flowing from his programmatic revision - 'entrlsm sul­ Bleibtreu-Favre with his agent Michel Mestre. In the the 5% which had the sting In the taiL· (How Healy generis' within social democracy, Stalinism and In the split these organisational considerations were paramount. and Pablo Blocked Reunlfication, Education for Socia­ semi-colonial world, within petit-bourgeois nationalism. This is testified to by the fact that until the SWP's lists) Trotsky's guidelines and norms for the entry tactic were 'Open Letter' denounclng the secret cult of Pablo (!) It Is interesting to note that whilst the French PCI and explicitly rejected. This IIquldatlonlsm met no serious neither they nor the British had published a single the ~ merlcan SWP did contribute analyses and documents opposition until It clashed with the national perspectives document critical of Pablo's line since 1951. The 'Open to the struggle with Pablo the British did not. Indeed of the majority leadership of the French PCI. Letter' came like a bolt from the blue and confused their journal Labour Review, which began life In 1952 the world movement. It certainly did not rally the does not contain a single reference to the FI or the majority of the FI to a fight against Pablo. In fact It IC until the summer of 1959 (Vol.4 No.2). Trotskyism is worth remembering that the 'Open Letter' was Issued Versus Revisionism reveals this paucity of political docu­ In November 1953. That very September Cannon wrote mentation on a crucial event In Trotskylsm's history to Healy: very clearly. All we get are Healy's private letters to "We are not so apprehensive about a possible 'crisis' the SWP leaders and an account of Lawrence and Healy's over this question In the International movement, sordid - and sometimes violent - struggles In and over The1953 and we are not even thinking of a spltt". (Trotsky­ the print shop. Ism versus Revisionism Volume I) In the light of all this we see no reason to change This Is not surprising. The SWP and Healy actually agreed our estimate of the IC, at the time of the 1953 split, with the substance of Pablo's positions. In response to from that contained In our book The Death Agony of Pablo's 1951 documents - the codification of the cen­ the Fourth International. and the Tasks of Trotskyists ~Iit trist politics that he won the FI to - the SWP Political Today: Committee wrote: "The principle forces who organised the 1953 split "WIth the above positions we are In complete agree­ with the Pablo-Ied IS - the SWP(US). the PCI They did criticise aspects of Pablo's politics as early ment." (Trotskyism Versus Revisionism Vol. I) (France) and the Healy group in Britain were not as 1951, but not from a revolutionary standpoint. Mandel They added a rider on Stallnlst parties: a revolutionary 'Left Opposition'. The International tricked the leaders of the PCI into delaying the publica­ "If such parties go along with the masses and begin Committee (lC) that they formed does not constitute tion of their document, Where Is Comrade Pablo Going?, to follow a revolutionary road this will Inescapably a 'continuity' of Trotskyism as against Pablolte revi­ in 1951. But this document merely criticised Pablo for lead to their break with the Kremlln and their In­ sionism. They failed to break decisively with the failing, at this point, to recognise that It was not a dependent evolution. Such parties can then no longer liquidationlst positions of the 1951 Congress which Stalinlst CP that was victorious In China: be considered as Staltnlst. but will rather tend to paved the way for Pablo's tactical turns. They did "In any event. it Is absurd to speak of a Stallnlst be centrist in character. as has been the case with not criticise (t.e. including self-crlticlsm) the party in China." (International Committee Documents the Yugoslav CP." (Ibid) post-war reconstruction of the FI and the undermining 1951-54 Vol.!) And of course as every Marxist knows centrist parties of Trotsky's programme and method that this Where Pablo was beginning to emphasise the revolution­ can be won to a revolutionary position. Thus the SWP involved. ary possibilities of Stalinism Itself, the French Insisted encouraged Pablo's project of waging Tlto to the FI. The IC embodied the national Isolationism of that the party had broken with Stalinism. Their fear Indeed when Cannon's closest co-thinker In Britain, Sam Its three largest components, each of which only was that Pablo's enthusiasm for Stalinism would, as Gordon, criticised aspects of the 1951 documents Cannon opposed Pablo's bureaucratically centraltsed drive indeed it did, lead him to argue for entry of the PCI was furious. Gordon rightly criticised their emphasis on to Implement the perspectives of the 1951 Congress into the French Stallnist party. It was over thiS' issue the 'automatic process' - of revolution, of the decline when It affected them. In the IC Itself they rejected that they eventually split with Pablo - only to be of Stalinism. He cautiously suggested that this denigrated democratic centralism outright. Moreover. by not severely attacked by Cannon for doing so. Moreover, the role of revolutionary consciousness, that Is, of the going beyond the framework of a publie faction, Healy actually blamed the PCI for putting Pablo under FI. Cannon responded sharply: they refused to wage an intransigent fight against pressure that was leading him to make what Healy "I was surprised and disappointed at your impulsive Pablo-MandeL regarded as organisational errors. Healy wrote: action in regard to the Third World Congress docu­ "The spUt of 1953 therefore. was both too late and "Pablo suffers badly from Isolation In Paris. That ments. We accepted them as they were written ••• too early. Politically It was too late because all French movement Is a 'klller'." (Trotskylsm versus we would be grea~ly pleased if you can see things the IC groups had already endorsed and re-endorsed Revisionism Vol.!) this way and co-drdinate yourself with us accord­ the liquidation of the line In the period 1948-51. ingly." (Ibid) It was too early In the sense that It came before The French opposition to Pablo only came Into fav­ Unfortunately Sam Gordon yielded to Cannon's pressure, any fight within the framework of the Ft to win our with Cannon and Healy when they themselves In and the SWP split In 1953 still protesting Its adherence a majority at the following congress. Indeed, the 1953 moved into opposition to Pablo over his factional to the centrist 1951 documents. The 'Open Letter' criti­ decision to move straight to a split pre-empted such interventions within their organisations. cised Pablo's refusal to support the workers of East Ger­ a fight. The IC groupings had no distinct and It is Important to analyse the IC in the context many In 1953 when they rose against the USSR. It de­ thoroughgoing political alternative to Pablo-Mandel of the Fl's actual degeneration into centrism from 1948- rided Pablo's tendency to take the Soviet bureaucracy's and, therefore, they remalned Immoblllsed In a posi­ 51. Unless this is done then merely the fact of the IC's liberalisation schemes as good coin. And on the French tion where factional heat was a substitute for poli­ opposition to Pablo rather than the polttlcal content general strike it attacked Pablo's undoubted softness of their opposition can lead to a false belief that the tical light. on the Stallnists. But that is all. Or rather apart from Developments within the IC after 1953 confirm this lC was at some stage a revolutionary opposition at best, the good old demonology of the 'secret cult' of Pablo, analysis. The 'Open Letter' declared: a lesser evil at worst, to Pablo, Mandel and their Inter­ that Is all. "The Itnes of cleavage between Pablo's revisionism national Secretariat (ISFI). Yugoslavia and the Fl's attitude towards Tlto are and orthodox Trotskyism are so deep that no com­ Mike Banda leaps over this period thus avoiding the not criticised. What is more, In the document that back­ collapse of the FI. Bill Hunter does not deal with It promise is possible either politically or organisation­ ed up the letter, Against Pabloite ReVisionism, Mao and at all, but does hint that the WRP needs to be positive ally. " the Chinese Stalinlsts are blithely referred to as 'the about the IC tradition. Our own view Is that the leaders Yet even months later Cannon was back on the road Asian revolutlonlsts'. The French were quick to echo of the IC - In particular Cannon and Healy - were comj}­ to un ty with the IS. He wrote to Leslle Goonewardene this view In their document The Successive Stages of licit In the centrist degeneration of the FI from 1948- of th Ceylonese LSSP that: Pablolte Revisionism. Worse the Chinese Trotskylsts' 1951. They compounded that by blocking with Pablo from " ven with good will for formal re-unification, there justified fears with regard to Mao and their refusal to 1951 until 1953. Their evenl'Ual opposition to the IS did no certainty that It can be re-establlshed. But. simply enter the CCI were stigmatised as 'sectarian retrospectively include certain valid criticisms and correct my opinion, there is stlll a chance - if your pro­ errors'. positions which we would stand by. However, they never I for postponement of the Congress is eventually in Britain the 'fight' against Pablolsm was of a piece a~::e~lte,tL." (Trotskyism Versus Revisionism Volume with that In the USA. Healy had a long history as Pablo's man. With Pablo's backing he broke up the RCP. With Pablo and Cannon's assistance he bureaucratically gained a majority In a manner that foreshadowed the treatment of the PCI In France. When Ted Grant and Tony Cliff took cognizance of the clear signs of a developing boom Healy accused them of calling: " ••• for a complete revision of our programmatic estimation of capitalism. It means that capitalism A in Britain is becoming more virile - something which is obvious nonsense." (Quoted In British Trotskyism, by John Callaghan) Here we can clearly see Healy's tendency to confuse perspectives (held to dogmatically) with programme (which he was absolutely light-minded about). Moreover from F1M-' this one-sided insistence on crisis he drew politically alarmist conclusions. Healy Insisted that the Tories had Pablo's revisionism Cannon will consider unity abandoned all hope of winning any more elections and concession (the postponement 'of a were turning 'towards extra-parliamentary measures' Is met. This speaks volumes for the attitude (Ibid). IC to the political questions Involved In the split. Healy's catastrophlsm was learnt at Pablo's knee. from 1954 on the' SWP ceased any form of Not for him Trotsky's revolutionary realism - a recog­ with the IS. This was a signal to the critical nition that so long as capitalism survives It will be s within the International Secretariat's grouping subject to booms as well as slumps and that Marxists SWP was not serious about the split. If a speedy :> have to use their programme and their tactics In all was possible given only organisational con- circumstances. The Impending crisis Is left to accomplish why on earth should the LSSP, or the Italians the tasks revolutionaries should be taking up. The shat­ break with Pablo or join the IC. That the IC tering of democratic illusions Is left to the Bonapartlst to exist had far more to do with Pablo's actions of the ruling class. The crisis will shatter the than Cannon and his co-thinkers. hold of reform Ism. Thus Healy can bide his time, carrying IIn,rl",'lviinu cause of the IC's Immobility and even out 'deep entry', posing politically as a 'centrist' Bevanlte rnll,,,,,,,,,m for re-unification was the desertion of the whilst waiting for the catastrophe. tlonal Secretariat by Pablo's factional agents - In the name of this sort of perspective Healy and Lawrence and Mestre at the 'Fourth' World Con­ Pablo broke up the RCP - the only unified revolutionary This removed- the most hateful obstacles to organisation to have existed in Britain since the early to Cannon, Healy and PCI leader Lambert. I 930s. This piece of political vandalism was Healy's first other hand they were left disarmed when Pablo major 'crime' and one that should not be forgotten. liquidate the FI - I.e. to organlsatlo~ally dissolve Tito and goat Healy was amongst Pablo's greatest fans. As late organs or the sections Into the Stalinlst Workers Power March 1986 3

ism. Stalinism • • • is a special form of centrism. " (LR Vol.2 No.6) Trotsky broke with such a definition of Stalinism In the 1930s and replaced it with the characterisation counter-revolutionary, something quite distinct from centrist. In the light of all this we would characterise Hunt1r's critique of Pablolsm as correct In many respects, but flawed and still essentially on the terrain of left centrism because of Its failure to come to terms with the 1948-51 revisions of Marxism carried out by the FI. There can be no denying that the British response to the 1957 unity-mongering was to the left of the SWP' ~ But the very fact of this difference underlines the absence of a common IC position. It re-affirms our view that there Is no such thing as an "IC tradition". Ironlo/ally Healy's own letters from the period confirm this l,\bsolutely. He was Insistent that the IC lacked poli­ tical 'cohesion. He wrote to Cannon In June 1956 (almost 3 ye~rs after the IC had been formed): ''lfhe urgent thing Is for our International Committee to adopt a clear . political line." (How Healy and Pablo Blocked Re-unlflcatlon) He even came close to arguing for the rejection of the 1951 Congress positions. He wrote that the IC had failed "to appreciate the thoroughly revisionist character of the Thlrd World Congress." (Ibld) However, neither Healy nor Hunter carried this re­ evaluation of the Third Congress any further. They were still, at that point, subservient to the SWP and, albeit reluc~antly, went along with the SWP's unity dance with Pablo and Mandel. furthermore the British Section's opp­ osition to Pablo was marred by their continued embrace of deep entrylsm, or "entrylsm sui generis" as Pablo called It. They were particularly worried because Pablo had e nlisted Ted Grant's small Revolutionary Socialist League (RSL) as his British section. Friction between Grant and Healy went back to the struggle In the RCP over entry. Grant's RSL was stlll pursuing an 'open' policy, as against Healy. This led Healy to fear the organisational consequences of a re-unification even though politically, on the question of entry, Healy stood closer to Pablo! On entrylsm Pablo had written that events had provided "a brilliant Justifi­ cation of our 'entrylat' tactics" (How Healy and Pablo Blocked Re-unification). On the same question Healy wrote to the IS In July 1957: Revoluti'onary Hungarian workers topple Stalin's revolting statue '''The Grant group are In favour of the ex-RCP pol­ movement. Pablo accepted 'orthodox' amendments from of mass action·. (Trotakylsm Versus Revisionism Volume Icy of 'open work' and we, for our part, have no the LSSP In the 1954 Congress, drawing back from the 3) desire to resume the old divisions of the forties." most extreme Stallnophlle formulations and policies Hunter showed how this worship of the objective ((bid) towards the 1951 positions where It was difficult for process and this turning of revolution Into a sort of Prominent In Healy's calculations, therefore, were purely the IC to attack them. moving spirit absolves revolutionaries from party-building factional and organisational considerations since on the The Hungarian and Polish risings against the Kremlln and active Intervention, turning them Instead Into passive key t actical questions of the day he and Pablo remained and the development of 'national' Stallnlsts like Nagy com menta tors: In agreement. and Gomulka doused Pablo's enthusiasm for self-reforming ·Hlstory grinds onwards, Irreslstably to Its predeter­ Stalinism and strengthened the hand of Mandel whose mined goal. And the role of the advance guard, the Incllmitlon In the aftermath o( Khruschev's secret speech conscious revolutionary force?.. to persuade the was to adapt to 'antl-Stallnlst' forces within the Stallnlst Soviet bureaucrats not to resist the laws of history.· camp. Between 1954 and 1956 the IC was dormant as (Ibld) an International body. It had no conferences, no common Under a Stolen Flag certainly consltutes an attempt to political platform and certainly no pretence at democratic mount a critique of 'Pablolsm' Which goes beyond the TihelCAnd centrallsm. However, the revolutionary events In Eastern organisational Issues of the 1953 split. It was a product Europe In 1956 and the subsequent unity offensive by of the left turn of the British section In the post-1956 the ISFI stirred the IC Into a degree of activity. In period. Yet It did not complete Its analysis of the degen­ November 1956 the Pablo-Ied International Execut ive erative process within the fl. Hunter points to the period of the Cold War (1947-1953) as the period of Pablo's Algeria Committee (lEe) sent out a call for unity. Cannon declared to the SWP Political Committee In March 1957: ascendancy In which he: •• • • the PabIolte line on all the big events and "under combined pressures of European Stalinism The other prominent section of the IC, the french developments of the past year has been very similar and world Imperialism began to revise and reject to ours. It would be absurd for us to deny or Ignore PCI played only a minor role within the forces of the fundamental principles, criteria and method of "Orthbdox Trotskylsm" after 1953. Perhaps this was these Important facts and to refuse to recognize analysis of the Trotskylst Movement." (Ibld) because its prinCipal leader Bleibtreu was expelled within they constitute a number of the most Important He puts this down to a peSSimistic world perspective. pre-requlsltes for unification.· (How Healy and Pablo a ye' r by the redoubtable Pierre Lambert for reasons Based on an Imminent and Inevitable world war, the Healy and Cannon were deeply suspicious of. Blocked Re-unification). lack of time to build parties and the Incapacity of the Both, privately, accused Lambert of sectarianism The SWP pursued this line and began to make specific proletariat to break from Stalinism, Pablo believed the proposals for unity. These proposals did not centre on and proposed to Investigate the expulsion. He called their world war would turn Into an International civil war. bluff by threatening to take the PCI out of the IC any political Issues that remained to be thrashed out. The Stallnlst Parties would turn to the left and would On the contrary they were a series of elaborate organ­ invok ng the non-Interference clause on which the latter carry out a roughly revolutionary line. The resulting wor­ was founded. By the mld-1950s developments In the isational proposals aimed at ensuring parity on leading kers' states might be deformed and take centuries to committees and non-Interference by the International antl-l Olonlal struggle In Algeria prompted Lambert to bring up to full proletarian democracy. Now whilst this urge the IC Into a disastrous course which further under- . into the affairs of national sections. It Is no surprise, is a correct description of Pablo's perspective In the therefore, that the SWP were extremely annoyed when mine Its prestige. He wanted to give privileged support late 1940s and early 1950s It does not go to the root to 0 e wing of the national liberation forces, the MNA the Healy group jeopardised the organisational manoeuvre of the question of the nature of the Stallnlst led overturn by publishing W. Slnclalr's (Bill Hunter) Under a Stolen and how the programme of social and political revolution ~~N1Y Messall Hadj and to condemn the Ben Bella-Ied Flag (May 1957). The SWP did not know of Hunter's can be fought for within them. Nowhere does Hunter document until they received a copy from none other he pOSition of revolutionaries on such questions criticise or correct the FI's position on Yugoslavia. Indeed Is cl ar - we support all those nationalists genuinely than Pablo! Lenin and Trotsky rejected the Idea of the he effectively endorses this when he says: international as a mall box for the national sections. flghtl g Imperialism. Supporting only the MNA was wrong. It seems that the IC was not even a mall box! The "Unilke the Yugoslav CP, however, the Chinese CP This error, bad enough, was compounded by describing document had been sent to a Ceylonese contact of the leadership has attempted - up to the present - to the NA as a proletarian movement that could, and ICwho had promptly passed It on to the International maintain Its differences with the Soviet bureaucracy would evolve Into a socialist party. Mike Banda, In an Secretariat. An angry Jlm Cannon wrote to Healy In within the framework of an unprincipled alliance." artlcl which he now repudiates, wrote: (lbld) July 1957: hereas the FLN in its social composition and Its But the "pressure of the revolutionary working class of gramme la predominantly petty bourgeois, the "Our opinion out here Is that you made a mistake China" (lbid), was causing the bureaucracy to re-think A, because of Its overwhelming proletarian comp­ In accepting the Germain thesis (Mandel's document Its position. Hunter maintains that a Chinese section Itlon and its long traditions of struggle, Is, though The Decline and Fall of Stalinism - Eds) as the cen­ of the fl Is necessary but does not make It clear that t a socialist party, the precursor of a revolution­ tral point of discussion ••• Moreover, it la our its tasks are those of the political revolution. The echo socialist party." (LR Vol.3 No.2) opinion out here in Los Angeles that Slnclair made of 1951 still rings In Hunter's work. The possibility of Now hlle It Is good that Mike Banda disavows this posi­ an extremely exaggerated criticism of the Germaln the Chinese CP breaking from Stalinism by virtue of tion, the lessons of the error need to be learnt. Support , document, misinterpreted It In some respects and a break with the Kremlln under the pressure of the mas­ for t e MNA In France served Lambert's factional pur­ In other respects even appears to have misrepresented ses Is entertained. Hunter's views on China were expres­ poses against the Pabloltes. Mandel has alleged that Lam­ It." (Ibld) sed publicly by Mike Banda In Labour Review in 1957. bert actually received money from Hadj. If this Is true In fact Under a Stolen Flag was the first and certainly He wrote: then for sordid organisational gain the IC abandoned the best contribution made by the British to the analysis It. • • without ever realising the far-reaching mani­ perm nent revolution and scabbed on the struggle being of the FI's degeneration. It mounts an effective attack festations of their historic victory, the Chlrese wage by the FLN. on the notion that the Decline and Fall of Stalinism Communist leaders helped to undermine the ideOlog­ hey excused the quisling machinations of the MNA (1957) represents and advance over the Rise and Decline ical and material basis of Stalinism." (LR Vol.2 No.2) with French Imperlallsm and only changed their position of Stalinism (1953). This was precisely the claim being It was positions such as this that paved the way for after Hadj welcomed de Gaulle's accession to power made by the SWP as a justification for the unity per­ Healy's later enthusiasm for the Mao wing of the CCP In I 58 as a semi-Bonaparte and openly betrayed the spective. Hunter admirably attacked the earlier Pablo during the cultural revolution. The failure to completely Alger an revolution. notion of a self-reforming bureaucracy (via Its Liberal break with the 1951 positions on stalinism was decisive. his aspect of "the IC tradition" was repeated In wing) and showed how the mere use of the term It was not only with regard to China that such errors all I s essentials by Healy In relation to Libya, Iraq, 'political revolution' after 1956 marked no qualitative were made. In late 1957 a Labour Review editorial Iran nd the PLO. It Is a political question. Mike Banda change, since the IS still looked to Nagy and Gomulka argued: says e was forced to write the article we have quoted to carry forward this process. He showed that 'political "No-one would wish to belittle for a second the by a 20-1 vote. Regardless of this the position of the revolution' for Mandel, Pablo, et al really meant an contributions of the Yugoslavs and the Poles to the Heal group In this crucial colonial revolution was no 'evolution towards democratisation'. He speCified the fight against Stalinism in the International labour bette politically speaking, to Pablo's grovelling before characteristics of this approach to political revolution. movement; but recent events have shown that centr­ Ben ella. It was an element of an overall political out­ -It la a process. More it is - an IrresIatable process·. It Ist politics (for that la what Gomulka and Tito pract­ look that kept the left-centrist opposlton to Pablo over Is ·a disembodied 'revolution' separate from its content ise) lead Inevitably back to the blind alley of Stalin- Stali ism In check, prevented the Healy group developing Workers Power March 1986 4

in a revolutionary direction and confirmed the ban"ruptcy who rapidly abandoned his previous pOSitions on Cuba of the so-called IC tradition. and adopted those of the IC. Robertson, who soon recog­ Pablo's organisational Intransigence In refusing parity nised Cuba as a "deformed workers' state" never broke to the IC scuppered the first attempt at reunlficatlon. fundamentally with Mage's "transitional state" discovering And although they sent Farrell Dobbs to the IC's first Instead a "petit bourgeois government" which had com­ ever conference In Britain in 1958, the SWP had, in eff­ pletely broken from Its class moorings and become "auto- ect, given notice that no political issues separated them nomous from the bourgeois order". from the IS. With the Cuban revolution in 1959, and This confusion arose from the question of the class the Imprisonment of Pablo in the early 1960s, the poli­ character of Castro and the July 26th Movement. Hansen tical convergence was speeded up and the principal organ­ insisted that they were not Stallnists, indeed that they Isational barrier to unity (Pablo the demon!) was tt::mpora­ were proletarian revolutionaries, 'unconscious Trotskyists'. rily removed. The process that led to the formation of The non-Stallnist origins of most of the Castroites con­ the United Secretariat of the Fourth International (USFI) fused Hansen's opponents. It led Robertson and the Spar­ In 1963 was begun. Therea fter the SLL and the Lambert tacists to give the petit-bourgeoisie as a class and its group were the only major forces left In the IC. Follow­ political representatives, a special role never before acc­ Ing the Japanese section's earlier example, the SWP for­ epted by Marxists - that of creating a workers' state. got Its 'cleavage' with Pabloism and decamped Into the In fact a close examination of developments In Cuba ISFI, to turn it Into ,the USFI. would have revealed the transformation of the July 26th The events of 1957 had had the opposite effect on Movement from a popular front alliance of Stalinists, the British and French, to that of the Americans. It petit-bourgeois and bourgeois nationalists into a stalinlst hardened their factional resolve. bureaucracy via a series of splits, through fusion with the Cuban Stalinlst party and an alliance with the USSR. Wohlforth had been groping towards an extension of the concept of "structural assimilation" which the post-war FI had discussed with regard to Eastern Europe. Its advantage would be that It would deny to Stalinism' and to petit-bourgeois nationalism a revolution-making Confllsion capability. It did however carry serious revisionist Impli­ cations with regard to the Marxist theory of the state (that the same state machine could be passed from bour­ geoisie to 'proletariat' without a process of 'smashing'). Also, since Cuba was far from contiguous with the OnCuba USSR and the CPSU, and the Red Army could hardly be presented as carrying through the overturn, Wohlforth reached an Impasse which he resolved by capitulating The formation of the SLL In Britain In 1959 had to Healy's simpler solution - Cuba was still capitalist! given the British section a solidity It had previously lack­ Factional oppostlon to the SWP and an inablllty to ed. Its cadre In general, and Healy In particular, felt present a Marxist answer to Hansen progressively blinded able to take a stand on International questions Independ­ the British and French sections to the reality of Cuba. ently of the SWP. Subservience to Cannon was no longer Healy recognised the clear convergence of the "Pabloite't Healy's automatic response with regard to the p,roblems IS with the SWP on the characterisation of the Cuban Hussein (above) and of the FI. This was reflected in a 1959 editorial, "In Revolution. Again where Hansen put a plus, It was neces­ mist parties there Is no honest accounting of the Hea\y Defence of Trotskylsm" in Labour Review. Fully aware sary for Healy to put a minus to do battle against the group"s almost fifteen years spent deep Inside the wards, that Cannon, Hansen, Dobbs and co were moving closer fusion. While correctly attacking Hansen for his slavish the Bevanlte circles and the Trlbunlte forums. to the ISFI by the day this article attempted to outflank capitulation before the Castroltes, for abandoning the As with "Under a Stolen Flag" there are positions the unity mongerers by repeating . the SWP's own senti­ fight for a Trotskyist party, for workers' democracy, within the 1961 document that revolutionaries can agree ments In 1953: soviets, etc, they refused to recognise the overturn of with. But, taken as a whole It clearly did not provide "Between Pablolsm and the Marxist Ideas which gui­ capitalism in Cuba. Thus In 1962 they declared: a rounded revolutionary alternative to the SWP/ISFI de the practlcal activity of the Socialist Labour "In our opinion, the Castro regime remains a Bona­ still less to the USFI. On Stalinism It was wrong. O~ League there lies an unbridgeable gulf. The Marxist partlst regime resting on capitalist foundations. " Brlta.!n It was catastrophlst. On Cuba it was grossly in­ cadre of the future cannot emerge without a consi&­ (Trotskylsm Versus Revisionism Volume 3) •This analysis was clung to by the Healyltes over the adequate. And on the history of "the Club" and the SLL tant struggle against Pabloism." (LR Vol.4 No.2) In the Labour Party It was dishonestly silent. The SWP, themselves primarily Interested In their next two and a half decades! In 1972 despite having national problems, paid little heed to what were, In fact, recognised that Castro had "moved completely into the coded warnings from the SLL. With Castro's victory In policy orbit of world Stalinism" (Perspectives of the IC's early 1959 - a revolution in the Americas - the SWP Fourth Congress) they stlll Insisted that Cuba was not moved with breakneck speed towards a rapprochement. a workers state. Rather Castro was, "a Bonapartlst care­ In 1960 Joseph Hansen stepped forth as the theoretician taker for the Cuban bourgeoisie", who no doubt were of the SWP to explain the evolution of Castro Into an merely on holiday In Florida! unconscious Marxist and his Cuba as a workers' state Such a position ",'as completely at variance with lihe Road To which was neither degenerate nor deformed but "pretty the analysis by the Fourth International, that the SLL good looking". had endorsed of Yugoslavia, China, etc a fact that In fact Hansen was applying the same criteria to Hansen was able to exploit to the full. The French Cuba as the FI had done from 1948 on to Yugoslavia. section of the IC at least recognised this, and adopted Ergo, the call for pollticai revolution and a Trotskyist a significantly different position to the SLL. While agree­ Infamy. __ party was dropped aitogether. All of this was justified ing It was a capitalist state (albeit a 'phantom' one!) by the fact that Castro was not a Stallnist by origin they were willing to declare it a "Workers and Peasants but a revolutionary nationalist. Government". Further they recognised that to do this Hansen and Cannon's IIquidationism produced an op­ meant revising the previous analysis of Eastern Europe, By 1964 the IC had become a rump, an unprincipled poslton within the SWP around Shane Mage, Tim Wohl­ China, etc, and adopting a form of "structural assimilat­ coalit,on between the SLL undergoing an ultra-left phase, forth and James Robertson, future leader of the Spar­ ion" analysis. Thus the "added Ingredient" was the and Lambert's La Verlte (later OCI) group which was tacists. While they correctly criticised the SWP leadership proximity of the Soviet Union and the fact that these embedded In the anti-communist Force Ouvrlere union for abandoning the programme of Permanent Revolution, 'Bonapartist states' that emerged in the "buffer" zones federation and showing signs of remarkable softness to­ they fell into the fatal trap of putting a minus where could be seen as mere arms of the Kremlln bureaucracy. wards social democracy and Stallnophobla. Hansen put a plus. The SLL however was stuck with justifying both T roughout the second part of the I 960s, the SLL Hansen's empiricism and IIquidationist appetite had the 1948-53 analysis and their characterisation of Cuba demo strated time and again their bankruptcy on key led him to register the fact, at the end of 1960, that as capitalist; an untenable position which was resolved quest ns of the International class struggle. This was capitalism had been overthrown in Cuba. The opposition by a retreat Into philosophy and "dialectics" whereby to be revealed yet again by the SLL's response to the refused to recognise this overturn, seeing this denial "facts" however awkward could be shown to be at vari­ NLF offensive In Vietnam. Remembering the IC's 1954 . as the only barrier to Hansen's opportunist conclusions. ance with a higher "reality". resolution on Ho Chi Minh's victory over the French Nevertheless they were unable to argue convincingly The International Spartaclst tendency (1St), whose at Di} n Bien Phu, which hailed this Stalinlst uncrltlcally, that It was stili capitalist. As a result they developed leaders were to be unceremoniously booted out of the the S L, speaking for the IC In 1968 wrote: the completely unMarxist notion of a "transitional state" IC's 1966 conference, argue that the SLL's opposition " • • the Vietnamese people, led by Ho Chi MInh, which was neither capitalist nor proletarian in content! to the SWP proved that Healy had taken over from t9ctaY stand on the threshold of what cert.ainly pro~­ The . opposition was soon split by Healy's man . Wohlforth, Cannon as the embodiment of the revolutionary continuity l$ea to be one of the most Important victories of of Trotsky!sm. At ieast he was until he and Robertson t~ antl-lmperlallst and socialist revolution • • • fell out. Then this prestigious title - continuity - fell I ~ demonstrates the transcendental power and resiJ­ to him. The iSt base this claim on an SLL document I nce of a protracted people's war led and organized called "The World Prospect for Socialism". This was b a party based on the working class and poor pea&­ adopted, and subsequently amended, by the 1961 SLL a try • • • Vietnam Is the revolution In permanence; conference. So impressed is the 1St with this document uba Is the revolution aborted." (Fourth Internatlonai that they have reprinted it as proof that the IC tradition 1.5 No.1) was a healthy one up to the point of their own depart­ o Chi Minh was a Stalinlst. He led the Vietnamese ure. unlst Party. His party butchered the leaders of An analysis of this document, published originally letnamese FI and helped abort the revolution In In the Winter 1961 volume of Labour Review, proves and 1954. Yet, here he Is being lauded, just as the opposite of the Spartaclst's contention. It proves Tlto as, as a revolutionary hero. that despite a reflex reaction against the SWP and ISFI, S nce the spilt with the OCI In 1971 (with the OCI the SLL once again proved unable, and by now probably going off to pursue a consistently rightist course In the unwilling, to re-examine the political roots of the 1953 OCR I and now the FI-ICR), the IC has moved from crisis. the r aim of sectarianism to the realm of Infamy. On This document which the 1St say they stand by con­ the rab national question it has conveniently forgotten tains the one sided and partial definition of Stalinism the s ruggle for "conscious leadership" and hailed Gadaffi, as "the Ideology and programme of the Soviet bureau­ Arafa, Husseln, the butcher of the Iraqi CP, and Khom­ cracy" (LR Vol.6 No.3). Thus the Yugoslav and Chinese elni. parties can be defined as not Stallnlst: I Poland it substituted a clear headed analysis of They remain centrist currents guided by their own Solid nosc's nature and the tactics needed towards It, Immediate national interests • • • In China and Yugo­ with generalities about "the essence of its struggle is slavia the bulwarks erected against the spread of Trots ylsm" (Fourth International, October 1982). Objec­ revolution by Internationai Stalinism were broken tlvls from Pablo's pen is reviled. But from the pen down by the elemental force of the popular revolu­ of th SLL/WRP It Is good "Trotskylst coin". tionary movement". (Ibld) et the later deviations were, as we have shown, There Is no essential difference between this analysiS not ccldental. They were connected by an unbroken of the YCP and CCP and Pablo's. In the same document threa to the very origins of the IC. It Is not a red the usual catastrophlsm Is mixed In with the belief that threa of revolutionary continuity. Rather It Is an un­ in Britain the traditional reformist leaderships "are being broke chain of centrist errors dating back to the FI's seriously challenged". While the SWP are mildly warned collap e between 1948-51. Unless that Is understood and that "a diversion from the true course can creep up unless the IC tradition Is explained In these terms then unsuspectedly" (lbld), no serious criticism of the SWP the RP of today - despite Banda's fulmlnatlons and Castro and Hansen - spot the unconscious Stalinist line on Cuba Is Included. And while Pablolsm Is casti­ Hunte 's apologlas - will not arm Itself for a revolution­ gated for Its IIquldatlonism via deep entrylsm into refor- ary f tu re.

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THE WAY FOR THE RIGHT MARCH 16TH, the date of the ed, the working week was cut And yet, despite this overall French parliamentary elections, and output was planned to Increase picture, there Is a militant minor­ has been on the lips of all the by 33% over the decade. In 1982 Ity of workers, mainly around politicians for the last six months: under pressure from French and the CGT, who are looking for every newspaper and 'news bulletin International capital, the tide turn­ a political, programmatic answer have echoed .the cry - "the election ed in favour of the bosses. State to the twin crimes of capitalism campaign has been going on since aid to the coal Industry was and of the labour movement. September!" These elections are frozen. Plans were made to reduce Between September and December of particular Importance because production from 18m tonnes to 1985 there were eleven major of their constitutional Implications 10m tonnes by the end of the occupations (Renault, steel plants, and also because they take place 1980s. Around 50% of miners jobs iron and coal mines), and over at a time when the working class were threatened. And all this from 25 Important strikes (railways, movement In France la In a weak a 'socialist' government. docks, post, Peugeot, the Paris state. The situation In the rest of Metro, shipyards, etc). Under the constitution of the economy has been similarly the Fifth Republic, the President depressing, as the Table shows. Is elected every seven years, the Unemployment has rocketed, pr()­ PROGRAMME Assembly (parliament) every five. ductlon has dropped and wages When Mltterrand came to power have lagged behind inflation. As These militants deserve better In 1981 he dissolved parliament in Britain, the drop In the rate than the "anti-capitalist" rhetoric gaining a thumping socialist major­ of inflation Is the government's of the PCF and the bureaucratic Ity. Now the Assembly Is due proudest boast. However, the manoeuvres of the CGT. They to be re-elected, and Mitterrand Inflation rate In Germany, a major need a fighting programme - based is about to reap the bitter fruit Industrial competitor, is around on demands meeting their real, of 5 years of 'SOCialist' govern­ 1.8-2%, lower than France's cur­ Immediate needs. For example, ment. From all the opinion polls, rent 4.2%. Over the period job sharing with no loss of pay; It seems certain that the right 1983-86, prices In Germany In­ a sliding-scale of wages; occupa­ wing RPR/UDF coalition will gain creased by a mere 6.5% In tions of all plants declaring a majority In the Assembly, with France by 22%! closures; for all-out combine-wide about 55% of the poll In a new On the wages front, things strikes against sacklngs; workers one-round 'proportional' represent­ are equally bad. As the Table defence squads for strikes and ation syStem of election. If so shows, In the three years, occupations; a workers united front Mltterand will be faced with a take-home pay has failed to keep against racism and fascism. Coup­ ...- " right-wing parliamentary majority. pace with Inflation. Half of male led with these demands there needs workers earn less than £140 a to be the perspective of a decisive week. Half of women earn less confrontation with the bosses and COALITION than £ 120! In France there Is no the overthrow of their system. Supplementary Benefit system: Such a programme will be neces­ The key word of the past once your dole runs out, that's sary whatever the outcome of period has been 'cohabitation', It. Over a million unemployed the elections. Mltterrand will not that is the mechanics of a 'coali­ workers receive nothing from the change his course now, even If tion' between an RPR/UDF state. Many of these are youth, he wins. government and a Socialist Party who are being schooled as a scab However the bulk of the work-, (PS) President. Mitterrand has work force, non-unionised, employed was sufferrlng the effects of the as partially responsible for the Ing class are still far from accept­ made it quite clear that he will on 200,000 fake job schemes where government's policy long before attacks on jobs, pay and social Ing this perspective. In their mil­ stay on, whatever. His eyes are they get paid a pittance for the PCF left office. Their respons­ conditions. At i e June 1984 lions they will vote for the PS firmly fixed on 1988 when he, low-grade and dangerous jobs. ibility for the current situation Euro-electlons, th PCF scraped or the PCF on March 16th. To or one of his PS acolytes, will Is clear. Yet, for obvious reasons, a mere 12% of t e vote - their one degree or another, they place try and repeat the Presidential the PCF would dearly like everyone lowest figure for decades. They their confidence In the ability victory of 1981. Faced with ATTACKS to forget that they ever had any­ barely managed to beat the of these parties to defend their Mitterrand's regal Intransigence, thing to do with the government. fascists. This result scared them Interests. We do not accept that the right wing are divided. Giscard Over the last few months the to the bottom of their electorallst these reformist parties are capable and Chlrac are both too hungry Apart from attacking jobs of doing so, and we point to the and wages, Mitterrand's government tone of their attacks against the boots. Hence the change of tact- to regain the reigns of power PS and Mitterrand have become ics. last five years as clear evidence to let a little problem like Mltter­ has been stealing other key poliCies of this. of the Right. The first steps t()­ ever more strident, stronger fre­ Despite their anti-crisis rhet­ rand get In their way. They are quently than their attacks against oric, however, no hlng much has The working class has learned ready to 'cohabit' with the Social­ wards denationalisation have been to Its cost what it means to place taken, especially with respect the right. This anti-PS campaign changed. Their tal about a work­ Ist President. Raymond Barre, has been coupled with calls for ing class flghtba k has proved faith in a 'SOCialist' majority In f the UDF, Is playing a rather to the Post and Telecom services. the Assembly. Still less can they Attacks on the working week and workers to fight against the bosses hollow. They orga Ised a striking ~ .Iore wily game. His sights are expect Mitterrand to protect the the 11 fting of legal restrictions attacks. 'commando' attack by a few hun­ set much higher - on the Presi­ The PCF used the change dred militants on the riot police labour movement from a dential palace Itself. He has on the bosses power to sack work­ right-centre government. Never­ ers have been Introduced under of Prime Minister In July 1984 during the occupa Ion of the SKF repeatedly said that he will not to escape from an electorally plant at Ivry, 0 the outskirts theless, Mltterrand will seek to vote for a cohabltatlonlst govern­ the name of 'flexibility'. A sharply pro-Imperialist policy has been disastrous situation. As members of Paris In Augus last year, but present himself as a 'socialist ment, nor will he participate in of the government, they were were unable to brl g out thousands protector', thwarting and delaying one. He wants to force Mltter­ carried out in the South Pacific · (New Caledonia, Rainbow Warrior) seen by their working class base of workers In th Renault plants the attacks of the RPR/UDF In rand to resign. and In Chad. In October. the Assembly. So what has happened in the Finally, all the parties have The level of unionisation In last five years? ' How have the been keen to steal the National France Is pltlfull low - around dancing crowds at the Bastllle STRUGLE Front's (FN) racist clothes, much 15% of the wor force, with all • on the night of Mltterrand's elect­ as Thatcher did with the NF In federations losing members. The . ion become the dissaffected voters French workers would be fool­ 1979. In a recent TV debate bet­ Communist-led u Ion federation, of today? 74% of the public ex­ Ish to rely on annhlng but their ween Chirac and Socialist Prime the CGT, probably organises around own strength. In the coming elect­ pressed their 'confidence' In Mlt­ Minister Fablus, Chlrac called 6% of the · total work force, not terrand In 1981 35-40% over Ions It Is the task of revolutlon­ for the repatriation of unemployed . a very strong ba e In numerical the last two years. And perhaps .arles to place clearly before the Immigrants. Fablus replied that terms, but prob bly comprising most graphically, how Is It that French working class a programme he thought there was a 'fundamen­ the bulk of the most militant of struggle which can organise the once powerful Communist workers. The CG has organised tal agreement' between the two them against the bosses' attacks Party, which once regularly polled a number of 'da of action' to parties over the question of Immi­ and prepare them for the Inevitable around 20% Is now struggling to protest against t e government's gration! As a consequence, the betrayals of the reformist bureau­ keep Its percentage In double figu­ policies and to b t the electoral feared take-off of the fascist crats. res? drum for the PC These protests FN has not taken place: they seem But In a situation In which have not been Idely supported, to be stuck with 'only' 6-7% of the vast majority of workers are and the Paris de onstrations have the vote, but may still get 20 not convinced by our propaganda, HONEYMOON not mustered more than 30-40,000. seats. we need to take a step In common Until July 1984, the French with these workers and call for The economic and political Communist Party ,(PCF) had four UNEMPL YMENT a vote for the PS or the PCF situation In France over the last ministers In the government. As In the elections. Every vote for period has closely mirrored that the Table shows, the working class Mltterrand The level of working class the PCF can be be used to test in Britain, except that, for the struggle is equall low. In 1984, their 'anti-capitalist class struggle' period 1981-82, there was a social­ a feeble 109,000 days were lost rhetoric. Every vote' for the PS Ist 'honeymoon'. Mltterrand made 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 through strike n. In the first will be a test of their 'socialist' grand plans for the socialist expan­ nine months of 1985, a mere pretensions. The hollowness of sion of France, Unfortunately, Unemployment 7.3% 8.1% 8.3% 9.7% 10.5% 52,000 days. The e figures are such claims may be plain to rev()­ he overlooked one 'small' problem: the lowest for tw nty years. And, lutionarles, but the workers are the economy was stili In the hands Number of jobs (millions) 13.87 13.75 13.72 13.50 13.42 as In Britain, It s unemployment not yet convinced. It Is only by of the capitalists, and they refused Production growth -1.3% -1.3% -0.7% 1.5% 1.0% which has been e key to the this principled united front - com­ to pay for the growing economic taming of the w kforce, coupled mon action to put the reformists crisis. Overall growth 0.6% 2.0% 0.7% 1.3% 1.0% with a feeble re ponse from the to the test, coupled with clear To give some Indication of Balance of Payments deficit 25.8 79.3 35.7 6.6 0.0 reformist union bur aucrats. criticism and the fight for the the turn-around In Mltterrand's Faced with little prospect revolutionary programme that a plans, let us take the coal Indus­ Inflation 14.0% 9.7% 9.3% 6.7% 4.7% of getting a job If you are sacked, revolutionary party will be built try. In the period Immediately Growth in pay 14.4% 12.6% 10.1% 7.6% 5.6% workers have be n unwilling to In France•• after his election victory, Mltter­ take action, espe lally given the rand sanctioned the hiring of Growth in buying power 2.8% 2.6% -0.7% -0.7% 0.0% changing tactics f the PCF/CGT Emlle Gallet. 10,000 miners. Wages were Increas- between 1981-84 and 1984-86. (POUVOIR OUVRIER) 6 WORKERS POWER 81 March 1986

LIPPI • GUP THE lWICE IN THREE weeks the US Why then had Reagan been Cardinal Jalme Sin was Instru­ politician, and owes his candidature Air Force had to save their so reluctant In backing Aqulno mental In bringing together the as Vlce-Preslden~ to the fact that "staunch friends" from popular In spite of Increasingly strong Aqulno-Laurel alliance. The church his party had the only organised revolt. First Baby Doe In Haiti pressure from Senate and Congress supports Aqulno not only because electoral machlriery amongst the and now Marcos In the Philippines. to stop aid and ditch Marcos, she Is a devout Catholic but also (then) opposltlonl ~ ts. Cory Aqulno was swept Into even at the risk of losing the because It Is concerned about Marcos' fall was precipitated the Presidency by "peoples power" US bases? Senate and Congress reducing the Influence of the by the desertion of Lt-General and the withdrawal of US support were worried that a totally dis­ Marxist Christians - the Church Fidei Ramos and Juan Enrlle, both for Marcos after an election that credited Marcos government would for National Liberation (CNL) previously staunch supporters of was so fraudulent and violent that drive Phlllpplnos Into the arms In Its own ranks. Marcos and executors of his even the computer technicians of the CCP and the NPA. Cory Aqulno favours a bourg~ policies. Enrlle Is now Minister at Comeloc (Commission on Elect­ eols democracy based on "leader­ of Defence In Aqulno's cabinet, Ions), Marcos' "official" supervisory ship by example", and emphasises and Ramos Is the Chief of Staff body, walked out protesting against COSMETIC the need for sincerity and moral-· for the armed forces. Other former the manipulation of results. Ity. In a speech to the Makatl associates of f-1arcos have been The US's paramount Interest REFORMS Business Club (Makatl Is the bus­ Included In Aqulno's new In the Philippines Is In maintain­ Iness and financial centre of government. Ing the Sublc Bay Naval Base On the other hand, the White Manila), she stressed that the Not surprisingly, although and Clark Air Base, both vital House was concerned that If private sector should become "the Cory Aqulno promised an amnesty to US presence In East Asia. Agulno had been brought to power engine of the economy" with a to Marcos' pQlltlcal prisoners, Laurel, Aqulno's vice president, with popular support and the sup­ reduced government role. However, Including the communists, the had returned from the US just port of the bourgeois and national­ she added that "market forces only ones so far being released before the election claiming tacit Ist left, the way would be open must yield to the demands of are those who do not pose a threat approval from Washington for an to the demands from the left conscience" and that she would to the armed forces. In fact the Ferdlnand Marcos Aqulno-Laurel ticket. for reforms and to get the Ameri­ try, If elected, to correct "struc­ revamped armed forces' leadership Publicly, Mrs Aqulno had said can bases out. tural Injustices" within the econ­ warned communist guerillas that del Sur province, remembering that she would honour the bases Better, they argued, to shore omy, primarily by way of land It would clamp down on them, the failure of the boycott of the agreement until It expires In 1991. up the devil you know and press reform. In spite of a pre-electlon call National Assembly In 1984, said Then she would ask the Americans for cosmetic reforms, such as for a truce and dialogue from members of Bayan were not en­ to leave as long as she Is assured the advisory Council of State which Cory Aqulno. dorsing the boycott this time. that no other power will Intervene. Mrs Aqulno was Invited to join. With such a line-up In Aqulno's (FEER 30.1.86) (Far Eastern Economic Review It was only when Marcos was BIG BUSINESS government, and her politics, It Though the CPP was correct (FEER) 23.1.86) However, classified completely losing his grip on the would be foolish to expect the In arguing for a boycott against documents from the State Depart­ country and the armed forces honeymoon to last very long. The this election, it has no effective ment before the election showed that Reagan was finally convinced She stressed domestic Invest­ last three years have seen Increas­ tactic against electorallsm. Simply that the US embassy In Manila of the futility of maintaining ment for domestic Industries and Ing economic crisis In the Philip­ arguing for a boycott cannot rel­ was confident "that the opposition support for Marcos. that domestic food production pines (see Workers Power 77). ate to the democratic illusions could be expected to act respons­ Aqulno's candidacy for the should take precedence over food A week after the elections, the of people who genuinely want Ibly". presidency was endorsed by a production for export (e.g. sugar). IMF delayed a review of the an honest replacement for Marcos. At a meeting In the embassy unified opposition which Included She would abolish the coconut country's economic performance Ocampo, leading CPP member, it was made very clear to Aqulno almost the whole spectrum of and sugar monopolies at present In the fourth /luarter of 1985. said that: and Laurel that "the Importanr..e political parties In the Philippines: dominated by Marcos' cronies. This review Is a pre-requlslte for "The NPA, CPP and even of avoiding being portrayed as the Liberal Party, the Philippine Also she would seek easier terms the release of the final tranche the NDF would only be Inter­ antlbases" and that US support Democratic Party (PDP-Laban) for the debt repayments; support of some $692.4 million worth of ested In participating In an for the election depended on the and the Unldo (United Nationalist labour Intensive rather than capital credit extended In late 1984 In election that would be leading -lH'ses Issue being kept out of Democratic Organisation), under Intensive urban Industries and try support of the economic recovery to the type of government the campaign. (New Statesman the umbrella electoral organisation to reduce the government budget programme In order to satisfy where some basic changes 21.2.86) of the National Alliance Council. by making the ministries more the IMF and the multinational can be attained, but not· In Immediately after the election, However, It Is a very fragile unity, efficient. (speech reported In FEER banks (mainly US-owned) and to a scheme like this, where Reagan accepted the rigged result, based solely on removing Marcos. 16.1.86) obtain US economic and military you just change people". They even suggesting that there may More Importantly, she Is supp­ Cory Aqulno has the support aid (worth up to $200 million), would like to see "a political have been cheating on both sides, orted by the Catholic church. of many Makatl businessmen, Inc­ Aqulno will have little choice coalition that would have and that the election showed the The Phlllpplnos are 85% Catholic, luding Concepclon, who has Inter­ but to maintain US bases In the significant representation of establishment of a robust two and the church has powerful In­ ests In flour milling and food proc­ Philippines, and· crack down on the majority of the people, party democracy In the Philip­ fluences which It used to Aqulno's essing; jayme, President of the the communists and left opposltlon­ the workers and the peasants pines! advantage. Manila's Archbishop, Private Development Corporation Ists. as represented by the mass and leader of the Bishops-Business­ organisations" (Interview In men's conference for Human Deve­ FEER lopment and Ongpln, president 2.1.86). CORY This reinforces the illusion that of Benguet, one of the countries \S MY C.P. HOL S BACK a clean and fair democratic bour­ largest mining corporations. They geois election leading to significant wanted a share of the profits and government funds previously representation of the workers In government can bring about "basic monopolised by Marcos' cronies. A plenum of the CPP (Comm­ changes". In reality, the CPP's unist Party of the Philippines) Many businessmen were Involved strategic programme for power In the opposition as they saw on 23 December In Nueva Eclja has so far been one of armed their: province formula ed the policies struggle and guerilla warfare. Yet, "job Is to try and make sure towards the ele tlon: they offic­ In the recent surge of "peoples that there Is viable oppos­ Ially boycotted he election, but .power", when hundreds of thousands Ition that can present Itself Increased raids and ambushes of people were onthe streets physi­ as an alternative to maintain against the mlllt ry to keep them cally blocking Marcos' loyal troops stability". (FEER 4.4.85) away from the po Is. and tanks from the rebel army Bayan (Ba ong Alyansang Ongpln Is now the Finance Minister camp, the CPP did not call for and Concepclon the Trade Minister. Makabayan or New Nationalist the arming of the people by the Alliance), the le al front of the Vice-President Doy Laurel rebel troops. Is a member of a large land-owning CPP dominated National Demo- family with wide economic Inter­ cratic Front al argued for a ests. He has substantial property boycott. But In any places e.g. Interests and owns a bank, the Northwest Mind now, a strong­ CONSTITUENT Philippine Banking Corporation. hold of the NP (New People's ASSEMBLY He Is the leader of the Naclonal­ Army, military Ing of the CPP) Ista Party which was Marcos' party Bayan organ Is tlons actively before Marcos Imposed martial campaigned for qui no. Jun Plm­ Revolutionaries In the Phil­ Cory Aqulno and Doy Laurel law In 1972. Laurel Is a right-wing ente!, Bayan ch rman In Surlgao ippines must now raise the call for the dissolution of the present continued from back page National Assembly (where two­ pickets aimed at stopping the militant rank and file miners are, are being plamled in The Guardian are under attack from the courts. thirds of Its members belong to papers getting out of Wapplng. thankfully, Ignoring him. and elsewhere. This action must All of them s ould strike now, Marcos' KBL party) and the remov­ They have spread scare stories To counter the moves towards Involve occupations and trade union against this at ck. If they do Ing of the power of the presid­ amongst their members about a betrayal by Willis and Co., and control of new technology to then Murdoch ca be put to flight ency. They must call for the troublemakers In 'fringe' groups. to go on to win : he dispute, mili­ ensure the hours are cut, not the and the posslblll y for generalised Immediate convening of a sovereign They have used regular marches tant printers must take urgent jobs. Of course no workers should strike action by the whole class constituent assembly with the from Tower Hill past Wapplng action. First, the strikers need buy any of Murdoch's papers. But against laws Ich have made full participation of the workers' to allow steam to be let off. to organise across their old chapel a boycott cannot win the dispute. trade unionism Britain unlawful, and peasants' organisations, Incl­ Marchers have then been prevented lines by forming rank and file As a strategy It relies on Indivi­ will be brought a lot nearer. uding the lifting of the ban on ·by officials from picketing pro­ joint Father/Mother of Chapel dual action Instead of organised the CPP and the NDF. perly. And, where rank and file committees. Such bodies must strength. A strike by all of Fleet Meanwhile Immediate demands printers and their supporters have not only build for effective mass Street's workers could, however, must also be placed on Aqulno's tried to stop lorries they have pickets but also spearhead a cam­ begin to turn the tide on Murdoch BRING OUT FL STREET ! government: US out of the Philip­ been condemned, and officials paign to rouse other Fleet Street and thwart the job-cutting plans pines; nationalisation of the cronies have been ordered to collaborate workers. They should address them of the other employers. FOR AN ALL NATIONAL Industries without compensation; 'with the police thugs. So desperate directly, arguing that action Is The use of the laws in this PRINT STRIKE ! repatriation of Marcos and his are the leaders to stop mass needed now to · defend jobs in the dispute are an attack on the whole entourage for trial and return pickets taking place they asked whole Industry. Every other news­ of the trade union movement. of the loot; release of all political Jack Taylor to stop Yorkshire paper group is planning to copy A campaign for an all-out national prlsoners;and land reform on the miners coming down to support Murdoch. Redundancies, In the print strike should take this as VICTORY TIlE ONLY large haciendas•• the printers. Taylor obliged, but name of 'competing' with Murdoch, its starting point. All print workers HONOURABLE S LEMENT ! by Din Wong WORKERS POWER 81 March 1,986 1

all diSCipline and all arms, that Is. the things that will disappear Marxismvs when there are no more wars!" [ In answering Bakunln on this ques­ tion Marx therefore goes right to the heart of his disagreement Ir with anarchism. To Marx, the Anarchism International was to prepare not for the uninterrupted dawn of a new ancl golden age, but for Karl Marx and the Anarchists are not a political or social but thought. This reactionary approach the struggle of the working-class by Paul Thomas RKP 1985 (as directed toward myself and can also be seen In Proudhon's for state power. pp406 £8.95 my oneness alone) an egoistiC attitude to struggles outside Marxists share the anarchists' purpose and deed." France. His opposition to all 'cent­ goal of the abolition of the state, Marx attacked Stlrner's theory ralisation' of state power led him but also recognise what the rea­ IN THIS BOOK, Paul Thomas con­ In The German Ideology, pointing to support the slave-owning South lisation of that goal entails. See­ centrates on the most Important out the difference between the in the US Civil War and to oppose Ing the state as ,bodies of armed anarchists of Marx' day: Max desire of the oppressed for ex­ national struggles In Italy, Poland men In defence of specific proper­ Stlrner, Plerre-Joseph Proudhon, pression of their Individuality, and Hungary. ty relations the lesson that Marx and Mlkhall Bakunln. A detail and the self-seeking Individualism Partly becayse of their and Engels drew from the expe­ account Is provided of the theore­ that figures so strongly In bour­ profoundly antl-reyolutlonary cha­ rience of the Corn mune was that tical differences that lay at the geois Ideology. Most importantly racter, Proudhon's ideas were to the proletariat should have made root of Marx' many disputes with he attacked Stirners' Idealist view prove unpopular within the First more use of "the authority of these figures, and a careful out­ of how the Individual is to be­ International. However, Mikhail the armed people against the line given of the historical and come free. Bakunin, a fervent advocate of bourgeoisie" that is, more use political context In which they violent revolution and collectivism, of state power. took place. Because the existence of class was to win Significant support It follows that If the state Despite the fact that the SOCiety is not "a mere Idea, Pierre Proudhon for anarchist Ideas within the Is an Instrument for the suppress­ Ideas of Stlrner, Proudhon and against which he (Stlrner) frees International, causing a great Ion of one class by another, then Bakunln were radically different himself merely by protesting that this moral and economic many disputes with Marx. the progressive destruction of on a whole range of questions, against It" but Is a material reali­ example would force capitalism's Bakunln stated his principal the bourgeoisie as a class and It can be seen from this book ty, Marx was clear that more collapse, Proudhon rejected politi­ difference with Marx and his sup­ the elimination of capitalist pro­ that In one key area they were than changes In Individual con­ cal action outright, stating that, porters very clearly In 1868: "I perty relations will, In turn see programmatically united: all were sciousness were needed. He wrote "to Indulge In politics Is to wash am not a communist because com­ the 'withering away' of the state, opposed to the Marxist conception that "The difference between revo­ one's hands In dung." munism concentrates and causes as Its functions change from of proletarian dictatorship, the lution and Stlrner's rebellion Is In fact, Proudhon was really all the powers of SOCiety to be coerslon of people to 'the adminis­ Idea that the working class should not, as Stlrner thinks, that the concerned to establish what he absorbed by the state... whlle I tration of things'. itself take political power from one Is a political and social act saw as a natural equilibrium In want the abolition of the state." Common to all brands of anar­ the bourgeoisie and established while the other Is an egotistic society, which would be made Bakunln, therefore, bitterly chism Is the fatal rejection of its own state. act, but that the former Is an possible by the harmonising value denounced Marx as an 'authorita­ the need for the working-class In his book The Ego and His act while the latter Is no act of work. Therefore although the rian' socialist wishing to Impose to seize state power and wield Own, Max Stirner identified all at all... " state was seen as an agency pro­ on the workers and peasants a It against the capitalists. In the conflict as being between the Unlike Stlrner, Proudhon had moting disorder and strife, so new state as tyrannical as the Spanish Civil War fifty years ago Individual and all types of system, Influence In the emerging workers too were forms of working class ones they were being exhorted the anarchist leaders believed whether theoretical, social or po­ movement and for that reason struggle such as strikes, which to overthrow. He even saw Marx' that since the workers In Catalo­ litical. Far from even advocating his Ideas were attacked all the Proudhon considered barbarous. attitude towards the organisation nia controlled the factories and collective struggle of any kind, more vigorously by Marx. Proud­ Marx pointed out that Proud­ and discipline of the International the peasants had collectivised Stirner claimed that the burning hon argued that workers, peasants hon's hostility to revolutionary as evidence of this 'authoritarian­ the land, the revolution was com­ ~ecesslty was for individuals to and artisans should establish small upheaval and yearning for small­ Ism', to Bakunln, the International plete. Because they were not pre­ )ssert their own Interests and workshops which would produce scale production In a decentralised ' should have organised in such a pared to 'lead the workers to a creativity above everything else, and exchange goods In a non­ society were an Indication of the manner as to prefigure the form dictatorship based on their own writing that,"my purpose and deed capitalist fashion. As he believed petlt-bourgoels class basis of his that a post-revolutionary society democratic workers' councils and should take. militias, they allowed the capi­ Marx' criticism of this speci­ talist state to effect a bloody fic arguement deserves close atten­ counter-revolution. The anarchist tion. He wrote with irony, "In 'rejection' of the state Is In fact other words, just as the medieval profoundly non-revolutionary, leav­ THE FIRST HAITIAN REVOLUTION. convents presented an Image of Ing power In the hands of the celestial life, so tf1e International bourgeoisie. As Paul Thomas The Black Jacoblns by C.L.R. 30,000 French planters and for held off the French with the help must be the Image of the New quotes Plekhanov against the James. Riverside Studios, London. France Itself. The impact of the of Spain, defeated the Spanish Jerusalem ...The Paris Communards Russian anarchlsts,"The Utopian February 21st to March 15th. French revolution is brought home with the help of the French, went would not have failed If they had negation of reality by no means early in the play as three on to crush a British expedition understood that the Commune preserves us from Its Influences.". It is highly appropriate that lieutenants in the new army of (Britain lost 100,000 men in the was 'the embryo of the future the first performance in 50 years liberated slaves discuss the meaning Caribbean between 1795 and 1799) human society' and had cast away by Richard Gerrard of C.loR. James' play, "The Black of "Liberty, Equality and Frater­ and finally defeated Napoleon's Jacobins", takes place at a time nity" and rename themselves 60,000 strong expedition sent- to when the masses of Haiti are Marat, Robespierre, and the Duke reimpose colonial rule! amazed to find that no one was still trying to settle accounts with of Orleans.' At the same time Jamei;' very impressed (and that includes the legacy of Duvalier's dictator­ Indeed the cynical plottings play does not seek to present , many who were then still In the ship. For the play portrays the of the imperial powers in the an uncritical picture of the black ' ep and a few months later were struggle of the first successful area, France, Britain, Spain and generals. Much of the play centres to launch the groups that later slave revolt which won indepen- the USA provide the essential around the three leading figures became the New Left). ~nce for San Domingo (now Haiti) backcloth to the problems facing of the struggle - Toussaint and Though, industrially, the CP ( Im the French Empire. the new black leaders. In the his two generals, Dessalines and briefly swung left, by the time ~ The play opens with the slave revolution's leader, Toussaint Christophe. _ Dear Corn rades, I of the South Bank builders' strikes rebellion of 1791. Over 500,000 L 'Ouverture, excellently played Toussaint Is shown to be a the CP was opposed to them black slaves toi led on the sugar by Norman Beaton, they find their compromiser, as he was in real Two mistakes or issions In your although the New Left supported plantations in San Domingo" match. life. , A man with enormous history/critique of the Healy group them. producing fabulous wealth for the The 'slave' army successively Illusions, not only In the revolu­ come immediately to mind (Supp- tionary French Republic of Robes­ lement, Workers SO). Similarly the CP denounced pierre, which had declared all Onei that early fifties the formation of CND as a France's slaves free, but In Napo­ Healy not only to Bevan, Trotskyist plot, while in the early leon's counter-revolutionary regime. but, despite his ism of Pablo, days the New Left formed the THE BLACKT~COBINstr . 1 He is shown willing to put was on an ional level - backbone of the campaign and to death one of his own generals, particularly Korea less saw in it a policy of "probing Toussaint [Ouverture6 The San DomingoRemlution ~:; Moise, who came to represent critical of Stal than was the limits of reform". , 'tA' ' .:. the demands of the masses for Pablo. Incidently was told by land and for an end to the one early SLL that Healy Laurence Otter. " . \. a play By- CLR James i :1 planters' estates protected by had to be within the Toussaint. committee of the It , '\ ~ i ~1~fJ:~ ' "~ . !I The uncultured and ruthless gary and that he Dessalines, played by Trevor Laird, ted Gale's line WE REPLY: r, 1 ," ~ tr- ! , , -it~,~t~JJ-' :;;;; unfortunately comes across as intervention was l " 1 o,'" ~;;; both power crazed and stupid. ressive. We thank Comrade Otter for I ,•••• Yet here was a general, a brilliant Also, adaptation Bevan had reminding readers of Healy's adapt­ strategist, who defeated the best failed to make any significant ation to Stalinism In the early army in Europe that of resistance to events. The 19505. Whllel we would not deny Napoleon. He saw, far more clearly Labour Review was on sale this, we would contend that, In than Toussaint the need to break at the P Conference terms of his strategy for building with colonial status and struggle in 1957 gave Itional support a group In Britain, Healy's practi­ through to the end for indepen­ to Bevan, 'sectarlans' cal adaptation to left social demo­ dence. He was ruthless, cunning, who raised like workers' cracy was more Important than and undoubtedly a despot, but control which detract from his softness on Stalinism over not stupid. Mona Hammond, as support for and avoided Korea. "Mata Hari" and later Dessalines' the issue of un ism. On the 'New Left', the CP's wife gives an accomplished perfom­ TWOi you the proto-New rlghtlsm did produce episodic ance, and plays a central role Left groups came out of leftist responses from Thompson in the play. the CP as rightwards and Co. However, in tendency All in all the Talawa theatre "towards" ism ("social they were clearly moving to the company should be congratulated democracy") as Stalinism was right. From early on they conflated for putting on this much neglected not reformist. In fact on many Leninism with Stalinism and, In play. James, as playwright, issues the New Left was well so doing rejected Trotskylsm sl,Jcceeds in the daunting task of to the left of the CP. For authentic Leninism - as an altern­ transferring his long and complex instance, at the me of the Suez ative. book onto the stage, pithily and demonstrations, Young Conser­ Politics abhors a vacuum and without blunting its politics. Those vatives were ing round the In place of Trotskylsm the 'New Starring Norman Beaton • lrevor Laird. Mona Hammond • Brian Bovell ::::: who see it (and if you are in demonstration "but even Left', In their majority, went soft Olf f!O: led 1)\1 Yyonne Brewster n .. "w"",. "" Andr •• Mont., Mu, ... ' fl, ,,.r,... Teni Quay. 1<""" "'9 OU'Qn Richard Mon_.. :::=: London, do so) will be inspired the Daily Worker 't condemn on social democracy. By 1964 February 21- March 15 ~:::: to read, or re-read, James' book, the inVasion and doesn't support many of their luminaries were written while he was still a this and they came hailing the election of Harold ...... 11n::t~-~ ..... ·~~studlOS. ,!:::: ::::: Trotskyist, and a landmark in of the Dally Wllson as an advance towards Crosp Road Hammersmith W6 R•• OH" , 01 7483354 ;:::: marxist historlography•• it. They were socialism. :~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:!:~:~:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:;:::;:;:;:;:::;:::;:;~:;: BEWARE PRINT SELL-OUT! THE DANGER OF a sell-out to Hammond or Willis. The leader­ In the News International dispute ships of the NGA and SOGAT Is looming large. Following the Dubbins and Dean double Hammond's agreement to abide act - have played their part In by the TUC's requests. a letter It. Before the dispute started both from EETPU members at Wapplng leaders made plain their willingness has called for an 'honourable to meet most of Murdoch's settlement'. Enter Norman WUlts . demands. Dean, fresh from signing to start negotiations going with away 1,600 jobs at the Dally Murdoch's man at Wapplng. Mirror, was prepared to counten­ Matthews. ance job flexibility, binding arbitra­ tion and mass redundancies. Alarm bells should be ringing Dubbins, too, signalled his wlling­ loudly amongst rank and file stri­ ness to give up everything apart kers. The TUC has In practice from his union's right to exist sanctioned Hammond's scabbing and bargain. In Print, the NGA by only requesting him to Inform journal, he wrote: his members that they are scab­ 'We are prepared to change. bing. By refusing to expel the We are prepared to negotiate. EETPU the TUC has encouraged We are prepared to reach it to continue scabbing. agreements which take on A TUC negotiated deal would board new conditions and be of a piece with Its rotten deal­ working practices." (February ings with Hammond. It would In­ 1986) volve accepting virtually all of Throughout the dispute these Murdoch's demands on work prac­ leaders have pursued a fatal, con­ Idea" what SOGAT was up to. on), and the News Interna­ ON MARCH 8TH a women's plc,et tices and job cuts. In exchange ciliatory line. They have sabotaged The NGA were hit by huge fines. tional dispute shows how far Is being organised at Wapptng a handful of SOGAT and NGA . even limited solidarity action So extensive has been the they have lost many of the In support of the prlntworkers. members would get jobs at Wapp­ threatening DaUy Mirror workers legal battering of SOGAT and compensating advantages of The picket Is to mark International ing. Thousands would still be job­ with expulsion If they refused the NGA, and so abject has been legal Immunity." (15/2/86) Women's Day. It must be built less and every newspaper proprietor to print extra copies of Maxwell's their response that The Economist And while the unions' assets for by women trade unionlsts, In the country would charge rag ! Their hope was to escape has been able to gleefully record: have been hammered by the miners' wives support groups and through the breach In the unIons' attacks from the courts. Their "British unions have the 1Iorst courts, the members have been organisations up and down the wall. reward? SOGAT's funds were seized of both worlds... they do hammered on the picket line. country. We must all converge The possibility of a betrayal by a judge who brazenly admitted not have positive rights (to Dubblns and Dean have been on fortress Wapplng on March on this scale Is not simply due that he didn't have "the foggiest organise, to strike. and so determined to sabotage mass 8th. continued on page 6 ~

militant fashion that they have and TGWU (Building Group) offi­ which will rip up the Tory the strike remains solid. In addi­ from the outset. cials. In the words of one of the anti-union laws <>nce and for all. tion to the demands for a decent Up against The strikers, a bricklaying Lalng's strikers, "The officials bonus scheme and the reinstate­ gang, were first locked out In scabbed on us. Not only did they VlCTORIY TO THE ment of the 18 sacked men. the October 1985 by Lalng's subcon­ not give us strike pay. or make LAlNG'S SfRIKERS strikers at Gloddfa Ganol quarry tractor, Jonoroy, at Surblton. The the strike offiCial. they actually are also demanding a contract the law dispute centered on the 'lump' wrote to the drivers telllng them by Jon Lewis (UCATT) of employment and equal pay for (a cash In hand system of pay­ to cross our picket lines. Thls the women workers. Management AS WE GO to press five striking ment which allows the employers gave the green light to Lalng's- Thanks to thlf Lalng's strikers have refused even to meet to building workers face Imprison­ not to pay Insurance) and was so they took us to court for talking to Workers Power. discuss the demands. ment. Under the terms of a High sparked off when one of the gang using Maggle's laws against us. The strikers, all TGWU mem­ Court Injunction awarded to their was sacked. The rest went on They could never have done this Donations, mef,sages of suport. bers, have received official unlo requests for s eakers to Lalng's employer. the multinational build­ strike. Within days they were unless the trade union officials backing but little material suppo Defence Comm ttee, PO Box 551 ers John Lalng. the five strikers taken back with their demands Isolated us". Some more militant strikers, are forbidden to attend any meet­ for reinstatement and employment London SE5 811. together with the women's support Ings In pursuance of the dispute on the cards (wages plus DHSS This betrayal hasn't surprised group, have organised speaking or to picket any Lalng's site In payments and holiday pay) met the strikers. Among their number tours around the country. BrItain. Including their own. They In full. are supporters of . the Rank and The FBU, Fleet Street print can even be Imprisoned for discus­ A week later they were dis­ File BuIlding Worker which has workers and South Wales miners sing the strike with other workers! missed again. By now the gang as one of Its alms, "a strong have all given good support. Parti­ The Injunction Is the most realised that they were on Lalng's organised rank and file movement" cularly miners from Abernant pit draconian use of the Tories' blacklist of union militants. It . In the building unions. The actions who were twinned with Blaneau Employment legislation to date. was a clear cut case of victimis­ of the UCATT bureaucrats In this miners support group in the strike. But the five strikers, members ation. So the gang picketed-out dispute, their headlong flight to­ The strikers at B1aneau Ffestl­ of the building workers union the Surblton site. As one of the wards scab unionism (Including niog are determined to defeat UCATT. have stuck two fingers gang told Workers Power. "We talks with the EETPU and UDM) the Victorian attitudes of manage­ up to the anti-union laws. In so realised we had to go for. Lalng's and capitulation to the lump, ment and win the strike. Union doing they are not only standing themselves, not their sub­ prove that a rank and file move­ militants, particularly In the by TUC and UCATT policy of contractors, for the king not the ment In the building Industry Is TGWU, must fight for the soli­ a burning necessity. no compliance with the anti-union pawns." TINS In BIan- darity action and support needed laws but they are continuing to The High Court Injunction A series of guerilla pickets eau North Wales. re- for victory. pursue __the strike In the same served upon the strikers Is an at Lalng's sites In London, Includ­ cently used collect for the attack on the rights of all Pete Ashley Ing the prestlgous £110 million striking South Wales miners, are workers and their ability to organ­ British Library job at King's being rattled again. This time Donations, messages of sup­ Ise and fight. It must be coun­ Cross, brought Lalng's to their they are for local work force port, speakers to Ffestinlog tered by mobilising full support knees and crawling to the National at the three slate quarries of Quarrymens Dispute Fund. for the Lalng's strikes. The recent Conciliation Panel. Again the gang the Ffestlnlog Slate Company - TGWU Office demonstrations outside the High won re-employment. this time owned and manN~ed by one million­ 17 Segontlum Terrace Court and the mass pickets out­ at a site In Banstead. aire famUy. Caernarfon side Lalng's sites In defiance of No soone had the gang The workers have been Gwynedd the Injunction show that the sup­ started work at this site than on strike 6 months against port Is there. Lalng's tried to victimise them a Victorian management. Women's Support Group and split the gang up. This they If the Lalng's strikers are The dispute around the clo Iona Price were determined to resist, be­ jailed, militants In UCATT must introduction 7 Unicorn Terrace cause split up they would be an campaign for an all out national (Gloddfa Gano!) Blaneau Ffestlnlog SUBSCRIBE! easier target for Lalng's to knock building workers strike. Resolutions scheme which Gwynedd Name••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• off (literally), "During one of our demanding this must flood Into In output pickets at Earls Court In Novem­ Address •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• the EC. But no trust must be a £28.50 ber concrete was thrown at us placed In the officials. They didn't from the 5th floor". Nor was this 11ft a finger when Des Warren an Isolated Incident. and Ricky Tomllnson were jailed Send £4 to the address below The strikers were finally In 1972. And they won't do any­ year all and receive 10 issues of the locked out on January 27th and thing this time round unless we quarry were paper. Make cheques payable re-started the guerilla pickets. force them. A national building mtmagelr/o1wrler declar­ to: Workers Power and send Lalng's went to the courts. workers strike can not only defend my Invlta­ to: Workers Power But It has not only been the Lalng's strikers but, linked work and hence BCM 7750 Lalng's that have been trying to to the print workers' strike, lay London break the strike. So have UCA TT a real basis for a general strike 6 months WC1N 3XX

printed by Spider Web Offset, 14-16 Sussex Way, London N7 published by Workers Power, BCM London WC1N 3XX