DOCSLIB.ORG

Australian Left Review No.37 October 1972

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Australian Left Review No.37 October 1972 LEFT . REVIEW No. 37 October, 1972 Price 50* Unions & Revolutionary Strategy International Trade Union Movement Vietnam: Western Aggression UNIVERSITY OF WOLLONGONG The LIBRARY Althusser Case Registered for posting as a periodical Cate gory B Recommended and maximum price onlv CONTENTS October, 1972. Because of the importance of the issues raised and the quality of the articles, we printed 1000 extra copies of the last num­ ber of ALR, “Ecology and Revolution”. It has completely sold out, and should the VIEWPOINT 3 demand continue we will investigate the possibilities of a re-run. Laurie Aarons In this issue there are three articles and an extensive book review dealing with problems in the trade union movement. TRADE UNIONS AND This continues to be an area in which questions are contested hotly, both theore­ REVOLUTIONARY STRATEGY 6 tically and practically, and on which there are wide differences of opinion both within Joe Palmada the trade unions and outside. ALR believes that the issues involved, some of which are raised in the following IN THE INTERNATIONAL articles, are of particular importance to the left. We will therefore endeavour to TRADE UNION MOVEMENT 10 make available to readers still more exten­ sive material in future dealing with this Laurie Carmichael subject. On a broader front, we begin here a series of articles seeking to clarify fundamental VIETNAM: conceptions of marxism which are current in the world today. AGGRESSION FROM THE WEST 13 Part of the processes of re-orientation and fragmentation evident in the left at present Bob Catley in Australia and most other countries, is the proliferation of basically different theoretical approaches. This is probably inevitable, and even in THE ALTHUSSER CASE 16 a sense to be welcomed. But so far, in the main, the most fundamental aspects have John Lew is been implied rather than clearly stated, assumed rather than substantiated, and we consider it necessary to bring them out into the open, where they can be thorough­ ECONOMIC NOTES 27 ly debated. We begin with an article by British philo­ David Evans sopher John Lewis on the French marxlst Louis Althusser, whose work has attracted some following among sections of theore­ A GOOD BOOK FOR THE tically minded revolutionaries in a number of countries. THIRTIES . 31 Alastair Davidson’s review article on the book Australian Capitalism: towards a Alastair Davidson socialist critique, also contributes to the debate we wish to develop. In subsequent issues we hope to have articles on Critical Theory, Maoism, Trots­ DEMOCRACY & SOCIALISM 34 kyism, the Lukacs school and others We invite comments, contributions, and Manuel Azcarate discussion pieces from readers on these vital theoretical problems, suggesting to them only that the issues are more im­ BOOK REVIEWS 35 portant than colourful polemics. AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW Editorial Collective: Brian Aarons, Eric Aarons, Kevin Butcher, Rowan Cahill, Roger Coates, Alastair Davidson, Gloria Garton, Douglas Kirsner, Mavis Robertson, Bernie Taft, Joan Thornton. Book Review Editor: Brian Aarons This issue was prepared by: Eric Aarons, Gloria Garton, Doug Kirsner, Bernie Taft. Subscriptions: Single copies, 50 cents Yearly subscription (5 issues) $2.25 Two years (10 issues) $4.25 Surface or airmail postage must be added to overseas subscriptions. Australian Left Review, Box A247, Sydney South P.O., 2000. Printed ond published by Red Pen Publications Pty Ltd, 2 Dixon Street. Sydney, 2000. VIEWPOINT Laurie Aarons N unprecedented campaign has been launched Mr. Ducker is not unused to performing such A against the N.S.W. builders laborers, their services for the Establishment. When the Liberal secretary Jack Mundey and the Communist Government attacked the first great national Party of Australia. Hardly a day passes without moratorium on the grounds that it threatened the Sydney press carrying editorials, news reports law and order, Mr. Ducker and his Labor Council- and letters on this theme. Sir Robert Askin, his ALP machine in NSW joined in that chorus about deputy Mr. Cutler, and various other Liberal- violence. (Two moratoriums later, the acrobatic Country Party politicians regularly get into the Mr. Ducker jumped on the bandwagon as an anti­ act. Not to be outdone, the "New Right” union war activist.) and ALP leader Mr. John P. Ducker puts in his The Sydney M orning Hevcbld, usually a bit contribution. He is joined, if less openly, by more restrained than some other Establishment some union officials who call themselves “left”, media, has thrown caution to the wind. Its usually motivated by a craving for industrial editorial policymakers seem intent upon snatching respectability and for unity with Mr. Ducker, up the mantle of extremist rightism, anti-unionism plus ideological hatred of the CPA’s independent and anti-communism laid down by Sir Frank sta'nd. Packer when he sold The Telegraph. In the space The Sydney Morning Hem^ld and other sections of 12 days, it had five hysterical leading editorials, of the mass media were overjoyed at Mr. Ducker’s each one more virulent than the one before. discovery of a “communist plot” for “planned violence”, which arose out of a minor incident at There is only one conclusion from all this: the end of the plumbers’ strike. After a mass the ruling class and all the establishments — meeting voted 687 to 659 to end the strike — a including the union onn — are driven off thdir course recommended by Mr. Ducker and the union brain by the new ideas on strategy, new issues officials — 200 or so plumbers loudly expressed of action and the new tactics developing in the their resentment at what they believed was a workers’ movement. sell-out. This natural — and justified — reaction It is no accident the builders laborers and was blown up into a savage assault and a threat FED&FA ban on the Rocks “development” (and to Mr. Ducker’s life, with a tear-jerking picture other bans on anti-social “developments”) started of a pyjama-clad Mr. Ducker clutching his two off this rightwing campaign. These bans attack children. the two elements essential to modern capitalism: This godsend for the developers’ lobby, the profits and power. rightist press and the Liberals was seen as a The big “developers” are presently among the way to shift the issue from the real struggle most profitable of all the corporations. Their against the developers to a concocted “plot for profits are soaring and will keep rising since they communist violence”. control the city’s land, and have virtually a free Laurie Aarons is National Secretary of the Communist Party hand to direct their construction and development of Australia. to whichever field is most profitable. To them, 3 UNIVERSITY OF I WOLLONGONG I LIBRARY people’s welfare, the quality of life, conservation anguished screams and hysterist about the builders of the environment, preservation of historic build­ laborers, Jack Monday and the Communist Party. ings are all fads and fancies, well enough in The assertion of workers’ social responsibility and themselves, but having no weight when stacked right to intervene challenges the sacred rights of up against profits. If more money is to be made ownership, direction and control. out of turning the city into a steel and concrete The Sydney Morning Herald senses the real jungle, and driving out its people, than out of building hospitals, schools, housing — then the challenge of the demand for workers’ control. This can, and will, go far beyond its rudimentary forms city jungle wins by a street. which have long been issues in workers’ action and Some of the biggest developers have just an­ union demands — to control the bosses' right to nounced huge profits — and they have their hire and fire, control over work speed and techno­ sights aimed right on a bigger and better money logical change, the rights of job organisations, harvest. These profits certainly help explain why against victimisation of shop stewards and union The Sydney Morning Herald is so concerned for activists, and even more radical demands such as the overseas investors in “development”, writing opening of company books, election of foremen editorially (August 11): and safety supervision by workers. • ■ ■ there is absolutely no case for a union black ban, which is very likely to discourage overseas investors, knock This new challenge is already prefigured in the the bottom out o£ a generally desirable scheme and reduce banning of construction projects which threaten employment opportunities . the environment and the cities, lower the quality M ainline — its overseas shareholder is the of life and subordinate human needs to the goals aptly-named Hawaiian Dredging Company — is of a capitalist-controlled and directed society — just one example of the profits made, and those more and more production for more and more expected. In 1971-72 its profits rose by 69.3 per profits for fewer and fewer giant multi-national cent, and — to quote the SMH — “promised even corporations. Implicit in the laborers’ action is more cheer for the new year”. And well it might, the demand for workers’ control over the goals since there are 21 new city “development” pro­ of work and social priorities. jects beginning in Sydney, at an estimated cost This asserts that workers and their unions of $274 million (plus others planned at a cost should not concern themselves only with the terms of over $300 million). and conditions on which they sell their labor Besides the development corporations’ huge power. They should also concern themselves with profits, there are fat pickings for the highly- the social implications of their work. This is placed lurkers and perkers, those with inside sound commonsense, as well as genuine idealism knowledge about land releases, zoning, how to and correct political ideology, since workers and get around, over or under “planning” decisions.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • MEDIA WATCH on Phillip Adams
    ISSUE 39 AUGUST 2011 ANYA POUKCHANSKI with a Gen Y look at The First Stone STEPHEN MATCHETT looks at political biography with Bush, Blair and Howard AYN RAND uncovered – again GERARD HENDERSON versus Brenda Niall – history and the case of Fr Hackett SJ JOHN MCCONNELL unveils Mark Aarons’ rethink on the Australian Communist Party Faith and politics – Enid Lyons as seen by ANNE HENDERSON SANDALISTA WATCH CONTINUES – Margaret Throsby and Haydn Keenan find ASIO under the bed MEDIA WATCH on Phillip Adams. Alan Ramsey and Robert Manne’s memories Published by The Sydney Institute 41 Phillip St. with Gerard Henderson’s Sydney 2000 Ph: (02) 9252 3366 MEDIA WATCH Fax: (02) 9252 3360 The Sydney Institute Quarterly Issue 39, August 2011 l CONTENTS MR SCOTT’S FIVE YEAR PLAN Editorial 2 In July 2006 Mark Scott commenced work as managing director of the Australian Broadcasting Sandalista Watch - Corporation. Initially appointed for a five year term, Mr Scott recently had his contract renewed for a Public Broadcasting, ASIO second term by the ABC Board. Shortly after his aand the Cold War appointment, Mark Scott’s office approached The Sydney Institute with a proposal that he deliver his - Gerard Henderson 3 first major public on the ABC to the Institute. The offer was willingly accepted and the talk took place Government and Freedom - on 16 October 2006. Who is Ayn Rand? In his address, Mark Scott correctly pointed out that i - 6 he was both managing director and editor-in-chief of Anne Henderson the public broadcaster. He acknowledged that there is “a sense that the organisation has issues with Ripples From the First Stone balance and fairness” and conceded that the ABC - Anya Poukchanski 10 had “been at times too defensive in the face of such criticism”.
    [Show full text]
  • RECONSTRUCTING AUSTRALIAN COMMUNISM Winton Higgins IN
    RECONSTRUCTING AUSTRALIAN COMMUNISM Winton Higgins IN December, 1971, the Communist Party of Australia suffered its second split in eight years. In 1963, a relatively small grouping had left the party to form the Peking-oriented Communist Party ofAustralia (Marxist-Leninist). By comparison, the later split was far more traumatic: it took three years-during part of which period the party was virtually paralysed-to come to a head; it compromised the CPA internationally; and the new party, the Socialist Party of Australia, took with it much of the CPA's trade union support and many of its most experienced cadres. In this article I shall attempt to show that this traumarepresented an important stage in the party's coming to terms with its own history, and was inevitable if the party was to develop as an effective revolutionary force. Further, I shall argue that, despite its critical weakness immediately following the 1971 split, the CPA is now demonstrating the potential to lead a viable communist movement in Australia. The Origins of Australian Labourism and Communism Contemporary Australian society presents a fairly orthodox, advanced capitalist appearance. It is highly industrialized and urban- ized, and its monopolistic economic structure is thoroughly- . -penetrated by foreign capital: The final touch to this normality is a new social democratic regime armed with working class electoral support on the one hand, and the latest OECD capitalist development plans on the other. But a closer examination of this social formation reveals unique- and politically significant-characteristics, the product of the peculiar development of capitalism in Austra1ia.l When this development began in the early nineteenth century, the capitalist mode of production was already dominant in England, along with large-scale industry.
    [Show full text]
  • Halcyon Days? the AMWU and the Accord
    Halcyon Days? The AMWU and the Accord Dr Elizabeth Humphrys, UTS Introduction We are in the midst of the 30th anniversary of the period of the Accord social contract between the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU), which lasted from 1983 and 1996. The Accord was a national agreement on economic policy that profoundly reshaped the Australian political economy during the Hawke and Keating governments. The parties involved today commonly view the Accord era as the high point of relations between the ALP and ACTU, and as being beneficial to workers in a period marked by the anti-worker policies of the New Right overseas. For many in the ALP and the trade unions these remain halcyon days, awash with electoral successes only dreamed of in a contemporary era of low ALP primary votes, declining party and union membership, and the consolidation of a political challenger to the left of Labor in the form of the Australian Greens. Yet it was also an era where a Labor government, with the direct collaboration of the union movement, introduced a full suite of neoliberal economic reforms while workers acceded to a systematic, government-led program of real wage cuts—a process which bureaucratised, weakened and hollowed out previously powerful and militant union organisation. In recent years there have been calls for new social contract between the unions and government from members of the ALP and the labour movement. These calls turn attention to the strategy of the Accord in the 1980s and 1990s, and of the role of far-Left unions in backing or fighting it.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of 1956 on the Communist Party of Australia
    ‘Cracking the Stalinist Crust’ ‐ The Impact of 1956 on the Communist Party of Australia School of Social Sciences Faculty of Arts, Education, & Human Development Victoria University Rachael Calkin 2006 Table of Contents Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………. iii Abstract………………………………………………………………………………….. v Chapter One ‐ Introduction…………………………………………………………… 1 ‐ Background………………………………………………………….. 2 ‐ The historiography of 1956………………………………………….. 10 Chapter Two ‐ ʹThe most important document of our generationʹ: …….. 21 The Secret Speech and Uprising in Hungary ‐ The Speech…………………………………………………………… 21 ‐ Hungarian Uprising………………………………………………… 26 ‐ Impact amongst Western Parties……………………………………. 28 ‐In Denial……………………………………………………………... 29 ‐ Internal Debate……………………………………………………… 35 ‐ Membership Reactions………………………………………………. 36 ‐ Differences between Parties…………………………………………. 44 ‐ A Similar Line on Hungary…………………………………………. 49 Chapter Three ‐ ʹIt will split the Party from top to bottomʹ: The CPA …... 55 Leadership before June 1956 ‐ A focus on the Positive Messages…………………………………… 56 ‐ Leadership Inconsistencies…………………………………………... 60 ‐ A More Objective, Analytical Approach……………………………. 67 ‐ Publication of text of the Speech…………………………………….. 71 ‐ Togliatti’s Analysis…………………………………………………. 76 Chapter Four ‐ ʹWe all make mistakesʹ: The CPA Leadership Post …….. 81 June 1956 ‐ The Statement from the CPSU and its Effect……………………….. 81 ‐ Instances of the Cult within the CPA……………………………….. 85 ‐ China………………………………………………………………… 88 ‐ Contradictions……………………………………………………….
    [Show full text]
  • BLEAKLEY Middlesex University, UK
    Volume 15, Issue 3, 458-474, 2021 Unconventional Labour: Environmental Justice and Working-class Ecology in the New South Wales Green Bans PAUL BLEAKLEY Middlesex University, UK ABSTRACT The New South Wales union movement embraced the principles of heritage and conservationism in the 1970s through the imposing of “green bans” – a strategy wherein union members refused to work on construction projects that were a threat to the state’s natural or built environment. Led by radicals like Builders Labourers’ Federation leader Jack Mundey, the green bans were seen in several sectors as a departure from the traditional “Old Left” priorities of securing workers’ wages and conditions. Rather than a hard shift towards radicalism, this article proposes that the green bans were instead reflective of an already existing conservationist tradition in the New South Wales union movement. This reinterpretation is predicated on a content analysis of extant historical material such as contemporaneous news articles, personal memoirs, transcripts of political speeches and archival documents related to the policing of left-wing activism in the 1960s and 1970s. The results show that an existing tradition of engagement with a broad spectrum of social issues in the New South Wales union movement predates the emergence of the New Left, including the commitment to environmental justice principles that underpinned the green bans. KEYWORDS working-class ecology; environmental justice; trade union; green ban; gentrification; New Left; Australia Introduction The late 1960s and early 1970s were a transformative time in Australian politics, as they were around the world. The predominantly conservative social values of the post-war era began to give way to a new model for political engagement, predicated on more existential concepts related to anti- imperialism and new social movements instead of the established binaries of Marxism and bourgeois capitalism.
    [Show full text]
  • Issue No. 77, September, 1980
    ~ Australasian 4. 30 CENTS Number 77 September 1980 Fight clerical reaction! For proletarian political revolution! II I Everyone predicted it was coming. A restive, combative working class, peasant strikes, massive foreign debt, chronic and widespread food shortages, a powerful and increasingly assertive Catholic j church, the burgeoning of social­ democratic and clerical-nationalist oppositional groupings. All the elements J.•........ i,{!""~'" .... ':1';' were there. Poland in the late '70s was I .. ' locked in a deepening crisis heading ) < toward explosion, an explosion which ., f il. could bring either proletarian political revolution against the Stalinist bureauc­ racy or capitalist counterrevolution led by Pope Wojtyla's church. And when it came it gripped world attention for two solid weeks. The Baltic ':JII'1 • coast general strike was the most power­ ful mobilization of the power of the working class since France May 1968. But was it a mobilization for working-class power? That is the decisive question. Now there is a settlement on paper. The Polish workers have forced the bureaucracy to agree to "new self­ governing trade unions" with the pledge that these recognize' 'the leading role" of the Communist party and do not engage in political activities. Insofar as the settlement enhances the Polish workers' power to struggle against the Stalinist Strikers In Gdansk (left); praying beneath pope's portrait at Lenin Shipyard (right). A massive demonstration of the bureaucracy, revolutionaries can support the strike and its outcome. But only a power of the working class - but a mobilisation for working-class power? blind man could fail to see the gross influence of the Catholic church and also Kremlin has a sense of humor.
    [Show full text]
  • Rethinking Cold War History Author(S): David Mcknight Source: Labour History, No
    Rethinking Cold War History Author(s): David McKnight Source: Labour History, No. 95 (Nov., 2008), pp. 185-196 Published by: Australian Society for the Study of Labour History, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27516316 . Accessed: 01/10/2014 14:48 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Australian Society for the Study of Labour History, Inc. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Labour History. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 210.212.93.44 on Wed, 1 Oct 2014 14:48:39 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RethinkingCold War History DavidMcKnight* Historians have rethought some of the prevailing assumptions employed in writing about the Cold War in Australia. Until recently, the history of the Cold War in Australia was often written with too little detachment and skepticism toward the Left, and with a failure of scholarly empathy toward the claims of the anti-Communist Right. The opening of new and sources as 'Venona' one reason in archival intelligence (such the papers) is for the shift thefield. Another is a reassessment of the link between theUSSR and theCommunist Party ofAustralia (CPA), that leads to questions about theCPA's dogmatic pro-Soviet stance, and towhat degree this was partly responsible for its defeats, rather than simply victimisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Socialist Review No. 3, October 1970
    Editorial To our readers, and those of our sub­ scribers who have despaired of ever getting their money's worth, we apologise for the delay and assure them that their subscriptions are still good for the remain­ ing issues. The reasons for our non-appearance have not been totally negative. In the past year revolutionaries who align themselves with the Fourth International have had serious work to do. Since the formation of the Socialist Youth Alliance just on twelve months ago, the growth of the Trotskyist movement in Australia and its involvement in many areas of political activity has kept members of the Socialist Review group busy. While 'Socialist Review' has failed to appear, 'Direct Action', the newspaper of SYA, a frat­ ernal revolutionary youth organization, has appeared regularly for ten issues. The present flourishing of the Trotskyist movement in Australia is a reflection of a world-wide historical process that now places the Fourth International at the head of the world revolutionary movement. The new International section in this issue provides concrete illustrations of this fact­ - the recent 35, OOO-strong demonstration in Paris in commemoration of the Paris list Commune was a triumphant vindication of the historical position of the Fourth International. At that demonstration, retneuu Belgian Marxist Ernest Mandel spoke of No.3 October 1971 Published by J Percy, PO Box 264, Carlton South 3053. Victoria for socialist review Subscriptions Subscriptions to socialist review are available at $2.50 for six issues, post free, from socialist review (Business) PO Box 186 Haymarket 2000 New South Wales. Correspondence Correspondence, and contributions to discussioCl.
    [Show full text]
  • The Australian Women's Liberation Movement and the Communist Party of Australia, 1965-1975
    TITLE,...PAQE^ SCARLET MOONS: The Australian Women's Liberation Movement and the Communist Party of Australia, 1965-1975. by Margaret Penson, M.A., Dip.Ed., Dip.Lib. A Dissertation submitted to the fulfilments of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of History, Philosophy and Politics, Macquarie University. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. This thesis has relied on the time and encouraging support of the following people who spoke to me and discussed their Communist Party memories; Laurie Aarons, Jean Bailey, Derek Beechey, Sally Bowen, Janet Copley, Barbara Curthoys, Geoff Curthoys, Eileen Dalwood, Jean Davidson, Joan Goodwin, Ina Jones, Winifred Mitchell, Judy Mundey, Mavis Roberston, Paula Rix, Joyce Stevens and Reg Wilding. I am grateful to Jean Bailey who took much time in introducing me to a number of people in the Newcastle area with whom I could discuss the thesis; to Mavis Robertson and Joyce Stevens who spent time editing the transcripts of their interviews and to Reg Wilding with whom I had a number of pleasant discussions over a beer. I am indebted to Professor Duncan Waterson and Dr. Jim Gillespie for their supervision of my work, especially for their positive support, ideas and editorial assistance, and to Dr. Meredith Burgmann whose enthusiastic support helped me put pen to paper. My thanks to: Danny Blackman for supporting the project of cataloguing the Communist Party of Australia records held at the Mitchell Library, Sydney, and to Jim Andrighetti for undertaking the project and thereby making access to these records possible; Staff at the Mitchell Library for their pleasant and efficient help; Brian Aarons and members of the National Executive of the Communist Party of Australia for giving me permission to use the Party's records; Phillipa Hall and Shirley Woodland for their enthusiastic support and assistance.
    [Show full text]
  • Esmonde Higgins and the Lost History of Australian Adult Education Bob Boughton
    Australian Journal of Adult Learning Volume 60, Number 3, November 2020 Esmonde Higgins and the lost history of Australian adult education Bob Boughton University of New England When the Australian Association of Adult Education (AAAE) was established in 1960, Australia was locked into a global conflict between capitalism and communism, known as the Cold War. With anti- communism at fever pitch, AAAE’s founders who were fighting to retain some influence with Australian universities and with government funding authorities needed an origin story which would appeal to these prejudices. Not surprisingly, therefore, histories of ‘the profession’ produced in the first decades largely dismissed the role of the many radical adult educators and left-wing organisations which had been instrumental in extending adult education to the working class in the first half of the twentieth century. One of the main sources for these early histories was a memoir of David Stewart, founder of the Workers Education Association, written in 1957 by a university adult educator, Esmonde McDonald Higgins. In this paper, I tell a different story, through a close examination of Higgins’ own role in this early history, to show how 1960s ‘official’ adult education lost touch with its own roots in radical working class politics, roots which are only now re-emerging, through the study of popular education and social movement learning. 424 Bob Boughton Key words: Adult education history, Australian Association of Adult Education (AAE), Workers Education Association (WEA), radical adult education, popular education, communism Introduction The Australian Association for Adult Education (AAAE) was formed in 1960, at a meeting of professional adult educators, mainly drawn from university adult education departments and the Workers Education Association (WEA) branches in some states.
    [Show full text]
  • The Marxism and Strategic Concepts of the Communist Party of Australia 1963-1972
    THE MARXISM AND STRATEGIC CONCEPTS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF AUSTRALIA 1963-1972 Ken Mansell Thesis submitted as part of the Final Honours Examination in the Department of History, La Trobe University, 1980. This thesis is my-own work containing, to the best of my knowledge and belief, no material published or written by another person except as referred to in the text. 14 November 1980 TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKJ.'JOWLEDGEMENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS INTRODUCTION 1 PART ONE: THE STALINIST ORTHODOXY 7 PART TWO: THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF AUSTRALIA 1963-1967 28 CHAPTER ONE: 'THE NEW LOOK' - THE BREAK FROM ORTHODOXY 28 CHAPTER TWO: 'THE NEW LOOK' - TOWARDS THE 'COALITION OF THE LEFT' 43 PART THREE: THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF AUSTRALIA 1968-1972 61 CHAPTER ONE: SOCIALISM ON THE AGENDA - CONFRONTATION AND,CHALLENGE 61 CHAPTER TWO: SOCIALISM ON THE AGENDA - NEW BOTTLES-OLD WINE 81 CONCLUSION 109 APPENDIX A i APPENDIX B iv BIBLIOGRAPHY vii ERRATUM xxxii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to thank my supervisor Dr Peter Cook for his advice and support during the preparation of this essay and Shirley Gordon for her assistance in converting a ha.,dwritten manuscript into presentable form. LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS A.C.P. Australian Communist Party A.L.P. Australian Labor Party A.R.M. Adelaide Revolutionary Marxists A.R.M. Australian Revolutionary Marxists B.W.I.U. Building Workers' Industrial Union C.G. I .L·. General Confederation of Italian Labour C.P.A. Communj,st Party of Australia C.P.A. (M-L) Communist Party of Australia (Marxist-Leninist)· C.P.C. Communist Party of China C.P.G.B.
    [Show full text]
  • No. 340, October 21, 1983
    ~·Uii ~ ~~....... zrn.IIII'n!S_~~~~_~ ~-..,r~ - ._~ ~ 25¢ -------------...-.... :<~,~••iZl_.... L __ t:ouR---. No. 340 X 523 21 October 1983 ·........".....w ..... Sandinistas.. ZUA = TRI!? Need ~ Arms.. ...__ Now! • 'Cr a _"r:n mn • 1 OCTOBER IS-With last week's CIA policy summed up: bombs and bullshit. sneak attacks on key oil facilities in the On Saturday, October IS, thousands ports of Corinto and Puerto Sandino. of angry Nicaraguans demonstrated U.S. imperialism's war against the against this imperialist blackmail. 0licaraguan revolution has reached an marching behind a giant banner pro­ ominous turning point. For a small claiming (in English), "Reagan Son of a country where 75 percent of oil imports Bitch!"~ CIA/contra sneak attack on oil depots at port of Corinto flows through one pipeline and more The Nicaraguan masses have fought forces 25,000 people to flee. than half of all foreign trade passes over too long and suffered too much to lie a single bridge, the effect ofthese attacks down and die. For almost halfa century National Liberation Front (FSLN) Determined to reverse their ignomin­ on the economy is devastating. Nicara­ the Somoza dynasty, installed by the marched into Managua in August 1979 ious rout, U. S.-armed and directed gua has reportedly now been reduced to U.S. Marines in 1934, sucked the blood and West Point graduate "Tacho" conrras (counterrevolutionaries), most­ barely one month's oil reserves. And of Nicaragua's workers and peasants. Somoza fled for his life, U.S. imperial­ ly drawn from the sadistic gangsters of while smoke billows from the oil tanks, Fifty thousand people.
    [Show full text]