viewpoint Laurie Aarons

Tneven economic and political development is moves affected Japan most of all. Japanese cap­ |_/an absolute law of capitalism, wrote Lenin in italism is not likely to forget or forgive, conscious 1915. World events in 1971 provided abundant of its economic power and expertise, its dependence material for this thesis. 1971 saw upheavals, upon world trade for almost everything, and of reversals of policies, developing new align­ the cavalier fashion of revolutionary changes in ments, currency revaluations and severe econ­ US policies which affected Japanese interests most omic problems affecting the whole capitalist of all (not only the trade and currency decisions, world. Foreshadowing big changes in power rela­ but foreign policy, particularly the pilgrimage to tions and economic balance of forces, these events Peking and what it may portend for the US- were long prepared by economic and political Japanese alliance). changes, such as the resurgence of Japanese and West German monopoly capitalism, growth of the European Common Market, continued decline Lies and U.S. policy of British capitalism and the weakening of United There was a dog-bites-man flavour in the press States imperialism, economically and politically. headline “Kissinger Lied”, and the story which Nixon’s financial moves last August, which followed implicating Nixon as ordering the lies forced revaluations and devaluations and achieved (about US support for Pakistan and hos­ some of his objectives, had some paradoxical tility to India). The wonder of it all is that aspects. The US was able to achieve an immediate such an item could be regarded as newsworthy— if temporary advantage by using the dollar’s very only naive innocents should be surprised, after weakness as a weapon. So devaluation of the dollar the Pentagon Papers disclosures and many other is a "victory” as is the increased price of gold — cases, that lying is a basic tenet of US political hitherto a basic US financial policy held to be procedure. untouchable. The 10 per cent surcharge on Revelations in the Pentagon Papers, these latest imports marked the virtual end of GATT, created inside leaks, and others of recent years are by the USA to control world trade. invaluable source material for study of how the US ruling class operates. The new feature in the It is a far cry from the immediate postwar decay of the US ruling class is not the decline period, and the ’fifties, when the United States of public morality, but the inner tensions which dollar appeared the eternally dominant and push them into the open, the abysmal gap between unquestionable international currency, as sterling reality and pretension that drives men like David was in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Though Ellsberg to reveal the truth. United States capitalism has made real gains, the main feature is their transcience. They will solve The India-Pakistan war and the declaration of neither American capitalism’s problems nor the independence by Bangla Desh have produced chronic world trade and currency crisis. important changes in international relations, and Indeed, Nixon’s victory may well turn out to reveal fascinating sidelights on world politics. be the last time that the United States is able to The United States and the People’s Republic of force its will upon the Ten. Though it remains China both supported Pakistan. It is gross over­ ec°nomically the strongest and richest capitalist simplification to say, as some do, that this means P°wer, its relative strength is declining, and its the US and China are now allies, or are moving political dominance has been eroded by a whole towards alliance. Both pursued power politics senes of defeats and setbacks. Vietnam is the —an imperialist power on the one hand, and an most important of these, but there are many others, anti-imperialist power on the other. the latest its reverse in the Indian sub-continent. Those who see only abandonment of ideology As so many commentators point out, the US by one or both are wrong. US ideology is still Laurie Aarons is National Secretary of the Communist Party imperialist domination, as interpreted through US of Australia. interests (which are by no means identical with 5 those of other imperialist powers). China’s ideology is the key; if it is further delayed, the struggle is still anti-imperialist, again interpreted through for real independence will resurge, and India will China’s interests — identifying the anti-imperialist be open to the charge of playing capitalist power struggle with how it strengthens China. Thus, if politics. It is clear that support for independent India is regarded as a threat to China, the Yayha Bangla Desh is the only revolutionary interna­ Khan regime is an ally since it is seen as a counter tionalist position. to India. This logic leads inexorably to con­ demnation of “subversion” by the Bangla Desh New Indo-China victories revolution, and of Indian “expansionism”. The peoples of Indo-China are winning new victories in the national liberation war The presents a different stance in which remains the frontline of the world anti­ this conflict, for it supported Bangla Desh (though imperialist struggle. Nixon’s selection of the cautiously at first), it backed India in the war, Christmas period for resumption of mass terror and was a winner. This has greatly strengthened air raids was only fortuitously the assertion of the Soviet position in Asia and the world. Some Christian values as seen by US imperialism. It therefore interpret this as an advance of the forces was dictated by the Offensive of Khmer Rouge, for socialism and revolution, operating in the Pathet Lao and Vietnamise liberation forces, which same ideological framework, that the USSR is the is threatening the US-puppet military position in vanguard of the socialist forces, therefore anything all these countries. The fundamental military- that strengthens the USSR advances the revolu­ political weakness of US imperialism in Indo-China tionary movement. is again exposed by the fact that its only answer This method of thinking leads to strange theo­ to the liberation armies’ offensive remains massive retical justifications and distortions of principle and indiscriminate air raids, using new horror to fit national policies. As is so often the case, this weapons developed by the refined technology of is carried to extremes by those who support one the new barbarians. or other of the socialist great powers. Thus, the The bombing raids, which will continue, inaugural conference of the Socialist Party of emphasise Nixon’s determination to wage war to Australia, which subscribes to this theory in its the bitter end, until forced to withdraw finally Soviet variant, adopted as its sole foreign policy by a combination of military successes for the position a resolution headed “End Pakistan’s liberation armies, political defeat and ultimate Imperialist Aggression”. Unless one rejects every, collapse of the Thieu regime, and by world thing Lenin and others have written about imper­ opinion unnder stimulation of a new military ialism, one thing that can be said with certainty offensive by the anti-war forces all over the world. is that Pakistan, whatever else it is, cannot be Coming weeks will certainly see new big military described as an imperialist power. The CPA victories for the peoples of Indo-China, and (M-L), enmeshed in the same theory, seeing China probable acute sharpening of the Thieu regime’s as the vanguard power, predictably made almost political crisis, despite Nixon’s new “solution”. identical statements about “Indian aggression against Pakistan”. The anti-imperialist and anti-war movement It is stretching marxism — and, more import­ must match this, in Australia, the United States and the whole capitalist world. International antly, reality — beyond breaking point to describe actions planned for April 22 are a good oppor­ Pakistan under the military dictatorship as an tunity for carrying out this responsibility. imperialist power. Equally, to see India as any­ thing but a capitalist country, let alone either The Nixon visits an imperialist power (or neo-socialist) also goes The coming Nixon visits to Peking and Mos­ far beyond an objective analysis. Indian military cow are important in this context. The world action helped the Bangla Desh guerrillas, but its anti-imperialist movement, and revolutionary national power interests were the prime motive. forces, will expect and hope for really firm and During the fighting, Mrs. Gandhi proclaimed, “We seek nothing for ourselves, we claim no part of clear statements of determination to continue and what was formerly East Pakistan and is now step up support for the Indo-Chinese people, and Bangla Desh. . . Our troops will not remain in other pressures which each of the socialist great Bangla Desh an hour longer than is necessary.” powers can exert upon Nixon. (New Times, No. 52, 1971, p. 11). The tune There is obvious uncertainty and doubt about has already changed; Indian troops are still there these two visits, on both sides of the ideological and likely to remain; the leftwing of Mukti barricade dividing the pro-imperialist and anti­ Bahini has called for Indian withdrawal and imperialist forces. Confidence by the anti-imper- declared it will not disarm until this is done. ialist forces is not helped by reports that slogans This comes to the core of the problem — denouncing US imperialism are being taken down genuine independence for Bangla Desh. Pakistan in Peking, nor by the fact that Nixon felt confident under Bhutto has no way back to the East; this that he could resume the bombings and still was final and irrevocable from the moment Yayha visit Peking and Moscow. Khan moved in the army last March. What The Peking visit in particular has captured happens in Bangla Desh now? Indian withdrawal public imagination all over the world. Those

6 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW— MARCH, 1972 (w h e th e r in Moscow, Toyko or in the anti-war people, followed by a different sort of “recovery”, m o v e m e n t) who expect, hope or fear a “global similar in some ways to US, British, Canadian ileal" by Chou En-lai and Nixon, will almost and other capitalist recoveries. This could bring certainly be proven wrong, just as US-Soviet dis­ a permanent unemployment level greater than cu ssio n s have never resolved the fundamental that of the last 20 years, a more or less peaceful differences dividing the two powers. co-existence of inflation and stagnation (for which the inelegant word “stagflation” has been In principle, Summit meetings, negotiations and bargaining between the great powers are necessary coined), and a sharper struggle between capital and can be valuable in the conditions of a divided and labor over wages, prices, social policies for world in which the danger of nuclear war remains. development, housing, health and welfare, and many other issues. Nevertheless, there remain vital limits which can­ not be crossed without harming the world anti­ Sophisticated credit and other measures to deal imperialist struggle, as some past experiences have with the economy, developed of economic and shown. The Indo-China people’s struggle, which political necessity, are less and less successful in is so crucial to the world revolutionary movement, finding solutions for the problems of capitalist cannot be negotiated without their participation economic development. It may well be that a deep and final decision. cause of this is the economic consequences of the accelerating scientific and technological revo­ This is all the more vital when the general lution, which distorts the economy as it does military-political situation is so favourable to the so many other areas of human activity. The old the liberation forces, when US imperialism’s contradictions and tensions are intensified and aggression is so universally denounced, its duplic­ also supplemented by new ones; neo-Keynesian ity and immorality so exposed. The Vietnamese mechanisms for adjustment and ordering the system made their position quite clear on July 19, a few may well become less and less effective. days after Nixon’s visit was announced: “Nixon’s policy also consists of trying to achieve compro­ The current Australian economic situation will mises with the big powers in an attempt to make worsen; the revaluation and other measures will smaller countries bow to their arrangement. . . . place heavier burdens upon the working people But it (the Nixon Doctrine) was already out of because prices and unemployment will continue date before it came into being, and will therefore to rise; the palliatives for the rural economy and inevitably fail." the aid to industry will help only the big farmers and the monopolies. Unemployment is now affect­ The Australian Economy ing more than manual workers; the job prospects for hightly-skilled professionals and university The McMahon-Anthony duel over revalua­ graduates are also bleak. In this, as in so many tion was the pre-Christmas celebration of the other areas, the problems of US capitalism are crisis of conservatism in Australia. Its sensational “exported” to other capitalist countries, aftec. a political aspects were naturally the most reported, time lag. but the economic implications will prove more The economic downturn requires a political important. and industrial counter-offensive by the workers’ Over 20 years of conservative political domi­ movement, developing new demands, and new nation was accomplished, if not caused, by the forms of struggle. These new concepts are begin­ longest period of capitalist boom in Australian ning to develop, taking previous experiences and history, interrupted only by brief if severe reces­ workers’ demands as starting points. Workers’ sions. It is unlikely that the same pattern will demands and needs, occasionally regarded by some be repeated. The 1970 Stock Exchange crash, forces as old-hat or irrelevant to the complete with spectacular failures and fraudulent “real” revolutionary struggle, are vital to revo­ stock-jobbing, may well mark a new phase of lutionary activity, and also very real to those capitalist economic development different to the who suffer from the capitalist economic instability, preceding 20 years. first of all and worst of all, the already low paid and those who suffer the most from the deep This is because the capitalist world system is problems of the “affluent society”. lr^ a chronic crisis, though by no means of the °ld type; because the agrarian crisis cannot be resolved except by the inevitable great shakedown Those union fines which will turn the drift from the land into an To pay or not to pay: that was the ques­ exodus, no matter what vote-preserving palliatives tion faced last December by the federal bodies are dreamed up by the Country Party; and of the three metal unions about to amalgamate ecause the temporary features which contributed to form what will be the biggest union in Aus­ to an “Australian exceptionalism” have about run their course. tralia. After years of preparatory work, consum­ mation of the merger was threatened if the Boiler- The most likely outcome of all this is a severe makers-Blacksmiths’ and Sheet Metal unions did recession, with increasing unemployment and not pay outstanding fines which had been imposed ardship for big sections of workers and rural under the penal clauses of the Arbitration Act. 7 Before the amalgamation could be carried fight for their demands and against penal powers. through, these two unions had to be de-registered. The second was the principle of x'ejecting penal The Industrial Registrar (Dr. Sharp) refused to fines under the arbitration system, established in allow this until all “outstanding liabilities were unanimous decision by federal conferences of the met” — that is, the fines were paid ($17,000 by three unions, and the ACTU Congress. It is under­ the Boilermakers-Blacksmiths, $250 by the Sheet stood that, in the majority view, the first principle Metal Union). The Registrar was acting under was considered more important, overriding the direction of the Government, which saw this as second: by carrying through the amalgamation, a heaven-sent chance to force these militant unions making a temporary concession to penalties and to choose between amalgamation — of great the arbitration system, the struggle against the importance and potential — or adherence to their system could be carried forward more effectively. declared policy (and that of the entire union movement) of refusing to recognise industrial The minority view is believed to have been that sanctions or pay any fines. such a concession to pressure by government and arbitration would abandon a key position of mili­ On all sides, this amalgamation is recognised tant unionism. Further, metalworkers’ desire for as one of the most important developments in amalgamation was so strong that the very real Australian unionism since the war. It causes deep obstacles put in the way by this smart legal concern and apprehension to even the most pow­ manoeuvre by government, the Registrar and erful employers, and not only the Metal Trades employers could be overcome by metalworkers’ Industry Association which is directly concerned. unity in the workplaces and industry. Acting in The new union would be a very powerful force this way would carry forward the fight for militant in the key metal industries. Its success would unionism firmly based upon job organisation, and speed the shift to industrial unionism, so needed workers’ democracy and activity. Taking an imme­ today when a few powerful corporations, usually diate decision at top level to pay the fines was multi-national, confront a union movement frag­ not involving the union membership in deciding mented into hundreds of unions. such an important issue of principle. This experience is very instructive, compressing The Federal Government, already planning new many issues which will recur time after time as anti-union legislation (the projected “Lynch the workers’ movement struggles towards new Law”) , anl always even more hawkish than most concepts of independence from the capitalist sys­ employers’ associations, is known to be deeply tem, of workers’ action that challenges the system, concerned at the prospect of amalgamation. The and of developing new-type organisation so DLP, which expresses government ideas even more openly, has foreshadowed refusal to support the urgently needed in today’s conditions. new legislation unless it includes legal obstacles Essentially, the question is whether or not to which could make amalgamations virtually impos­ accept capitalist state control over the unions, sible. Something much less than prophetic insight either in the old form or in some new ways. is needed to forecast DLP success in “forcing” There is wide recognition in many circles — such amendments upon a willing government union and employer, judiciary and legal profes­ when the legislation comes before the Senate, sion, Labor and even Liberal politicians — that probably in late Februnary or early March. The the old form of arbitration has had itcs day. stage was thus set for this legal pressure for pay­ Much thought is being given to devising new ment of the fines, forcing the unions concerned forms, even by industrial relations “experts”, to at least appear to recognise arbitration and lawyers and judges, and others from the capitalist legal sanctions. side. The not inconsiderable portion of the legal profession which lives off the arbitration system In the event, the federal bodies of the three is divided into conservatives and reformists on unions agreed to pay the fines, though the decision this issue, dividing roughly into the “get-tough was not unanimous. The AEU, not called upon and apply-the-law school”, and those who recognise to pay its fines (because it is not being deregis­ the need for change if the system (and their tered — the members of the other two unions lucrative livelihood) are to continue. The latter are joining it), voted 10-3 in favour of paying, is now probably the larger section, realistic enough the Boilermakers/Blacksmiths 6-4; only the Sheet to recognise that time is running out quickly. Metal Workers’ Council was unanimous. (These Even Mr. Lynch and the Federal Cabinet have votes were reported by the egregious Mr. F. Wells to pay some lip-service to the need for reform, of the Fairfax press.) though only to sugar-coat the bitter pill of a tough industrial law-and-order policy they are According to other reports, discussion of the prescribing. issue was serious and principled, with everyone concerned at its serious implications. One view­ In the union movement itself, right, left and point — which finally won a majority — was centre are publicly committed to “change”. How­ that there were two issues of principle involved. ever, change is understood quite differently by The first was the principle of amalgamation, each trend, and there are big differences even which would strengthen metalworkers’ capacity to within each trend. As the metal unions’ decision

8 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW— MARCH, 1972 shows, the differences may be (or appear to be) and when the boss tried to stop them they organ­ only tactical. In reality, they are much deeper, ised production themselves. Police were called in, reflecting diverging philosophies about unionism their intimidation failed. The firm called on the and workers’ struggle. Criticism of arbitration in MTIA for advice, and two court actions were the union movement ranges from those who want launched. The firm got a Supreme Court injunc­ to reform it — and believe that the “rule of law” tion to prohibit the “sacked” men from going in industrial relations can actually benefit the onto the job. The men decided to defy the workers — to those who want to smash the arbi­ injunction — they were ready to go to jail to tration system because, however it may be re­ uphold their right to work. formed, it will still remain essentially a capitalist legal system which will function against the Moral and financial support of their struggle workers’ interests. came from all over the country because of the new issues it raised when sackings are widespread Even some militant left wing unionists, par­ and growing. The new tactic, developed by the ticularly officials who have had to work within men themselves, captured public imagination and the system while theoretically committed to its caused confusion among employers. It also pre­ replacement, have become conditioned to its sented some difficulties for the unions concerned, existence and the need to work within it. Accept­ the Ironworkers and the Branch of the ing the limits imposed by this fact, the theoretical Boilermakers and Blacksmiths. The rightwing FIA perspective of struggle to end the system becomes officials opposed the tactic from the beginning; an abstract principle, which loses reality as so the Boilermakers and Blacksmiths supported the much of union work is directed into and contained struggle up to the point of the Supreme Court within it. injunction. After this, a tactical problem arose: Thus, the reality of the Arbitration Act and the legal costs and other issues involved in defiance union registration as it applied to the amalgama­ of a Court decision if the dismissed men stayed tion issue led to acceptance of the inevitability of on the job. The Union Executive decided that paying the fines, even though this is genuinely the men should stay away. seen as a bitter pill, and is resented. There is Although there was here, too, a legitimate area no need to read into this an insincerity of motive for discussion and disagreement about tactics, or abandonment of principle. The problem was deeper issues were certainly involved. These go indeed a knotty one, but what it revealed is the to the same point — the need for new concepts urgent need for open and serious debate over of unionism, centring upon new demands that fundamental philosophy and perspective of the challenge capitalist “rights”, new forms of action workers’ movement and unionism. Outcome of which go beyond the confines of capitalist “law”, this discussion will be crucial in deciding whether and a new level of workers’ democracy in such the new amalgamated union realises its full action. As unemployment rises and dismissals potential as a force for a new course for militant increase, the need for new demands and action unionism. will become more urgent. The key question is the development of an independent workers’ movement, whose pillars are Communist Party Congress workers’ action, workers’ control over and decision The Easter Congress will have many important of the forms of this action. The movement cer­ tasks, though none more important than creative tainly has to be free of State or Court control development of communist activity in the workers’ (which is the issue involved in rejection of penal movement. It will analyse the rich experience of powers, sanctions and fines), but, more than that, two crowded years since the last Congress, a time it must be genuinely independent of capitalism. in which the anti-war movement mobilised hun­ Real independence means rejection of the ideolo­ dreds of thousands of people in action against the gical constraints placed upon unionism, workers’ ; there was a qualitative advance in demands and workers’ action by acceptance of a the anti-racist movement; women’s liberation devel­ ‘‘rule of law” allegedly impartial as between capital oped new dimensions in women’s action. and labor. It would be blind to assert that the long struggle The Harco workers’ struggle raised the same in the CPA over fundamentals, and the formation issues. This struggle was waged against a “sacred” of a new breakaway party have had no weakening nght of the employers — the right to effect, just as earlier divisions internationally did. sack. The firm (owning a fairly small steel fabri­ It would be a mistake to deduce from this that the cation shop) dismissed six men. Instead of CPA is finished, just as it is a mistake to throw up accepting this as inevitable, a mass meeting the hands in horror at the magnitude of the tasks decided that the six men should stay on the job, confronting the party or the left as a whole. a|l employees should work only 35 hours, and A revolutionary movement is reality which is in­ j emand 40 hours’ pay. The employer used every destructible because the issues posed by capitalist orm of pressure to get the “dismissed” men off social development impel more and more people to the job, without avail. They continued to work, question capitalism and act to change it.

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