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Download Indus Mesopotamia THE MELAMMU PROJECT http://www.aakkl.helsinki.fi/melammu/ “Growing in a Foreign World. For a History of the “Meluhha Villages” in Mesopotamia in the 3rd Millennium BC” MASSIMO VIDALE Published in Melammu Symposia 4: A. Panaino and A. Piras (eds.), Schools of Oriental Studies and the Development of Modern Historiography. Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Symposium of the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project. Held in Ravenna, Italy, October 13-17, 2001 (Milan: Università di Bologna & IsIao 2004), pp. 261-80. Publisher: http://www.mimesisedizioni.it/ This article was downloaded from the website of the Melammu Project: http://www.aakkl.helsinki.fi/melammu/ The Melammu Project investigates the continuity, transformation and diffusion of Mesopotamian culture throughout the ancient world. A central objective of the project is to create an electronic database collecting the relevant textual, art-historical, archaeological, ethnographic and linguistic evidence, which is available on the website, alongside bibliographies of relevant themes. In addition, the project organizes symposia focusing on different aspects of cultural continuity and evolution in the ancient world. The Digital Library available at the website of the Melammu Project contains articles from the Melammu Symposia volumes, as well as related essays. All downloads at this website are freely available for personal, non-commercial use. Commercial use is strictly prohibited. For inquiries, please contact [email protected]. VIDALE FOR A HISTORY OF THE “MELUHHA VILLAGES” IN MESOPOTAMIA MASSIMO VIDALE Ravenna Growing in a Foreign World: For a History of the “Meluhha Villages” in Mesopotamia in the 3rd Millennium BC 1. Separating facts from conjectures he presence of individuals or was dated to the middle Bronze age. groups immigrated from the Indo- Since then, two generations of archae- TPakistani Subcontinent in Meso- ologists and philologists have attempted potamia in the 3rd millennium BC was to investigate the problem of the Indian recognized since the discovery of the communities that settled in Mesopotamia Indus Civilization at Harappa and Mo- in the second half of the 3rd millennium henjo-Daro in the early ‘20ies, because BC. As the identification of the land of in a few cases Indus-like seals were found Meluhha with the coastal areas controlled in stratified contexts in some of the most by the Indus Civilization is almost uni- important Sumerian cities. In 1932, C.J. versally accepted, the textual evidence Gadd opened a new line of archaeologi- dealing with individuals qualified as cal research, collecting and publishing in “men” or “sons” of Meluhha or called a fortunate paper a series of seals from with the ethnonym Meluhha, living in Mesopotamia (found during digs or ac- Mesopotamia and of a “Meluhha village” quired on the antiquarian market) sharing established at Lagash (and presumably at what he regarded as an “Indian style.” other major cities as well) unexcapably Gadd’s interpretation was fundamentally points to the existence of enclaves settled correct, although the series of seals he by Indian immigrants (see Parpola et al. published included also specimens of 1977; Possehl 1984: 185; for the original what we presently identify as Dilmunite debate Lamberg-Karlovsky 1972). seals coming from the Gulf islands of On the other hand, it soon became Faylaka and Bahrein. The great seasons clear that no Mesopotamian article – for of extensive excavations at Mohenjo- example, not a single Sumerian cylinder Daro (Sindh, presently in Pakistan) were seal – had been recovered at Mohenjo- over, and the final report by J. Marshall Daro (nor would have been found in later (1931) had been published. Both the in- excavations at other Indus sites). As the scriptions and the animal icones on the elevated compound of Mohenjo-Daro has major group of western seals had obvious been excavated for about 350 houses and similarities with the steatite seals un- buildings, accounting for about 10% of earthed by thousands in the major cities the total built mounded surface, it is of the Indus civilization. It was on the hardly possible that such absence is basis of these finds, at least in a first casual. On the basis of the present evi- stage, that the Indus valley civilization dence, it is more likely that, although we A. Panaino & A. Piras (eds.) MELAMMU SYMPOSIA IV (Milano 2004) ISBN 88-88483-206-3 261 VIDALE FOR A HISTORY OF THE “MELUHHA VILLAGES” IN MESOPOTAMIA have ascertained that Indian groups trav- may accept as facts and what, for the elled, traded and settled in the west, moment being, are no more than inter- Sumerians did not travel directly to the pretations, hypotheses and conjectures. coasts and plains of the Indus, nor they Separating facts from interpretations is settled – at least in substantial groups – not easy, because each scholar – the pre- in the Indus cities. Another possible in- sent writer included – is tempted to in- terpretation is that an ideological attitude clude what he or she deems as “very prevented Indus traders and travellers likely interpretations” to some funda- from importing objects produced abroad mental facts. Even in the title I arbitrarily and using them at home. The temptation, assume that the Indus enclaves in Meso- at this point, is to refer to the historical potamia were identified as “Meluhha and contemporary brahmanical attitude villages,” whereas the only positive evi- according to which the outer world is dence of this entity comes from Lagash (I considered impure and potentially pol- did it because thus the title sounds much luting at a socio-ritual level. Perhaps better). similar ideas were at play 5000 years ago But interpretations (including what as well. But although this might appear a might appear to many as “wild” conjec- reasonable assumption, as you see we tures) might turn out important, presently have shifted (almost inadvertently) from or in the future, both because they may facts to a conjecture. stimulate curiosity and further research, As this attitude is a major, recurrent and because, if they are expressed in the fault of archaeological research in the proper way, they might become work archaeology of the Indus valley, in this hypotheses (i.e., historical interpretations paper – aimed at summarizing part of the capable to be scientifically tested). Actu- information piled since Gadd’s paper, ally, whenever possible, I made the effort and presently available on the question of suggesting how these hypotheses might of the Meluhhan communities in Meso- be tested on the field or in the archaeo- potamia – I try to list under two separate logical materials. headings (paragraphs 3. and 4.) what we 2. Textual and archaeological evidence After Gadd’s paper, the second im- Royal Cemetery of Ur) and immediately portant contribution on the Indus com- later to the Akkadian period, when, as munities in Mesopotamia was a paper by widely reported, Sargon claimed with Parpola et al. (1977). This review of the pride that under his power Meluhhan texts then available containing references ships docked at his capital, and at least to Meluhha and Meluhhans was focused one tablet mentions a person with an Ak- on 9 texts dating to Ur III times, but also kadian name qualified as a “the holder of included references to Sargonic texts. a Meluhha ship.” The reconstruction of The general picture in this paper is the the nature of the Indo-Mesopotamian following. The maximum archaeological trade is a very complex and demanding evidence of Indian imports and Indus- issue. Presently I have not the space, nor related artefacts in Mesopotamia may be probably the full competence to review dated to latest phases of ED III (at the and update the general evidence, but it is 262 VIDALE FOR A HISTORY OF THE “MELUHHA VILLAGES” IN MESOPOTAMIA widely known that, according to the lit- the Mesopotamian demand and markets. erary sources, between the end of the 3rd To the same period is ascribed a famous and the beginning of the 2nd millennium cylinder seal owned by a certain Su-ilisu, BC Meluhhan ships exported to Meso- “Meluhha interpreter” (Sollberger 1970; potamia precious goods among which Tosi 1991). Another Akkadian text rec- exotic animals, such as dogs, perhaps ords that Lu-sunzida “a man of Meluhha” peacocks, cocks, bovids, elephants (? paid to the servant Urur, son of Amar- Collon 1977) precious woods and royal luKU 10 shekels of silver as a payment furniture, precious stones such as car- for a tooth broken in a clash. The name nelian, agate and lapislazuli, and metals Lu-sunzida literally means “Man of the like gold, silver and tin (among others just buffalo cow,” a name that, although Pettinato 1972; During Caspers 1971; rendered in Sumerian, according to the Chakrabarti 1982, 1990; Tosi 1991; see authors does not make sense in the Meso- also Lahiri 1992 and Potts 1994). In his potamian cultural sphere, and must be a famous inscriptions, Gudea, in the sec- translation of an Indian name; I will re- ond half of the 22nd century BC, states turn later to this important point. By Ur that Meluhhans came with wood and III times, this intense trade had definitely other raw materials for the construction promoted the formation of local enclaves of the main temple in Lagash (see Par- of Indus origin. Although no written evi- pola et al. 1977: 131 for references). dence suggests a direct involvement of Archaeologically, the most evident raw the Lagash settlement with trade and materials imported from India are marine craft production, Parpola et al. (1977: shell, used for costly containers and 145) think that the ethnic name points to lamps, inlay works and cylinder seals; a settlement originally founded as a trade agate, carnelian and quite possibly ivory. enclave by foreign merchants. The texts Hard green stones, including garnets and indicate that Meluhhans were perceived abrasives might also have been imported as distinct ethnic group, living in a from the Subcontinent and eastern Iran separate settlement but largely integrated (Vidale & Bianchetti 1997, 1998-1999; in the contemporary Sumerian society, Heimpel et al.
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