Speaking of Class in the Québec Labour Movement: Interpreting the Relationship

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Speaking of Class in the Québec Labour Movement: Interpreting the Relationship Speaking of Class in the Québec Labour Movement: Interpreting the Relationship Between Class and Identity in the Québec Labour Movement 1850-2010 Richard Bisaillon A Thesis In the Humanities Doctoral Program Presented in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at Concordia University Montreal, Quebec, Canada December 2010 © Richard Bisaillon, 2010 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Richard Bisaillon Entitled: Speaking of Class in the Québec Labour Movement: Interpreting the Relationship Between Class and Identity in the Québec Labour Movement 1850-2010 and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Humanities) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final examining committee: Chair Dr. S. Betton External Examiner Dr. P. Graefe External to Program Dr. S. High Examiner Dr. E. Shragge Examiner Dr. G. Nielsen Thesis Supervisor Dr. D. Salée Approved by Dr. C. Maillé, Graduate Program Director December 13, 2010 Dr. B. Lewis, Dean Faculty of Arts and Science Abstract Speaking of Class in the Québec Labour Movement: Interpreting the Relationship Between Class and Identity in the Québec Labour Movement 1850-2010 Richard Bisaillon, PhD Concordia University, 2010 An examination of the recent and contemporary Québec labour union movement and its relationship with the nationalist cause might incline the observer to conclude that this powerful synthesis of what are in fact two separate sets of collective interests is a recent phenomenon sparked by Québec’s Quiet Revolution. In fact, these two aspects of collective and individual self and their expression through institutional forms have evolved together over the last two centuries. A further examination of the broader historical pattern demonstrates that aspects of shared linguistic and cultural identity have always at the very least qualified, and most often significantly muted expressions of working class interests and identity. In fact, save for a brief period from the Quiet Revolution to the first mandate of the Parti Québécois in 1976, working class collaboration with other class fractions in Québec ostensibly made in the greater interests of linguistic and cultural solidarity have generally cost the working classes a premium, while actually working to the benefit of other class partners. This historical pattern combined with the increasing influence of a neo-liberal ideological position within the Québec “state” leads to a certain conclusion: that there is an essential incompatibility between institutions calculated to represent working-class interests and movements founded upon a struggle for cultural recognition and the assertion of national interests. While the former seek the elimination or reduction of socio-economic differences, the latter seek only a cycling of dominant elites, resulting in the same dominant class relations under a different cultural elite fraction. iii Acknowledgements I would like to first acknowledge the steadfast forbearance, patience and enthusiastic support of my three core advisors, Dr. Daniel Salée, Dr. Eric Shragge, and Dr. Greg Nielsen whose own superior scholarship has set a standard for all of their students at every level of the academy. If I have had any success in reflecting that standard in the present work, it is due greatly to their own hard work over the last few years. I would also like to thank and acknowledge Dr. Peter Graefe of McMaster University who joined the team above as an external examiner, and whose own work has informed the present thesis. Additionally, thanks must be extended to Dr. Steven High, department of History at Concordia University for having agreed to join the committee so late in the game. To this distinguished committee I am greatly indebted, and any errors contained herein are my own, and are probably attributable to not having listened more closely to my mentors. As well, profound appreciation is expressed here to Dr. Everett Price of Concordia University for his support, advice and guidance over the years. What follows will clearly show that the knowledge of great number of people has informed my examination of the contemporary labour movement in Québec in this thesis. From Concordia University, thanks must be extended to those who have worked together and supported one and other throughout the evolution of the union movement at Concordia. These include union Presidents, Executive Officers, Grievance Officers, and militants past and current, who labour daily in the trenches of labour advocacy. Profound thanks and respect are due to Michael Brennan, Ralph Carter, Susanne Downs, David Gobby, René Lalonde, André Legault, Lisa Montgomery, Maria Peluso, and so very many others not mentioned here. Shared struggles, losses and victories shared over the years have informed this work at every level. In addition to the above, I would like to thank so many of those dedicated militants, advisors, mobilisation councillors, and legal representatives from the CSN with whom I have worked over the years. The list includes, but in no way is limited to Maîtres Mario Evangeliste, Edward Kravitz, and Monique Lauziere, as well as many officers and militants. A profound gratitude is expressed here for the contribution of Mme. Ruth Harvey, who served many of the Concordia unions as technical advisor throughout a decade of change, struggle and active advocacy. Finally, I would like to acknowledge the contribution of my family, including my own as well as that of my partner. The personal knowledge and the history of working class Canadians and Quebeckers as communicated by those around me has proven to be the greatest contribution to the work that follows. A diversity of cultural backgrounds marks this extended family, and includes the full range of old stock Francophones, immigrant Allophones from a broad eastern European tradition, including most proudly and notably Ukrainians, and Anglophones of Scottish descent. One of the things that unites them is their strong sense of social justice and fairness that comes from their roots. Amongst these hard- working individuals I have learned how the relations of power inform the intersection of culture and class. iv Dedication I lovingly dedicate this work to my partner Joanne Bobby, whose precious love, unfailing support, strength and lasting patience have made it possible for me to complete this work. The demands of writing and research alone place demands upon our loved ones, add to these the long series of battles, grievances, court dates and auditions related to thirty years of labour advocacy, and the burden upon family became far greater than those born by this writer alone. Indeed, Joanne has carried far more of the burden than I. Throughout all of the above, whenever I came close to throwing aside my advocacy or my academic pursuits, Joanne was there to support and counsel me. Professionally, her personal experience of many years in the unionised public sector has produced a far more real, grounded and uncompromising sense of social justice than I can ever attain to. Would that all of us were so true to our beliefs, our love of family and our friends. v Table of Contents Introduction………………………………………………………………………P. 1 Chapter 1 Framing the Research Question………………………………….P. 7 The Road to Epiphany…………………………………………...P. 7 Shaken and Questioned Assumptions……………………………P. 10 The Rationality of Individual and Collective Choice……………P. 13 Language: The Sole Determinant, or the Sole Remaining Differentiator?................................................................................P. 15 Speaking the Nation and Speaking of Class: Inclusion, ………...P. 18 Belonging and Solidarity Chapter 2 An Examination of the Contemporary Literature………………..P. 22 Recent and Contemporary Discourse: The Literature of Language and Identity……………………………………………P. 22 The Role of the Past in Constructing the Future…………………P. 34 The Collective Imaginary: A Spontaneous or Constructed Phenomenon?..................................................................................P. 51 Salvoes from the Left: The Québec Nationalist Canon and Socialist Theory…………………… …………………………….P. 67 False Interests of Class and Incomplete Definitions of the Nation…………………………… …………………………..P. 92 Chapter 3 Theoretical Framework: The Language and Methodology of Analysis………………………………..………..P.100 Some Theoretical Considerations: Civil Society, Cultural Hegemony, and the Role of the State…………………...P. 100 Analytical Structure: Régulation Theory, Social, Economic, and Political Context………………………………....P. 128 Chapter 4 1st Historical Period: Institutional Genesis, Evolution and Trajectory………………………………………...P. 137 Embryonic Forms, Rising Class Consciousness, and Early Divisions…………………………………………………..P. 137 The Broad Relationship Between the Economy and Québec’s Working Classes………………………………………P. 146 Early Tendencies: “International” Unions, Trades and Industrial Unions…………………………………………… P. 152 The Foundation is Set: Class, Identity, National Perception and Preservation……………………………………...P. 158 Chapter 5 2nd Historical Period: A Dialectic Between Society, Class and External Forces………………………………………………P. 161 From the Adoption and Adaptation of Institutional Forms to their Construction……………………………………………...P. 161 Perception and Reality in a Shifting Institutional Landscape…....P. 170 The Ascendancy of the International Unions: National
Recommended publications
  • Laarly 100 Auandad National Antiwar Convenuon in L.A. Protests Against Bombing Ol Dikes Sailor Aug.5-9
    ! (,'I I I. AUGUST 4, 1972 25 CENTS A SOCIALIST NEWSWEEKLY/PUBLISHED IN THE INTERESTS OF THE WORKING PEOPLE laarly 100 auandad national antiwar convenuon In L.A. Protests against bombing ol dikes sailor Aug.5-9. ..__ By NORTON SANDLER from the West Coast, but there were approved by the overwhelming ma­ An effort by some McGovern sup­ and HARRY RING individuals and delegations from 23 jority of the gathering, recommended porters to have the conference com­ LOS ANGELES- The national anti­ states. that NPAC maintain its nonpartisan mit itself to supporting McGovern's war co~rence held here July 21-23 Convention organizers vie~ed ·the stand toward the elections. This stand presidential bid sparked heated debate voted to organize nationwide demon­ gathering as a major· gain for anti­ is essential, the proposal declared, if on NPAC's nonpartisan electoral· strations against the· Vietnam war 9n war forces. They regarded the atten­ NPAC is to continue to organize mas­ stand. Oct 26 and Nov. 18. The convention, dance as very good for the first na­ sive street demonstrations against the Originally, some McGovern support­ tional antiwar conference to be held called by the National Peace Action war. ers considered presenting a resolution Coalition (NPAC), also ratified plans on the West Coast, particularly since The proposal recognized that NPAC calling for the conference to endorse it took place in midsummer. It also for making the Aug. 5-9 Hiroshima­ embraces a broad range of political their candidate. Recognizing there was . Nagasaki commemorative demonstra­ came within two weeks of the Dem­ views.
    [Show full text]
  • Uprising, Protests Against Anti-Semitism, Reveal State-Capitalist Crises
    ON THE INSIDE Free Angela,' page 7 U.S. unemployment in war and peace.page 5 Chicano demonstrations page 6 10« First blacks WWs inaugurated in Lowndes Co. By Charles Denby, Editor Some 15 of us from Detroit attended the swearing into office of three black people in Lowndes County, Ala. This was the first time that any blacks ever won an elec­ tion in that county. It was an historic occasion in every respect," especially for those who knew that less than six years ago not one black had been allowed to register to vote. Less than six years ago, black people would have to get off the sidewalk if they met a white. To see Printed In 100 Percent and to be a part of the joy and happiness of every black VOL. 16—No. 2 Union Shop FEBRUARY, 1971 person in attendance at the inauguration made you won­ der whether what you were witnessing was really true or if you were imagining it. The oath of office was administered in the courthouse Editorial article in Hayneville, the county seat, in the center of the vil­ lage. There are about eight or 10 stores and a few other business establishments sitting in a square of about four blocks, with a small park in the center. uprising, protests against When we got in sight of the square, it looked like one black spot had covered every inch of the park and had overflowed into the streets. Some said 2,000 black anti-Semitism, reveal state-capitalist crises people were there, some said more.
    [Show full text]
  • The Waffle, the New Democratic Party, and Canada's New Left During the Long Sixties
    Western University Scholarship@Western Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository 8-13-2019 1:00 PM 'To Waffleo t the Left:' The Waffle, the New Democratic Party, and Canada's New Left during the Long Sixties David G. Blocker The University of Western Ontario Supervisor Fleming, Keith The University of Western Ontario Graduate Program in History A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree in Doctor of Philosophy © David G. Blocker 2019 Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/etd Part of the Canadian History Commons Recommended Citation Blocker, David G., "'To Waffleo t the Left:' The Waffle, the New Democratic Party, and Canada's New Left during the Long Sixties" (2019). Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository. 6554. https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/etd/6554 This Dissertation/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Western. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Western. For more information, please contact [email protected]. i Abstract The Sixties were time of conflict and change in Canada and beyond. Radical social movements and countercultures challenged the conservatism of the preceding decade, rejected traditional forms of politics, and demanded an alternative based on the principles of social justice, individual freedom and an end to oppression on all fronts. Yet in Canada a unique political movement emerged which embraced these principles but proposed that New Left social movements – the student and anti-war movements, the women’s liberation movement and Canadian nationalists – could bring about radical political change not only through street protests and sit-ins, but also through participation in electoral politics.
    [Show full text]
  • “Québec Libre”»
    Québec FREE VIDEOTAPE Exerpts from Québec libre 1 . Jean Roy : 33-year-old master printer, candi- date for FRAP, municipal political party de- veloped from citizen's committees . 2. Robert Lemieux : 29-year-old FLQ defense lawyer . 3. Gerald Godin : 35-year-old editor, Quebec's only weekly socialist newspaper . 4 . Michel Chartrand : 57-year-old labor union leader . Lemieux I think that in '63-64, it was a constitutional Some of the young people used to say to me of poverty because they did not suffer like all the matter, something from the gut, from a colonized "You are an old fool if you think that you can former generations from poverty . And most of people wanting to be free, but since '66, the have democratic changes-social, economic, all, they are not hypnotized by the gadget civiliz- revolutionary groups in Quebec have added a political or constitutional changes in a democratic ation of the United States . They can go without social, economic content that means that they way. They won't stand for it, they'll send the toilet paper with flowers and perfume and they'll want not only to resolve the constitutional problem, army or the marines-they won't stand for an in- use the daily paper-the English one preferably . to have an independent Quebec with all the legis- dependent socialist Quebec ." And I'd say, "We'll They want to run their own show . They want an lative powers, but they also want a free Quebec see . ." That was before the 16th of October.
    [Show full text]
  • Historical Discourses
    THE MCGILL UNDERGRADUATE JOURNAL OF HISTORY XXIII EDITION 2008-2009 historical discourses MCGILL UNIVERSITY MONTREAL, QUEBEC, CANADA Cover: Ansel Adams, Pine Forest in Snow, Yosemite National Park, California, 1933. Courtesy of Hachette Book Group, USA. Adams is one of America’s best known photographers. He captured scenes of American nature in the 1930s during the growth of the conservation movement. Historical Discourses is published annually by McGill Universi- ty undergraduate history students. All essays become prop- erty of Historical Discourses and cannot be reproduced without the permission of the authors. Historical Discourses accepts history papers written by McGill undergraduate students. Submissions in either English or French are welcome and may be sent to: History Department Office (Room 625) Stephen Leacock Building 855 Sherbrooke Street West Montreal, Quebec, Canada H3A 2T7 Historical Discourses Volume XXIII 2008-2009 EDITORS-IN-CHIEF Charles Bartlett Erika Harding DESIGN AND LAYOUT EDITOR Erika Harding EDITORIAL BOARD Robert Eisenberg Jacob Fox Lucy Mair Alexander McAuley Elizabeth Mirhady Nikolas Mouriopoulos Adriana Pansera Michael Solda Arianne Swieca Melissa Tam Alessandra Toteda Table of Contents Foreword -1- Randolph’s Movement: A. Philip Randolph’s March on Washington and its Lasting Effects on the Civil Rights Movement By Melissa Gismondi -3- Knitting Women Into the Fabric of the Nation: Knitting and Female Citizenship During Wartime By Sarah Pinnington -21- Purge Imperfect: The Contentious Trial of Robert Brasillach
    [Show full text]
  • The Example of Québec Solidaire—How and Why? Paper
    The Building of a New Political Party in a Context of Disenchantment: The Example of Québec Solidaire—How and Why? Paper prepared by Pascale Dufour Département de science politique Université de Montréal For the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association York University - Toronto June 2006 2 The Building of a New Political Party in a Context of Disenchantment: The Example of Québec Solidaire—How and Why? Summary: In the first part of this paper we reconstruct the history of Québec Solidaire, the new provincial political party born in Montreal in February 2006. In the second part of the paper we propose an analysis of this process using a “stag beetle” model of political representation. With this model we are able to disconnect the places from the actors of political representation and therefore understand how the division of tasks between social and political actors has been challenged. This model also proposes a series of specific explanations of current political changes in Québec society. Résumé : Après avoir proposé une reconstruction de l’histoire de la création de Québec Solidaire (première partie), le nouveau parti politique québécois qui a vu le jour en février 2006, nous proposons une analyse de ce phénomène pour le moins surprenant, à partir d’une modélisation « en cerf-volant » du champ de la représentation politique (deuxième partie). Cette modélisation nous permet de déconnecter les lieux et les acteurs de la représentation politique et d’envisager la possibilité d’une redéfinition du partage des tâches entre les acteurs impliqués (comment). Elle propose également une série d’explications spécifiques (pourquoi) des transformations observées au Québec.
    [Show full text]
  • Québec Solidaire: | 147 a Québécois Approach to Building a Broad Left Party
    Québec Solidaire: | 147 A Québécois Approach to Building a Broad Left Party Québec Solidaire: A Québécois Approach to Building a Broad Left Party Richard Fidler1 A number of attempts have been made in recent years to launch new parties and processes, addressing a broad left or popular constitu- ency, that are programmatically anti-neoliberal if not anti-capitalist, some of them self-identifying as part of an international effort to create a “socialism of the 21st century.” They vary widely in origins, size, social composition, and influence. The process has gone furthest in a number of Latin American countries; among the best known are the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), led by Hugo Chávez, and the Bolivian Movement Towards Socialism–Political Instrument of the Sovereignty of the Peoples (MAS-IPSP), led by Evo Morales. Efforts in Western Europe, such as Italy’s Refoundation Party, Ger- many’s Die Linke, or France’s Parti de Gauche originated in part in splits in the traditional parties of “20th century socialism,” in avowed rejection of both Stalinism and Social Democracy. Many of these parties include members who in the past were associated with one or another of the Marxist currents identified historically with Trotsky’s anti-Stalinist legacy. In France, the Nouveau Parti Anti-capitaliste (NPA) was initi- ated under their aegis. Parallel developments have not yet occurred in the United States or Canada, where anticapitalist ideas and movements have less presence in the political landscape today than they had a cen- tury ago. However, as it does in so many respects, Quebec constitutes something of an exception.
    [Show full text]
  • At the Ideological Crossroads of the New
    Canadian Jewish Studies / Études juives canadiennes, vol. 29, 2020 81 Daniel Rickenbacher The Anti-Israel Movement in Québec in the 1970s: At the Ideological Crossroads of the New Left and Liberation-Nationalism Daniel Rickenbacher / The Anti-Israel Movement in Québec in the 1970s: 82 At the Ideological Crossroads of the New Left and Liberation-Nationalism Abstract Since the late 1950s, Third World nationalism in Algeria, Vietnam, and the Mid- dle East had fascinated radical Québec nationalists. Québec nationalism’s militant arm, the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ), styled itself as a national-liberation movement fighting against Anglo-Canadian exploitation and oppression. After the Six-Day-War, the PLO became a significant source of inspiration for these ele- ments. Québec was their Palestine, as one prominent Québec Nationalist asserted. This militant Québec nationalism coincided and often overlapped with the rise of the New Left at Québec’s universities and in its unions. Like its European and Ameri- can counterparts, the Québec New Left adopted the ideologies of anti-imperialism and anti-Zionism, and in 1972, the Québec-Palestine Association was established in this milieu. Anti-imperialism combined the Marxist analysis of class struggle with a nationalistic worldview, which saw the world divided between oppressor and oppressed nations. For the New Left, Israel became the epitome of an oppressor nation. It was associated with all the supposed vices of the West: Racism, capitalism, inauthenticity, and militarism. This paper sheds light on the founding years of the Québec anti-Zionist movement in the early 1970 and discusses the themes and images it used to describe Israel and the Arab-Israeli conflict.
    [Show full text]
  • Montreal, the Sixties, and the Forging of a Radical Imagination
    The Empire Within: Montreal, the Sixties, and the Forging of a Radical Imagination by Sean William Mills A thesis submitted to the Department of History in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada November 2007 Copyright © Sean Mills 2007 Abstract This thesis explores the wide variety of ways in which radical intellectuals and activists in Montreal used and adapted Third World decolonization theory to build a broad movement of solidarity and anti-colonial resistance from 1963-1972. Beginning in the early 1960s, activists and intellectuals in Montreal began drawing upon the language of Third World decolonization to resituate their understandings of themselves, their society, and the world in which they inhabited. Through their engagement with Third World liberation theory – and the closely related language of Black Power – radical intellectuals in Montreal sought to give new meaning to the old conception of humanism, and they worked to drastically expand the geographical frame of reference in which Quebec politics were generally understood. After analyzing the shifting meaning of decolonization in the period leading up to the late 1960s, this thesis explores the ways in which various groups adopted, built upon, challenged, and shaped the conception of Quebec liberation. Montreal’s advocates of women’s liberation, the city’s Black activists, defenders of unilingualism, and labour radicals were all deeply shaped by the intellectual and urban climate of Montreal, and by ideas of Quebec decolonization. They developed their own individual narratives of liberation, yet linked by the flexible language of decolonization, these narratives all greatly overlapped, forming a vast movement which was larger than the sum of its parts.
    [Show full text]
  • Reviews / Comptes Rendus
    Document generated on 10/02/2021 5:54 a.m. Labour/Le Travailleur Reviews / Comptes Rendus Volume 8-9, 1981 URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/llt8_9rv01 See table of contents Publisher(s) Canadian Committee on Labour History ISSN 0700-3862 (print) 1911-4842 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this review (1981). Review of [Reviews / Comptes Rendus]. Labour/Le Travailleur, 8-9, 349–422. All rights reserved © Canadian Committee on Labour History, 1981 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. https://apropos.erudit.org/en/users/policy-on-use/ This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research. https://www.erudit.org/en/ REVIEWS/COMPTES RENDUS A.B. McKillop, A Disciplined Intelligence: Critical Inquiry and Canadian Thought in the Victorian Era by William Westfall / 351 Serge Gagnon, Le Québec et ses Historiens de 1840 à 1920: La Nouvelle France de Garneau à Groulx by Date Miquelon / 352 George Rude, Protest and Punishment: The Story of the Social and Political Protesters Transported to Australia 1788-1868 by F. Murray Greenwood / 353 George Raudzens, The British Ordnance Department and Canada's Canals 1815-1855 by Ruth Bleasdale / 355 John McCallum, Unequal Beginnings: Agriculture and Economic Development in Quebec and Ontario Until 1870 by Donald Harman Akenson / 356 Raymond Boily, Les Irlandais et la canal de Lachine: la grève de 1843 by Robert Tremblay / 358 Beth Light and Alison Prentice, eds.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cord Weekly ■H Magical, Mystical, Miraculous Linde Stars Are Made Only by Union Carbide, /RED Barr^Y ' the Discovery Company
    Contests, Contests, Contests <! Table Tennis finals in the concourse, j! Today, 2-4 j ][ Radio Lutheran Name Change, !| next week j theCord Weekly More on exams Peters continues in complex as president by Cathy Riddell The Athletic Complex is to be Complex for exams is Athletic used to develop the body, not the Director Dave Knight. He firmly mind. Come this April, you will believes that the Complex should of WLU find yourself writing your exams be used for recreational activities in the Gymnasium of the Complex, alone; however, he is willing to Dr. Frank C. Peters was ap- meeting. first chairman of the board of according to Director of compromise with the recom- pointed president of Wilfred Board members immediately Wilfred Laurier University, Educational Services, Colin mendations of the Committee, by Laurier University yesterday for a expressed great concern and remarked with enthusiasm "we McKay. allowing exams to take place in the five-year term. regret and unanimously agreed are extremely grateful for the Christmas exams are Dr. Peters be However, Athletic Complex in April. The action was taken by the that recalled and excellent leadership Dr. Peters another story. As in the past, WLU reappointed. has given to Lutheran It doesn't look like there is going university's board of governors at Waterloo will have to content to president asked for time to University for the six years students be to be any change in this decision, its first meeting. The past write their exams the poorly lit, fine and in at least not within the next year or reconsider and to confer over the and the support co- poorly Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • FLQ) in the Courtroom
    Political Trials and Felquistes Defendants: Defending the Front de Libération du Québec (FLQ) in the Courtroom by Darren J. Pacione A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Law and Legal Studies Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario © 2017 Darren Pacione ii Abstract Anchored in trial-related archival material and written French-language accounts of high-profile Front de Libération du Québec (FLQ) trials and their defendants, this project considers the performative dimension of political trials. To this end, this study examines how the FLQ defendants and their representatives navigated their legal encounters. FLQ defendants’ deployment of political defence strategies through their active period (1963-1972) is further grounded in the historical context of the legal regime through which they navigated, recent debates about contemporary political trials, and broader debates about the politicization of approaches to legal representation. Through three case studies: (1) The LaGrenade Affair (the manslaughter trials of the Vallières- Gagnon Network), (2) the Trial of the Montréal Five (a seditious conspiracy prosecution), and (3) the FLQ contempt of court trials, I argue that the politicized legal defence strategies of the FLQ defendants emerged relative to shifting ideological commitments and growing legal pressures from the state. Through consideration of how FLQ defendants utilized legal procedures and arguments, political histories, and the rule of law narratives, new insights are gained into the confrontations between the accused, Crown, and the Québec bench within the high-stakes context of the pre- and post-1970 October Crisis FLQ trials.
    [Show full text]