Uncovering the Identity of a Northern Shenandoah Valley Cabinetmaking Shop

Home , Shenandoah Valley, Virginia furniture

A Southern Backcountry Mystery: Uncovering the Identity of a Northern Shenandoah Valley Cabinetmaking Shop

by Patricia Long-Jarvis

B.A. in Art History, December 1980, Scripps College

A Thesis submitted to

The Faculty of The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts

January 8, 2021

Thesis directed by

Oscar P. Fitzgerald Adjunct Professional Lecturer of Decorative Arts & Design History

Dedication

I wish to dedicate this thesis to my husband, Jim, our four children—James, Will,

Garen, and Kendall—and my sister, Jennifer, for their unfailing support and belief in me.

I am eternally grateful to Jim for his patience and providing the time and space away from our family while I researched the Newbrough & Hendricks story. Jim’s absolute love and unwavering confidence are why I completed this study.

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Acknowledgments

The author wishes to thank the following individuals and institutions for their support and assistance in making this thesis a reality. My professor, mentor, and thesis advisor, Dr. Oscar P. Fitzgerald, who inspired my love for American furniture, and insisted from the beginning that I write a thesis versus taking a comprehensive exam. For the past three years, Oscar has patiently awaited the delivery of my thesis, and never lost his enthusiasm for the study. I will always be profoundly grateful for his wisdom, guidance, and confidence in me, and all I have learned from him as a teacher, scholar, and thesis advisor.

This thesis could not have been written without Nick Powers. In 2016, I met

Nick—Curator of Collections at the Museum of the Shenandoah Valley—who shared his file containing over twenty case pieces that appeared to be the work of an unknown cabinetmaking shop working in the Winchester area during the first quarter of the nineteenth century. Nick encouraged me to uncover this shop's identity and turn it into a master’s thesis. Over the next three years, Nick opened the door to the northern

Shenandoah Valley's fascinating history and the artisans who shaped its material culture while challenging me to think beyond this study's original scope and examine

Newbrough & Hendricks furniture’s broader cultural significance. His belief in this project and my ability to complete it inspired me every day to persevere and see it through. I am forever grateful for his shouldering the task of being my second reader, mentorship, unerring eye, and most of all, his friendship.

I am very grateful to Dr. Daniel Ackermann—Chief Curator & Director of

Research, Collections, and Archaeology for the Museum of Early Southern Decorative

Arts, Old Salem Museum & Gardens—for agreeing to be my third reader. Thank you for your astute and thoughtful advice, sharing your extensive knowledge, and enthusiastic encouragement to continue to the next phase of this study.

I am deeply grateful to the Corcoran School of Arts & Design faculty, especially our program’s director, Erin Kuykendall. Erin guided me, kept me focused, and gently pushed me towards the finish line. I would also not be delivering this thesis today without the academic support and compassionate guidance from former program directors, Cindy

Williams, and Angela George. I had a challenging first semester due to the loss of a parent just months into the program. Each of them encouraged and worked closely with me to find a path forward and finish the semester. I am also very grateful to Monica

McKenna, Brandon Malnic, Mary Jane Penzo, and Kaity Edwards. We entered graduate school together and they became my comrades and cheerleaders as I struggled that first year to meet the program's demands as well as the needs of my family. A special thank you to Elizabeth Deans, former director of the master’s program, who enthusiastically supported this study and shepherded me through the early phases of the thesis process.

Elizabeth Lay was my peer mentor during the first year of graduate school.

Today, she is one of my closest friends. Liz has listened for hours about Newbrough &

Hendricks, provided incredible support, advice, and most of all, tremendous enthusiasm for this study. Thank you, Liz, for your friendship, constancy, and caring.

Many thanks to Jeffrey and Beverley Evans for supporting the study and for the time they took to open their home, share their personal collection, and introduce me to collectors of Newbrough & Hendricks case pieces.

A very special thank you to Matthew A. Thurlow, John L. Scherer, Sumpter

Priddy, III, and Christopher Jones. These renowned decorative arts scholars generously shared their time and knowledge for which I will always be grateful.

I am indebted to the numerous collectors who graciously invited me into their homes to examine a possible Newbrough & Hendricks case piece, particularly Dr.

Gregory Bott. Greg's enthusiastic support, assistance in locating Newbrough & Hendricks case pieces, and sharing information he discovered about these two cabinetmakers proved invaluable.

There are many organizations I wish to thank for assisting me with researching the lives of Joshua Newbrough and Job Smith Hendricks. These institutions include the

Museum of the Shenandoah Valley, New Jersey Historical Society, Winchester-Frederick

County Historical Society, Preservation of Historic Winchester, Chester County

Historical Society, Museum of Early Southern Decorative Arts, New York Historical

Society, Clarke County Historical Society, Newtown History Center, Stewart Bell, Jr.

Archives at the Handley Regional Library in Winchester, and the Frederick County,

Virginia, Circuit Court Records Office.

Finally, I would like to thank my family and friends for their support, love, and encouragement during the research and writing of this thesis. All of you were my wings that carried me through, for which I will always be grateful.

Table of Contents

Dedication ...... iii Acknowledgements ...... iv

Table of Contents ...... vii

List of Figures ...... ix

Introduction ...... 1

Chapter 1: Winchester and the Northern Shenandoah Valley ...... 5 The Settling of the Northern Shenandoah Valley ...... 6 Virginia and the Quaker Migration ...... 7 Winchester and the Great Wagon Road ...... 8

Chapter 2: Joshua Newbrough (1771-1847) ...... 10 The Newbrough Family and Chester County Quaker Community ...... 11 The Darlington/Pyle Family of Cabinetmakers & Possible Apprenticeships ...... 14 The Chest-on-Frame Tradition ...... 16 Joshua Newbrough’s Cabinetmaking Shop ...... 17

Chapter 3: Job Smith Hendricks (1787-1846) ...... 21 Elizabethtown School of Cabinetmaking during the Federal Period ...... 22 The Hendricks Family...... 24 Job Smith Hendricks’ Possible Apprenticeships ...... 26 John Scudder & Abraham Rosett ...... 28 The Allison Brothers ...... 33 New York City to Winchester...... 35

Chapter 4: The Partnership of Newbrough & Hendricks (1812-1815) ...... 37 The War of 1812 ...... 43 Post-Partnership Years (1816-1847) ...... 45 The Estates of Job Smith Hendricks and Joshua Newbrough...... 50

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Chapter 5: Object Analysis ...... 53 Methodology ...... 53 The Winchester School of Cabinetmaking ...... 54 Newbrough & Hendricks Signature Style...... 57 Slant Front Desk and Chest with Secretary Drawer ...... 60 The Frye-Martin Desk...... 62 Tall Case Clocks ...... 63 The Patton & Jones White Painted Dial ...... 66 Chests of Drawers, Clothespresses, and a Spice Box ...... 68

Conclusion ...... 72

List of Figures ...... 74

Bibliography ...... 147 Primary Sources ...... 147 Secondary Sources ...... 149

Appendices ...... 157 Appendix A: Winchester and Frederick County Cabinetmakers (1812-1815) ...... 157 Appendix B: Case Piece Analysis...... 158 Appendix C: Tall Case Clock Analysis ...... 160

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List of Figures

Figure 1. Child’s Chest of Drawers. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1810-1815. 74

Figure 2. Detail of overhanging molding and scratch-beading in Figure 1. 75

Figure 3. Detail of side skirt in Figure 1. 75

Figure 4. Detail of skirt and modified foot in Figure 1. 75

Figure 5. Detail of horizontal backboards in Figure 1. 76

Figure 6. Detail of numerous glue blocks in Figure 1. 76

Figure 7. Slant-Front Desk. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812 -1815. 77

Figure 8. Detail of writing interior in Figure 7. 78

Figure 9. Detail of triple capitals and reeded quarter columns in Figure 7. 78

Figure 10. Detail of modified feet, chest-on-frame, cock-beaded drawers, 78 and side skirt in Figure 7.

Figure 11. Detail of framed document drawer in Figure 7. 78

Figure 12. Detail of base with numerous glue blocks in Figure 7. 79

Figure 13. Detail of vertical backboards in Figure 7. 79

Figure 14. Detail of two nails securing the base to the frame in Figure 7. 79

Figure 15. Detail of “JSH” initials in Figure 7. 80

Figure 16. Detail of “Benjamin Franklin Frye” inscription in Figure 7. 80

Figure 17. Chest with Secretary Drawer. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. 81

Figure 18. Detail of writing interior in Figure 17. 82

Figure 19. Detail of modified foot and cock-beading in Figure 17. 82

Figure 20. Detail of serpentine skirt with hollow cut-out in Figure 17. 82

Figure 21. Detail of two nails in Figure 17. 83

Figure 22. Detail of horizontal backboards in Figure 17. 83

Figure 23. Detail of multiple glue blocks in Figure 17. 83

Figure 24. Frye-Jefferson 1751 map. 84

Figure 25. Chest-on-Frame. Chester County, Pennsylvania, c. 1770. 85

Figure 26. Chest-on-Frame. Attributed to Henry Macy (1773-1846). 86 Guilford or Randolph County, North Carolina, c. 1800-1820.

Figure 27. High Chest of Drawers. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1791-1795. 87

Figure 28. Map showing Lot 62 and Lot 63. Winchester, Virginia. 88

Figure 29. Tall Case Clock. Wood and Taylor, c. 1805. 89

Figure 30. Drawings of Tall Case Clocks. Gillows, 1791. 90

Figure 31. Tall Case Clock. Labeled Matthew Egerton, Jr., New Brunswick, NJ. 91

Figure 32. Map of Elizabethtown, New Jersey, 1775. 92

Figure 33. Tall Case Clock. Elizabethtown, New Jersey, c. 1800-1810. 93

Figure 34. Tall Case Clock. Labeled Rosett & Mulford, New Jersey, 1807. 94

Figure 35. Map of Westfield in Revolutionary Times. 95

Figure 36. Rosett & Mulford Advertisement. 96

Figure 37. Chest of Drawers. c. 1812. Richard Allison (1780-1825), New York. 97

Figure 38. Newbrough & Hendricks Advertisement. 98

Figure 39. Chest of Drawers. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. 99

Figure 40. Clothespress. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. 100

Figure 41. Tall Case Clock. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. 101

Figure 42. Detail of hood and painted dial in Figure 41. 101

Figure 43. Detail of colonettes, side hood in Figure 41. 102

Figure 44. Detail of frieze, door with indents in Figure 41. 102

Figure 45. Detail of quarter columns and door in Figure 41. 102

Figure 46. Detail of skirt and replaced feet in Figure 41. 102

Figure 47. Receipt. Sale of a pair of fifteen-foot D-end half round tables. 103

Figure 48. Chest of Drawers. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1815-1820. 104

Figure 49. Joshua Newbrough’s grave. 105

Figure 50. William T. Wall Ledger Book, 1844-1847. 106

Figure 51. Desk and Bookcase. Attributed to Winchester, Virginia, 1791-1795. 107

Figure 52. Detail of arched-stopped fluting in Figure 27. 108

Figure 53. Detail of ball and claw foot featured in Figure 27. 109

Figure 54. Detail of the astragal molding, broken scroll pediment, and 110 urn style finials in Figure 27.

Figure 55. Desk. Fauquier County,1797. Signed by Frye and Martin. 111

Figure 56. Detail of the interior of the desk in Figure 55. 112

Figure 57. Detail of the inscription on secret drawer in Figure 55. 112

Figure 58. Pair of Card Tables. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1790-1805. Detail of 113 incised and shaded bellflower inlay, stringing, and crossbanding.

Figure 59. Detail of fine dovetailing in Figure 40. 114

Figure 60. Tall Case Clock. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. 115

Figure 61. Detail of canted reeded corner and notched door in Figure 60. 116

Figure 62. Detail of backboard in Figure 60. 116

Figure 63. Detail of base, molding, feet, and skirt in Figure 60. 116

Figure 64. Detail of nails and numerous glue blocks in Figure 60. 116

Figure 65. Tall Case Clock. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. 117

Figure 66. Detail of hood in Figure 65. 117

Figure 67. Detail of base in Figure 65. 118

Figure 68. Detail of waist in Figure 65. 118

Figure 69. Detail of glue blocking, straight side skirt in Figure 65. 118

Figure 70. Detail of Patton & Jones label in Figure 65. 118

Figure 71. Tall Case Clock. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. 119

Figure 72. Detail of hood in Figure 71. 119

Figure 73. Detail of hood, one bulls-eye rosette, and keystone in Figure 71. 120

Figure 74. Detail of hood molding and frieze in Figure 71. 120

Figure 75. Detail of colonette with Winchester “spool capitals” in Figure 71. 120

Figure 76. Detail of waist door and replaced skirt and feet in Figure 71. 120

Figure 77. Tall Case Clock. Winchester, c. 1812-1815. Signed G. Chandlee. 121

Figure 78. Detail of painted dial, lunette, and spandrels in Figure 77. 122

Figure 79. Tall Case Clock. Attributed to Winchester, Virginia, c. 1790-1800. 123

Figure 80. Detail of hood in Figure 79. 124

Figure 81. Tall case clock and detail of dial. New Jersey, c. 1800-1810. 125

Figure 82. English painted dial with Arabic numerals and five-minute system. 126

Figure 83. Chest of Drawers. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1813. 127

Figure 84. Detail of chalk inscription “Cherry Burau 1813” in Figure 83. 127

Figure 85. Detail of straight side skirt in Figure 83. 128

Figure 86. Detail of reeding and overhanging top in Figure 83. 128

Figure 87. Detail of two nails securing the base to the frame in Figure 83. 128

Figure 88. Detail of numerous glue blocks in Figure 83. 128

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Figure 89. Chest of Drawers. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. 129

Figure 90. Detail of modified foot, front & straight skirt in Figure 89. 130

Figure 91. Detail of skirt and hollow cut-out in Figure 89. 130

Figure 92. Detail of numerous glue blocks in Figure 89. 130

Figure 93. Chest of Drawers. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. 131

Figure 94. Detail of reeding and overhanging molding in Figure 93. 132

Figure 95. Detail of modified foot and scratch-beading in Figure 93. 132

Figure 96. Detail of four vertical backboards in Figure 93. 132

Figure 97. Detail of fine dovetailing in Figure 93. 132

Figure 98. Chest of Drawers. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. 133

Figure 99. Detail of side skirt with dip in Figure 98. 133

Figure 100. Detail of overhanging molding in Figure 98. 133

Figure 101. Detail of nail in center of the hollow cut-out in Figure 98. 134

Figure 102. Detail of nails securing skirt to frame in Figure 98. 134

Figure 103. Detail of numerous glue blocks in Figure 98. 134

Figure 104. Detail of fine dovetailing in Figure 98. 134

Figure 105. Chest of Drawers. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1780. 135

Figure 106. Clothespress. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. 136

Figure 107. Detail of top molding, door panel, and drawers in Figure 106. 137

Figure 108. Detail of modified foot in Figure 106. 137

Figure 109. Detail of serpentine skirt in figure 106. 137

Figure 110. Detail of numerous glue blocks in Figure 106. 137

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Figure 111. Clothespress. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. 138

Figure 112. Detail of serpentine skirt with hollow cut-out in Figure 111. 139

Figure 113. Detail of modified foot in Figure 111. 139

Figure 114. Detail of straight skirt in Figure 111. 139

Figure 115. Detail of numerous glue blocks in Figure 111. 140

Figure 116. Detail of fine dovetails in Figure 111. 140

Figure 117. Clothespress. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. 141

Figure 118. Detail of skirt in Figure 117. 142

Figure 119. Detail of top molding in Figure 117. 142

Figure 120. Detail of straight side skirt in Figure 117. 142

Figure 121. Detail of numerous glue blocks in Figure 117. 142

Figure 122. Clothespress. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1795-1810. 143

Figure 123. Spice Box. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. 144

Figure 124. Detail of the interior in Figure 123. 145

Figure 125. Detail of numerous glue blocks in Figure 123. 145

Figure 126. Detail of the skirt and feet in Figure 123. 145

Figure 127. Small Valuables Chest. Northern Shenandoah Valley, VA, c. 1800. 146

Figure 128. Detail of interior in Figure 127. 146

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Introduction

The Subscribers having again formed a Co-partnership do hereby inform the public that they will carry on extensively the Cabinet Making Business at their old stand, in Piccadilly Street, where they have on hand and will constantly keep a large Assortment of articles in their line of business. They will always be ready to execute any command for furniture, being well supplied with the best materials and good workmen. JOSHUA NEWBROUGH J. SMITH HENDRICKS

Republican Constellation, Winchester, Virginia, March 12, 18141

Since the 1980s, several Valley of Virginia scholars, auction houses, and museum curators have mentioned in publications the existence of a number of Federal-style case pieces whose history, style, materials, and idiosyncratic construction techniques all appear to be the work of an unknown cabinetmaking shop working in the Winchester area during the first quarter of the nineteenth century. The catalogue notes for a child’s chest of drawers (Figures 1-6), sold in 2013 at a Virginia auction house, state that the:

chest’s skirt and more vertical foot profiles are nearly identical to a chest of drawers, a linen press, and a small spice/valuables chest, all in private collections, and a desk in the collection of The Museum of the Shenandoah Valley in Winchester, Virginia. These pieces have a strong Winchester association and exhibit walnut as a primary wood; identical cove moldings and scratch-beading; distinctive, fine dovetailing to the drawers; and the characteristic framed base construction. Taken in total, all of this evidence points to, at the very least, a distinctive regional cabinetmaking style in the lower Shenandoah Valley marked by the construction of Hepplewhite-style case pieces on a fully framed base with modified French feet, using extensive glue-blocking to secure the frame to the dovetailed case.2

1 Stewart Bell, Jr. Archives Digital Newspaper Collection, Handley Regional Library, Winchester, VA. 2 A “Child’s Chest of Drawers,” sold on November 16, 2013, Lot #614, Jeffrey S. Evans & Associates, Inc., Mt. Crawford, Virginia. Important Shenandoah Valley of Virginia Federal Walnut Child's Chest of Drawers - Jeffrey S. Evans & Associates.

A. Nicholas Powers, a furniture and decorative arts historian, started a file several years ago, documenting these case pieces. In 2014, Mr. Powers was appointed Curator of

Collections at the Museum of the Shenandoah Valley (MSV). In addition to a desk

(Figures 7-16), Powers identified a chest with secretary drawer (Figures 17-23) in the museum’s collection that possibly belonged to this unknown cabinetmaking shop. Two years later, Mr. Powers handed over his file dating back to the 1980s, which contained information and photographs of over twenty case pieces sold at auction or in private collections. He strongly recommended undertaking the challenge of identifying the shop responsible for crafting this line of furniture for a master’s thesis, believing that it would make a significant scholarly contribution to the field of early nineteenth-century northern

Shenandoah Valley material culture.

Uncovering the identity of the cabinetmakers began with just a few clues to go on.

Early in the study, the examination of a chest of drawers yielded a date of “April 1813”

(Figure 84). The discovery of a penciled inscription, “JSH” (with a flourish to the right of the initials), on a drawer side in the writing interior of the MSV Collection desk appeared to be the initials of the cabinetmaker (Figure 15). With this information, the logical place to begin was the archives of local Winchester newspapers, where cabinetmakers often advertised their services. After scouring several publications, a series of advertisements placed in local newspapers between 1813 and 1815 by cabinetmakers Joshua Newbrough

(or Newberry)3 and Job Smith Hendricks stood out. The date of “April 1813” on the chest

3 Joshua Newbrough is often referred to as Joshua Newberry which was probably a phonetic translation of his name. All legal documents including census records, will, deeds, etc. identify him as Joshua Newbrough, not Newberry. For the sake of consistency, Joshua Newbrough is how he will be referred to going forward.

2 of drawers fits Newbrough & Hendricks operating dates, and the letters “JSH” are Job

Smith Hendricks’s initials. This discovery quickly made the Newbrough & Hendricks shop a primary contender for this unidentified shop.

Outside of an occasional mention in a smattering of books, articles, and theses by

Shenandoah Valley historians, Newbrough & Hendricks had virtually disappeared from the annals of Winchester’s history. Thus, to make a case for attribution, it was necessary to reconstruct each cabinetmaker’s footsteps from his place of birth to his move to

Winchester. Extensive research revealed that Joshua Newbrough originated in Chester

County, Pennsylvania, and Job Smith Hendricks in Elizabethtown, New Jersey. In the eighteenth century, Chester County was home to a robust Quaker community whose members were a multicultural mix of English, Welsh, and Scots-Irish immigrants who brought distinctive craft traditions from their native homelands. Elizabethtown, New

Jersey—a sophisticated English settlement just across the river from New York City— was the center of a thriving school of clock and cabinetmaking.

Scrutiny of records in the New Jersey Historical Society, New York Historical

Society, the Stewart Bell, Jr. Archives at the Handley Regional Library in Winchester, the Frederick County, Virginia, Circuit Court Records Office, and the Chester County

Historical Society in Pennsylvania, produced answers as to how these two cabinetmakers found their way to Winchester and who and what brought them together. After teasing out their genealogies and social and religious networks, the story of Job Smith Hendricks’ and Joshua Newbrough’s early years, cabinetmaking business, and lifelong friendship, slowly emerged from the records.

The study’s scope expanded over time from making a case for attribution to examining the broader cultural significance of Newbrough & Hendricks furniture. This thesis will address why Newbrough & Hendricks case pieces are an important contribution to Winchester’s surviving material culture and are byproducts of the blending of diverse cultures, craft traditions, and religious influences that shaped the northern Shenandoah Valley in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

Chapter 1

Winchester and the Northern Shenandoah Valley

Winchester or Fredericktown is a handsome and flourishing town standing on low and broken ground, and has a number of respectable buildings, including a courthouse, jail, Presbyterian, Methodist, and new Roman Catholic churches. The dwelling houses are about 350 in number, several of which are built of stone. It is a corporation and contains 1780 free inhabitants and 348 slaves.

Morse’s American Gazetteer of 18104

By the end of the eighteenth century, the northern Shenandoah Valley attracted a constant flow of people due to its thriving economy, inexpensive land, and new mercantile opportunities. Cabinetmakers, journeymen, and apprentices, eager to be a part of Winchester’s rapid growth and success, migrated from the Delaware Valley, southeastern Pennsylvania, and elsewhere, bringing their craft traditions and construction techniques to the ethnically and culturally diverse northern Shenandoah Valley. After nearly one hundred years in Chester County, the Newbrough family chose to pull up roots in 1791 and settled near Winchester in a Quaker community surrounding Hopewell

Meeting House. The catalyst for their move appears to be the opportunity to acquire reasonably priced land, join a former Chester County community of Quakers, and practice their trades in a prosperous, cosmopolitan town in need of carpenters, blacksmiths, and cabinetmakers.5

4 Frederic Morton, The Story of Winchester in Virginia: The Oldest Town in the Shenandoah Valley, (Westminster, VA: Heritage Books, 2007), 118. 5 Joshua Newbrough’s father and brother were blacksmiths.

The Settling of the Northern Shenandoah Valley

At the turn of the eighteenth century, the northern Shenandoah Valley was an open, fertile wilderness nestled between the Blue Ridge and Alleghany Mountains.6 Until that time, the “Backcountry” of Virginia was mostly uninhabited. Though indigenous

Americans had roamed the northern Shenandoah Valley for thousands of years, by the early eighteenth century it was primarily a warrior path connecting northern and southern

Indian nations and a hunting ground for buffalo and other animals.7

By the late 1720s, Virginia, the oldest and largest of the British colonies, faced

French colonial threats, Indian attacks, and slave rebellions. The Governor of Virginia,

William Gooch, and his council devised a plan to secure the region and buffer the colony from future attacks by issuing generous land grants. These land grant initiatives enticed settlers to the northern Shenandoah Valley with the promise of purchasing inexpensive, fertile farmland and the opportunity to practice their religion freely.8 This “mixed multitude of people,” including German, Scots-Irish, Swiss, Welsh, and English, brought craft traditions, furniture forms, and customs to the ethnically diverse Valley.9 Many of these settlers traveled south from the Delaware Valley and southern Pennsylvania

6 Samuel Kercheval, A History of the Valley of Virginia, (Digitized by Google from the Library of the University of Virginia, 1833), 60. The name “Shenandoah,” is believed to be an Indian word which loosely translated means “Daughter of the Stars.” 7 Warren R Hofstra, The Planting of New Virginia: Settlement and Landscape in the Shenandoah Valley, (Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), 1. Franz Louis Michel, a Swiss explorer on a scouting trip in 1707, mapped most of the Lower Shenandoah Valley and petitioned the English crown to settle the region. Thank you to Erin Kuykendall for advising this author that in the “seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, written European accounts suggest that the valley did not serve as a permanent home to coastal peoples, however hunting parties of Shawnee, Susquehannock, and Iroquois frequently passed through the region.” 8 Numerous religious affiliations include Welsh, English, and Irish Quakers; Scots-Irish Presbyterians, and Anglicans who were members of the Church of England. Wendy A. Cooper and Lisa Minardi. Paint, Pattern & People: Furniture of Southeastern Pennsylvania, 1725-1850, (Winterthur, DE: The Henry Francis du Pont Winterthur Museum, Inc, 2011), 7-8. 9 In 1717, Quaker merchant Jonathan Dickinson predicted: “We shall have a great mixt multitude.” Cooper and Minardi. Paint, Pattern & People, xiv.

6 through Maryland to the northern Shenandoah Valley along a path which eventually became known as the “Great Wagon Road” (Figure 24). Nearly 450 miles long, this busy thoroughfare was the primary northern to southern route for settlers in eighteenth-century colonial America, connecting Philadelphia to as far south as Augusta, Georgia.10

Virginia and the Quaker Migration

Among the first immigrant groups to arrive in America were the Society of

Friends (commonly called Quakers). Encouraged by William Penn, who founded

Pennsylvania in 1676, the Quakers believed that only God had the right to govern their lives, not the state, and preferred to reconcile differences between themselves through monthly meetings.11 They believed that success was a sign that God blessed their hard work and strong family ties. Acquiring land, farming it, and passing it on to future generations bound their communities together. The children of these pioneer families primarily married within their kinship network, resulting in the retention of a strong cultural and ethnic identity.

On October 28, 1730, Chester County Quakers Alexander Ross and Morgan

Bryan secured land grants for 100,000 acres along Opequon Creek, approximately six miles north of Winchester. The condition for these land grants was that “within two years

10 The Great Wagon Road was not just a north to south settlement route for it had offshoots that took settlers west to Tennessee and Kentucky and was critical to the settlement of the trans-Appalachian west. Thank you to Dr. Daniel Ackermann for pointing out this important piece of information. 11 “Two or more local worship meetings would hold a monthly business meeting to handle matters related to membership in that locale, issue marriage and removal certificates, enforce Quaker practices of discipline and social control, manage the business affairs of the meeting and correspond with the regional quarterly meeting concerning its activities. The monthly meeting was the primary means of Quaker authority and influence – empowered to discipline those who broke the rules of conduct and disown those who refused to acknowledge and repent their misconduct.” Cooper and Minardi. Paint, Pattern & People, 8.

7 a family should be settled on every thousand acres.”12 By 1735, Ross and Bryan had recruited seventy families to their Quaker settlement and obtained permanent land patents.13 The need for a place to worship and conduct Quaker business inspired Ross to establish the Hopewell Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends in 1738.14 The creation of Hopewell Meeting reinforced and connected these settlers for generations to their Pennsylvania roots, customs, and religious traditions. Nearly sixty years later,

Joshua Newbrough, his parents, sister, and brother left Chester County for Virginia and settled in this same community.

Winchester and the Great Wagon Road

By the mid-eighteenth century, Winchester and the northern Shenandoah Valley had become an important trade center responsible for distributing vast quantities of grain, wheat, corn, and livestock to local, national, and international markets.15 The Valley’s rapid growth led to the establishment of counties and towns in the region. The first was

Frederick County in 1738, followed by Winchester (formerly called Frederick Town) in

1744. Winchester, strategically located along the Great Wagon Road, was an important cultural crossroads and a natural stopping point for travelers between Pennsylvania,

12 John Walter Wayland. The German Element of the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia, (Charlottesville, Va.: The Michie Company Printers, 1907), 23. From Palmers Calendar of State Papers, Vol. I, p. 218. William Beverley, writing April 30, 1732, to a friend in Williamsburg concerning lands in the Shenandoah, says: “Ye northern men are fond of buying land there, because they can buy it, for six or seven pound pr: hundred acres, cheaper than they can take up land in Pennsylvania and they don’t care to go as far as ‘Wmsburg.’” 13 Even though Ross and Bryan failed to secure one hundred families, they were still granted the land patents. 14 Hopewell Monthly Meeting, a new chapter of the Pennsylvania Society of Friends, fell under the Chester County Monthly Meeting’s authority and the Yearly Meeting in Philadelphia. 15 A. Nicholas Powers, “Friends in High Places: Quaker Furniture Makers in Virginia’s Northern Shenandoah Valley,” Journal of Early Southern Decorative Arts, vol. 38, (2017): 5. “From the 1780s through the early 1800s, the Lupton family of Apple Pie Ridge in northern Frederick County shipped grain through kinship-based merchant networks …the travel-based Yearly Meeting system facilitated, expanded, and reinforced these connections across the mid-Atlantic region and throughout the Atlantic World, along with transmitting standards of style and form.”

Maryland, and North Carolina. Winchester’s geographic position and importance as a trading center led to its evolution from a small market town in the 1750s to the largest, most culturally rich, and ethnically diverse community in the Valley of Virginia by the turn of the century.16

By the late eighteenth century, Winchester’s populace reflected a mix of urban transplants from Philadelphia and Baltimore and English, German, Swiss, and Scots-Irish settlers from rural southeastern Pennsylvania, the Delaware Valley, eastern Virginia, and elsewhere. Winchester cabinetmakers adopted various design sources from urban style centers to craft their case pieces and meet the demand by their cosmopolitan clientele for furniture in the latest taste.17 This transfer of aesthetic preferences to Winchester from important style centers eventually evolved into an adaptation and reinterpretation of these design elements by Valley cabinetmakers.18 The result was the emergence of a distinctive

Shenandoah Valley style blending urban influences with southeastern Pennsylvania and

Delaware Valley craft traditions.

16 Wallace B. Gusler, “The Arts of Shenandoah County, Virginia 1770-1825,” Journal of Early Southern Decorative Arts, vol. 5, no. 2 (November 1979): 10. 17 Important style centers in eighteenth and early nineteenth-century colonial America include Philadelphia, New York, and Baltimore all of which were important influences in the development of the Winchester school of cabinetmaking. 18 Wallace B. Gusler, “The Furniture of Winchester, Virginia,” American Furniture, (Milwaukee, WI: The Chipstone Foundation, 1997), 237-239. Jeffrey S. Evans. Come in and Have a Seat: Vernacular Chairs of the Shenandoah Valley, (Winchester, VA: Museum of the Shenandoah Valley, 2010), 1-2. Anne S. McPherson, “Adaptation and Reinterpretation: The Transfer of Furniture Styles from Philadelphia to Winchester to Tennessee,” American Furniture, (Milwaukee, WI: The Chipstone Foundation, 1997), 298- 334.

Chapter 2 Joshua Newbrough (1771-1847)

…and in three weeks I was on my road to Missouri, in company with a worthy old retired cabinet maker, [Joshua] Newbrough, who had vested his life’s earnings in Missouri lands, and would have been almost a millionaire if he had not sold them too soon.

“I Well Remember,” David Holmes Conrad’s Recollections of St. Louis, 1819-1823.19

William Penn’s offer of generous land grants and religious tolerance attracted a massive influx of settlers from various ethnic, cultural, and religious backgrounds to

Philadelphia and southeastern Pennsylvania in the last quarter of the seventeenth century.

Among these immigrants were Newbrough’s paternal ancestors, who arrived in

Philadelphia from England sometime in the late 1680s. Initially settled by English and

Welsh Quakers, Pennsylvania evolved significantly over the eighteenth century due to the influx of German, Scots-Irish, and Swiss immigrants to the British American colonies.

By the mid-eighteenth century, an enormous wave of German immigrants arrived in

Pennsylvania eager to take advantage of inexpensive land and business opportunities.

Philadelphia, the largest and most culturally diverse of the thirteen colonies, drew the bulk of these German immigrants. However, southeastern Pennsylvania saw its population evolve from English to predominantly German, with Germans outnumbering

English settlers by the late eighteenth century.20 The synthesis of British and Germanic

19 Edited by James W. Goodrich and Lynn Wolf Gentzler, “I Well Remember,” David Holmes Conrad’s Recollections of St. Louis, 1819-1823, Part 1, (Columbia, MO: Missouri Historical Review, Volume XC, Number 1, October 1995), 1. 20 Cooper and Minardi, Paint, Pattern & People, 4.

10 craft traditions in Philadelphia and surrounding communities such as Chester County played a significant role in developing the region’s material culture.

Although the Quakers touted the importance of living a humble existence, they did not eschew material wealth. Nevertheless, the Quaker ideals of humility and plainness appear to have influenced the design and construction of southeastern Pennsylvania furniture (Figure 25).21 Wendy Cooper and Lisa Minardi, authors of the seminal book,

Paint, Pattern & People: Furniture of Southeastern Pennsylvania, 1725-1850, addressed

Quaker furniture preferences as follows:

Although no religious dictum instructed Quakers to own only plain furnishings, Friends were encouraged not to have objects that were too expensive or ornate. In 1698, the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of Women Friends advised its members “that no superfluous furniture be in your houses,” and in 1762 again discouraged “Superfluity & Excess in Buildings and Furniture.”22

The Quaker penchant for furnishings “Of the Best Sort but Plain” is reflected in surviving

Chester County material culture. Newbrough & Hendricks’s neat and plain signature style is an excellent example of how the transferal of culture and craft traditions from one place to another shaped the northern Shenandoah Valley in the early nineteenth century

(Figure 1).

The Newbrough Family and the Chester County Quaker Community

It is unconfirmed whether Joshua Newbrough’s parents were Quakers. However, based on Chester County Monthly Meeting records dating back to the early eighteenth-

21 Cooper and Minardi. Paint, Pattern & People, 11. 22 Ibid.

11 century, his paternal grandmother, Dinah Butterfield, and other relatives consistently participated in Quaker meetings.23

Newbrough’s grandparents, John Newbrough I (1700-1735), and Dinah

Butterfield (1695-1784), purchased 150 acres of land in Chester County on December 5,

1731, where they built a home.24 After the death of John Newbrough I (who died intestate in 1734), all five of his minor children—Joshua, Ann, John, Joseph, and Sarah—were placed under the guardianship of the Chester County Orphans Court, which in turn appointed administrators to oversee their father’s estate.25 John Newbrough I’s estate appraisal and inventory suggest he was a yeoman farmer.26

Joshua Newbrough’s mother, Irish immigrant Eleanor McClure, arrived in

Philadelphia in 1740, before eventually settling in Chester County. She was probably part of a group of Irish Quakers who immigrated to Pennsylvania to escape poverty and famine in their homeland.27 John Newbrough II (1730-1796), Joshua Newbrough’s father, married Eleanor McClure (1735-1799) in the Old Swedes Church in Wilmington,

Delaware, on December 26, 1753. This church was listed numerous times in

Pennsylvania Quaker monthly minute records as the site of weddings between members

23 Swarthmore College; Swarthmore, Pennsylvania; Births and Deaths 1691-1883; Collection: Baltimore Yearly Meeting Minutes; Call Number: RG2/B/N681 3.1. U.S. Quaker Meeting Records, 1681-1935 (database on-line). Provo, Utah. Butterfield Family, 82-181. 24 There are three John Newbroughs. For the purpose of clarity, I have assigned them a sequential roman numeral after their names to differentiate one from the other. John Newbrough II is the father of Joshua Newbrough. 25 Chester County Historical Society, Orphan’s Court Docket #3, 65. 26 John Newbrough I estate appraisal (December 2, 1735) included sixteen acres of wheat, cattle, sheep and farming equipment (The Records of the Overseers of the Poor of the Township of East Bradford, Book 76209). 27 “Another small group of Quakers came from Ireland, with fewer than 2,000 immigrants to Pennsylvania by 1750. Arriving later than most Welsh and English Quakers, many Irish Friends settled in southeastern Chester County, some twenty to thirty miles from the established seats of Philadelphia and Chester, where land was already taken. There they founded the meetings of London Grove and New Garden.” Cooper and Minardi, Paint, Pattern & People, 10.

12 of the Society of Friends and another piece of evidence suggesting that Newbrough’s parents were Quakers.

Joshua’s parents lived in Chester County with their five children until the sale of their family home and move to Frederick County, Virginia, in 1791. That same year,

Joshua’s brother, John Newbrough III, purchased land in Frederick County, near the

Hopewell Quaker community.28 John Newbrough III reported his brother, Joshua

Newbrough, as a member of his household in the 1791 Frederick County, Virginia, personal property tax records and the 1793 Winchester personal property tax records.

There are no records of a land transaction in Frederick County or Winchester by Joshua’s parents, which suggests that they lived with their sons, John and Joshua, or with their daughter, Ann, who settled in Frederick County in 1788.29

Joshua’s sister, Ann Newbrough, born sometime in the 1760s in Chester County,

Pennsylvania, married her first cousin, Thomas Butterfield, in Frederick County,

Virginia, on April 4, 1788. The Hopewell Monthly Meeting suspended Ann and Thomas from the Quaker church one year later for marrying “a first cousin contrary to the Quaker

Church’s rules.”30 This 1788 date is the earliest record of a Newbrough in Winchester

28 John Newbrough III, Joshua’s brother, purchased property in Winchester on December 6, 1791 from Andrew Woodrow, Winchester Deed Book, Vol. 22, 525. A genealogical posting on Ancestry.com states that Sarah, Joshua’s sister, was born in 1771 (which could not be confirmed) and married David White, in Winchester, on February 29, 1793. Joshua was born sometime in 1771, which suggests that Sarah and Joshua may have been twins. Sarah and her children were the heirs to Joshua Newbrough’s estate. He also gifted Sarah Missouri land in the 1820s and, in the deed, spoke of his great affection for her. 29 In 1796, Joshua Newbrough’s father died. Amongst the items in his estate were blacksmithing and carpentry tools, as well as agricultural equipment. Born August 1, 1760, John Newbrough III, Joshua’s brother, followed in his father’s footsteps and became a blacksmith. John Newbrough III owned a blacksmith/gunsmith shop on the corner of Washington and Piccadilly Streets in Winchester. In 1810, John sold his Piccadilly property and moved to Morgan County, Virginia (now West Virginia), with his wife, the former Elizabeth Grist, where he died in 1844. Joseph, Joshua’s older brother, was born in 1757, married Sarah Hayhurst in 1782, and moved to Monongalia, Virginia (now West Virginia), where he died in 1821. It is unknown what trade Joseph practiced. 30 Ann and Thomas Butterfield were reinstated a few years later to the Hopewell Monthly Meeting. Their names appear frequently as witnesses to Hopewell Quaker marriages in the 1790s. John Newberry’s name,

13 and the most persuasive evidence that Joshua Newbrough’s family were most likely former Quakers. John Newbrough III married Elizabeth Grist in 1787 in Chester County before his move to Winchester in 1791. Ancestral records and listings in Chester County

Quaker Meeting books report that she was a Quaker.

The Darlington/Pyle Family of Cabinetmakers

It was the custom to begin training for a vocation, usually in the form of an apprenticeship, by the age of fourteen. In 1791, the year Newbrough and his family moved to Winchester, Joshua would have been twenty-years old, well past the average age to begin an apprenticeship. Thus, it is likely he completed his apprenticeship before departing Chester County. With whom, then, did Newbrough apprentice in Chester

County before his relocation to Winchester in 1791? The Newbrough family’s strong kinship ties with the Darlingtons of Chester County may be the answer.

In 1738, John Newbrough II (Joshua Newbrough’s father) chose Abraham

Darlington I (1690-1776), a well-respected Quaker and community leader, to be his legal guardian.31 One of Darlington’s duties as the guardian of John Newbrough II was to

which could be either Joshua’s brother or father, is listed in the Hopewell Friends History index, page 305. A marriage between Thomas Butterfield’s sister, Ruth, and another Hopewell member were witnessed by numerous members of the Butterfield family. It is possible John Newberry was also a witness to the marriage of his sister-in-law. Joint Committee of Hopewell Friends. Hopewell Friends History, 1734-1934, Frederick County, Virginia, Records of Hopewell Monthly Meetings and Meetings Reporting to Hopewell; Two Hundred Years of History and Genealogy - Joint Committee of Hopewell Friends. Google eBook: Genealogical Publishing Committee, 1975. 31 There are two Abraham Darlingtons. For the purpose of clarity, I have assigned them a sequential roman numeral after their names to differentiate one from the other.

14 arrange an apprenticeship.32 According to orphan court records, John Newbrough II chose the blacksmithing profession.33

The Darlington family in Chester County came from a long line of cabinetmakers, carpenters, and clockmakers operating between the mid-eighteenth and mid-nineteenth centuries.34 Joshua Newbrough may have apprenticed with carpenter Abraham

Darlington II (1723-1799) or cabinetmakers Thomas Darlington (1725-1808) and Amos

Darlington, Sr. (1764-1828).35 Amos Darlington, Sr., the son of Thomas, was a renowned cabinetmaker in Chester County who produced 173 pieces of furniture between 1791 and

1810.36 Newbrough may have apprenticed with Thomas Darlington and trained alongside his son, Amos, before leaving Chester County for Winchester in 1791. However, there is

32 The common practice in colonial America was for a boy of twelve or fourteen to learn how to make a living either from his father or through an apprenticeship to a master craftsman. Apprentices served an average of seven years in which the master was expected to provide clothes, room and board and sometimes a small wage in exchange for training the apprentice. Two useful sources on the apprenticeship system in colonial America can be found in W.J. Rorabaugh, The Craft Apprentice: From Franklin to the Machine Age in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), and Howard Rock, Artisans of the New Republic: The Tradesmen of New York City in the Age of Jefferson (New York: New York University Press, 1979). Thank you to Erin Kuykendall for sharing these sources. 33 John Newbrough II was put and bound as an apprentice to Joseph Taylor and Nathan Shelly to learn the “art, trade and mystery of blacksmithing.” Orphan’s Court Records, March 17, 1746, Book #4, p. 86. Pennsylvania archives Series 3 Vol. XI, reflect John Newbrough II was a blacksmith and paid taxes in Chester County, Pa. in 1767, 1769, 1771, 1774 and as late as 1781. The inventory listing from his estate included many blacksmithing tools. He later had a history of paying taxes in Pennsylvania and Virginia in which he identified as a blacksmith. 34 Brinton Darlington was listed as a cabinetmaker in the East Bradford township tax assessment for 1806. Caleb Darlington appears as a cabinetmaker eight times in the East Bradford township tax assessments between the years 1828 and 1839. Samuel Darlington advertised his clock and watch making business in the American Republican in West Chester, Pa on May 7, 1833. Margaret Berwind Schiffer, Furniture and Its Makers of Chester County, Pennsylvania, (Exton, PA: Schiffer Publishing LTD.: 1978), 68-69. 35 Abraham Darlington II was a carpenter whose only known piece of furniture is a settle he made for his sister, Elizabeth, to celebrate her marriage to Isaac Pyle in 1750. According to a newspaper article in the Daily Local West Chester News published on June 6, 1905, several pieces made by Thomas Darlington, the brother of Abraham Darlington II, were handed down through the Darlington family. Among the items of furniture is a cherry chest of drawers Thomas made for his fiancé, Hannah Brinton, in 1754. On the back of the chest in gilt letters, is a list of the owners starting with “Thomas Darlington, joiner.” Schiffer, Furniture and Its Makers, 63. 36 The son of Amos Darlington, Sr.—Amos Darlington, Jr.—worked as a cabinetmaker near West Chester, Pa., between 1813 and 1853. Schiffer, Furniture and Its Makers, 63.

15 no record amongst the Darlington Papers in the Chester County Historical Society, confirming this theory.

Another possible contender is Isaac Pyle of Chester County. Pyle, who married into the Darlington family in 1750, descended from several generations of well-respected cabinetmakers. Given the professional and personal relationships between the Darlington and Pyle families, Newbrough may have apprenticed with Isaac or one of the other Pyle cabinetmakers, such as Levi, Amos, or Moses Pyle.37

The Chest-on-Frame Tradition

Chester County Quaker cabinetmakers, including the Darlington and Pyle families, consistently incorporated the chest-on-frame form into their designs (Figure 25).

The chest-on-frame is a significant Newbrough & Hendricks construction characteristic found in most of their attributed casework.

The chest-on-frame tradition probably originated in the British Isles and was brought to Pennsylvania and New England by immigrant craftsmen in the late seventeenth century.38 The chest-on-frame form is a design choice best described as a chest supported by a separate frame assembly with the rails joined by mortise and tenon, and pinned to the legs, often accompanied with a decorative skirt.39 This form was used

37 Numerous Pyle family members are listed either as joiners or cabinetmakers. Schiffer, Furniture and Its Makers, 200-201. 38 Benno M. Forman, “The Chest of Drawers in America, 1635-1730; The Origins of the Joined Chest of Drawers.” Winterthur Portfolio, 20, no. 1 (Spring, 1985), 19-20, 26. Michael H. Lewis, “American Vernacular Furniture and the North Carolina Backcountry,” Journal of Early Southern Decorative Arts, vol. 20, no. 2, (November 1994): 3, 6. 39 Lewis, “American Vernacular Furniture and the North Carolina Backcountry,” 15.

16 extensively by New England and Pennsylvania artisans throughout the eighteenth century and found as far away as Bermuda and North Carolina.40

The dissemination of the chest-on-frame tradition is traceable to Quaker migratory patterns.41 Robert Leath’s 2017 study discusses how three major eighteenth- century waves of Quaker migration from Chester County, New England, and Coastal

North Carolina impacted the furniture designs of Guilford County, North Carolina. Leath cites numerous Guilford County chest-on-frame case pieces whose construction was directly influenced by eighteenth-century Quaker Chester County cabinetmakers who traveled down the Great Wagon Road through western Maryland and the northern

Shenandoah Valley to North Carolina (Figure 26). A late eighteenth-century tall chest- on-frame attributed to Winchester in the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation Collection

(Figure 27) is further evidence that the chest-on-frame tradition was transmitted probably by southeastern Pennsylvania Quaker craftsmen to the Virginia Backcountry sometime during the last half of the eighteenth century.

Joshua Newbrough’s Winchester Cabinetmaking Shop

As mentioned previously, Joshua Newbrough’s name first appears in Frederick

County as a tithable member of his brother John’s household between 1791 and 1793.42

40 Thank you to Nicholas Powers for pointing out that there was a surprisingly large Quaker community in Bermuda that moved to New Jersey and the mid-Atlantic before permeating out from there. 41 Robert A. Leath, “Friendly Furniture: The Quaker Cabinetmakers of Guilford County, North Carolina, 1775-1825,” Journal of Early Southern Decorative Arts, vol. 38, (2017), 111-113. 42 Frederick County 1791-1793 Personal Property Tax Records. In 1791, Joshua Newbrough’s brother, John, purchased property in Frederick County, Virginia after the sale of their parent’s family home in Chester County and appears to have carried on his blacksmithing trade in the town of Winchester. The noun "tithable" when it appears in the seventeenth and eighteenth-century records of Virginia refers to a person who paid, or for whom someone else paid, one of the taxes that the General Assembly imposed for the support of the civil government in the colony. The terms "tithe" and "tithable" had ancient roots in English law and referred to the tax of the tenth portion of the livestock and certain other agricultural products for the support of the church. The term "tithable" developed a different and restricted meaning in

In 1794, the Winchester personal property tax records listed Joshua Newbrough and

Chester County natives Samuel and Abram (or Abraham) Creswell as white tithables over the age of sixteen to cabinetmaker William Poyles (also spelled Pyles).43

Newbrough was probably working as a journeyman cabinetmaker for Poyles. After the

1794 Poyles tax record, Newbrough’s next public mention appeared in the 1799

Frederick County personal property tax records, where Newbrough declared one white male tithable over sixteen years of age and two horses/mules. This 1799 record establishes Newbrough as an independent head of household who may have launched his cabinetmaking business that same year.

Newbrough’s cabinetmaking shop appears to have steadily grown, for, in 1801, a

“Joshua Newberry & apr” paid taxes for two unnamed white tithables in Frederick

County.44 In 1802 and 1803, respectively, Newbrough indentured Levi Holloway and

John Dowell to four-year apprenticeships “to teach or cause to be taught, the said apprentice the Art and Mystery of a cabinet Maker.”45 In 1804, Newbrough reported one

seventeenth-century Virginia, where it came to apply to persons on whom the colony's tax laws assessed a poll tax or capitation tax, literally a tax on each "head." By 1658, when the assembly passed a law defining "What Persons are Tithable," a "tithable" was a member of the potentially productive labor force: free Caucasian males age sixteen or older plus "all negroes imported whether male or female, and Indian servants male or female however procured, being sixteen years of age" (Hening, Statutes at Large, 1:454- 455). Subsequent laws made the immigrants' descendants tithable, too. Slaves and servants did not pay their own taxes; their owners or masters were therefore "tithable" for themselves and for the taxes on their servants and slaves. Lists of tithables for a county or a household, then, do not enumerate anyone under the age of sixteen or any adult white woman unless they were heads of households. Library of Virginia website: https://www.lva.virginia.gov/public/guides/tithables. 43 Tithables Samuel and Abraham Creswell were Chester County natives and working in William Poyles shop in 1794. It appears that Poyles was in poor health by 1795, for he sold his shop/home to Samuel Creswell. Deed of sale between William and Ann Poyles, and Samuel Creswell, October 4, 1795, Frederick County Deed Book 24B (1794-1796), 284-286. William Poyles, whose name was spelled “Poyles” in the 1794 Frederick County tax records and “Pyles” in the 1795 records may be related to the Chester County Pyle family of cabinetmakers, but, thus far, a genealogical connection has not been found. 44 Another example of Joshua Newbrough’s name phonetically recorded as “Newberry.” 45 Apprenticeship record for Levi Holloway, February 1, 1802, Frederick County Minutes Book (1801- 1805): 78. Apprenticeship record for John Dowell, September 22, 1803, and April 2, 1805, Frederick County Deed Book 29 (1804-1806): 142-143.

18 white tithable, two in 1805 and 1806, three in 1807, and two in 1809.46 Outside of several real estate transactions in 1806 and 1809, the next published record for Newbrough is the

1810 United States Federal Census, where he cites eleven household members, including six free white males age sixteen through twenty-five, a considerable expansion of his cabinetmaking business in just a few years.47 This consistent pattern of maintaining a large household to support his shop is reflected in the 1811 and 1812 Winchester personal property tax records where he declared five white male tithables over the age of sixteen.

Newbrough was a lifelong bachelor. Without any children to declare as dependents, Newbrough’s household is probably the reflection of his cabinetmaking business’s steady growth and success between 1799 and 1812. The six male tithables may have performed other tasks other than woodworking. However, based on Dowell and

Holloway’s indenture, Newbrough was clearly in need of at least two apprentices as early as 1802. By 1810, most of these six male tithables were probably working in his cabinetmaking shop.

William Greenway Russell, a nineteenth-century Winchester historian, remembered Newbrough’s cabinetmaking shop, located at 26 and 28 Piccadilly Street between Loudoun and Cameron Streets in Winchester (Figure 28), as a:

46 John Newbrough’s blacksmithing business (Joshua Newbrough’s brother) appears to have thrived during this period for he had six males over the age of sixteen in his household in 1805 and 1806. 47 Other household members include two free white males between the age of ten and fifteen, one free white male between the age of twenty-six through forty-four, and one female white person between twenty- five and forty-four. Ancestry.com: 1810 United States Federal Census (database on-line), (Provo, Utah, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2010). Year: 1810; Census Place: Winchester, Frederick, Virginia; Roll: 68; Page: 327; Image: 00629; Family History Library Film: 0181428.

low one-story house, the property of Joshua Newberry, who carried on the cabinet making business. I recollect, when a boy, he had a lathe for turning bedposts in his yard, worked by horsepower. It was a large treadwheel some twenty feet in size; the horse was led upon the wheel. When the wheel commenced to move, the horse would step forward being hitched, and could not go back.48

By the fall of 1812, Joshua Newbrough was a prosperous cabinetmaker with several properties and a large household. Why would he expand his business and take in a partner at this time in his life? Newbrough was approximately forty-two years old with over twenty-five years’ experience as a cabinetmaker and a successful shop that required the support of a half dozen apprentices or journeyman. Given the steady growth of his business, management experience, and knowledge of the Winchester community and clientele, Newbrough was well prepared to enter into a partnership with Job Smith

Hendricks. Based on Newbrough’s real estate investments and adventurous, entrepreneurial spirit, Newbrough was not afraid of taking risks.49 Forging a partnership with Hendricks, who possessed excellent cabinetmaking skills and knowledge of the latest New York tastes and fashion, was an appealing opportunity and a chance to increase his wealth and customer base.

48 William Greenway Russell, Edited by Garland R. Quarles, and Lewis N. Barton, What I Know About Winchester: Recollections of William Greenway Russell, 1800-1891, (Staunton, VA: The McClure Publishing Co., 1972), 6, 44, 127-128, 141. 49 Please see David Holmes Conrad’s “I Well Remember: Recollections of St. Louis, 1819-1823,” 7 & 8. Holmes described his adventure travelling with Newbrough to Missouri as an exceedingly difficult journey and commented on Newbrough’s risky decision to invest his life savings in Missouri land.

Chapter 3

Job Smith Hendricks (1787-1846)

Perhaps the most interesting craft, however, which reached its ascendancy in the twenty- five years between 1790-1815, was one involving two very different skills, that of clockmaking and that of cabinetmaking. From the Elizabethtown area during the Federal period came innumerable tall clocks, varying in intricacy of mechanism and decorative detail, but exhibiting a high degree of skill on the part of the men who made them. Marilynn Ann Johnson, “Clockmakers and Cabinetmakers of Elizabethtown, New Jersey in the Federal Period,” June 196350

During the Federal Period, Elizabethtown, New Jersey, was a flourishing, sophisticated trade center with easy access to New York City via steamboats and water ferries and a well-positioned stop for people traveling by land between Philadelphia and

New York City. Founded in 1665 and considered to be the earliest English settlement in

Eastern New Jersey, Elizabethtown was comprised primarily of transplants from

Massachusetts, Connecticut, Long Island, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire, whose ethnic and cultural origins were rooted firmly in England. Elizabethtown’s growth was primarily due to its fertile farmland, navigable river, and sheltered harbor.51 By the

1790s, Elizabethtown’s prosperity and proximity to New York City enticed artisans from urban centers who brought extensive knowledge of the latest fashion and tastes.52 These craftsmen mixed New York Federal motifs with New Jersey design preferences to create

50 Marilynn Ann Johnson, “Clockmakers and Cabinetmakers of Elizabethtown, New Jersey in the Federal Period,” (Unpublished dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of Delaware in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Early American Culture, June 1963), 41. 51 Ibid, 7-9. 52 Ibid, 5. Elizabethtown was just twelve miles to New York City by water, a journey in the 1790s that took about an hour and a half in fair weather.

21 a unique regional style that found its expression in the design and construction of tall case clocks (Figure 29).

The evolution of the neoclassical period in colonial British America was strongly influenced by the Scottish-born architect and designer Robert Adam, who in the 1760s introduced a new style in England that came to be known as Neoclassicism. Abandoning the Rococo period’s asymmetry and exuberant curves, the “Adam style” embraced

Roman antiquity by adopting its basic architectural principles of classicism and proportion and its slender lines, geometric forms, classical motifs, and delicate inlay. By the 1790s, America accepted English Neoclassicism, which eventually evolved into a more simplistic American interpretation called the Federal style. A stylistic source for

Federal-style clock case designs may have been Gillows of Lancaster and London. Their

1797 drawings bear a remarkable resemblance to New York City, New Jersey, and

Newbrough & Hendricks tall clocks including the astragal moldings, colonettes, broken scroll pediments, and urn finials (Figure 30).

The Elizabethtown School of Cabinetmaking

Two Jerseys existed during the Federal period—West and East—whose ethnic, cultural, and geographic backgrounds directly influenced furniture produced in each place. Elizabethtown cabinetmakers—located in East Jersey—closely followed and imitated the fashions and tastes of New York City, while West New Jersey looked towards Philadelphia for cultural guidance.53

53 Ibid, 7. “The people in West Jersey trade to Philadelphia, and of course imitate their fashions, and imbibe their manners. The inhabitants of East Jersey trade to New York and regulate their fashions and manners according to those of New York.” From the writings of Jedidiah Morse, a late 18th century geographer. Johnson, Clockmakers and Cabinetmakers, 7.

Between 1790 and 1815, clockmaking and cabinetmaking dominated the crafts produced in Elizabethtown. More than two dozen artisans were at work, including many highly skilled clockmakers with extensive knowledge of complex clock mechanisms.54 In

1803, several cabinetmakers elected to leave New York City for Elizabethtown to escape the yellow fever epidemic that had ravaged the city.55

Elizabethtown cabinetmakers borrowed and blended New York motifs with East

New Jersey preferences, distinguishing their casework from the tall case clocks produced by West New Jersey cabinetmakers, such as Matthew Egerton of New Brunswick, New

Jersey (Figure 31). Whereas Egerton’s clock cases echo British prototypes popular in

Philadelphia and feature a compressed broken-scrolled pediment, thicker waist, and bracket feet, Elizabethtown clocks are light and delicate in form, often with high, narrow

“swan’s neck” scrolled pediments, quarter columns on either side of the waist, and splayed or bracket feet connected by a deeply-cut scalloped apron (Figure 29).56 Inlay was a popular form of ornament favored by Elizabethtown cabinetmakers, which ranged from simple neoclassical ovals and circles outlined with stringing to more complex designs incorporating bellflowers, eagles, urns, or shells.57

Two Elizabethtown cabinetmakers, Abraham Rosett and John Scudder, produced clocks employing many of these stylistic elements. One of these craftsmen, whose clock

54 Ibid, 41. The tall case clock was in high demand by New Jersey residents and considered the most valuable and essential case piece in the home. Numerous advertisements offering tall case clocks for sale appeared in Elizabethtown’s Federal Republican and New Jersey Journal during the 1790s and early nineteenth century. 55 Ibid, 73. 56 Ibid, 62-63. The “swan’s neck” pediment has high, sweeping, narrow proportions. This style dates from Philadelphia about 1800. William MacPherson Hornor, Jr., The Blue Book of Philadelphia Furniture, (Philadelphia: n.p., 1935), 265. 57 Johnson, Clocks, 73.

23 cases closely resemble Newbrough & Hendricks casework, is most likely responsible for teaching Job Smith Hendricks the cabinetmaking trade.

The Hendricks Family

Captain Baker Hendricks, Jr. (1757-1789) and his wife, Hannah Baldwin (1759-

1841), married sometime in the late 1770s and had three sons together: Luther Baldwin

(1780-1825); John (1786-1835); and Job Smith (1788-1846). Captain Baker Hendricks died at the age of thirty-three on January 29, 1789.58 His obituary in the New Jersey

Journal on February 4, 1789, stated:

Died, last Friday morning, in this town, Mr. Baker Hendricks, He was a useful member of society and regretted by the town in general.

On February 10, 1789, Baker Hendricks, Jr.’s estate was appraised by Nathan Woodruff and Joseph Stackhouse and valued at £162.30.59 The pension Baker Hendricks received for wounds he sustained in the Revolutionary War continued to be paid after his death to his surviving wife, Hannah, and their children until they reached adulthood.60 Between

1797 and 1800, each of Captain Hendricks’s sons was assigned a guardian of their choice

58 The following is the inscription on Baker Hendricks, Jr.’s gravestone: “As the tree falls, so it lies, Here lies interred the body of Captain Baker Hendricks, who died January 29, 1789. In ye 33rd year of his age. Here lies beneath the stone repos'd Patriot Merit, straightly hous'd His country call'd he lent an Ear, Their battles faught and rested here." 59 Elmer T. Hutchinson, “Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the State of New Jersey, Calendar of New Jersey Wills, Volume IX, 1796-1800,” (Trenton: MacCrellish & Quigley, 1944, rpt., Westminster, Maryland: Heritage Books, 2008), 171. Baker Hendricks’s will was sworn to by John Hendricks, his brother, and administrator, on April 30, 1794. New Jersey State Archives, Abstracts of Wills, 1670-1817 for Baker Hendricks, Volume XXXVIII, File 7998-8001 G. 60 “The first national pension law, that of August 26, 1776, promised one-half pay for life or during disability to every officer, soldier, or sailor who lost a limb in any engagement or was so disabled in the service as to be rendered incapable of earning a livelihood.” The Social Security Administration national website, https://www.ssa.gov/history/briefhistory3.html

24 by Elizabethtown courts.61 According to one source, “the existence of a guardian…does not mean necessarily that either of the parents was dead but rather that the minor owned property personally (e.g., by inheritance from a grandparent).” 62 Most likely, the funds managed by Jeremiah Ballard, Job’s guardian, were one-quarter of his father’s pension since Captain Baker Hendricks’s estate held very few assets.

A 1775 map of Elizabethtown pinpoints Baker Hendricks’s parent’s home located directly across the street from St. John’s Episcopal Church, where the family worshiped and is buried (Figure 32). The Hendricks’s appear to have been a close-knit family based on their geographical proximity to one another. The map places Baker Hendricks’s uncle,

John Hendricks, and numerous other Hendricks relatives, including the Lyon, Woodruff,

Hatfield, and Baldwin families, just a few minutes’ walk from each other.63 Given

Hendricks’s loss of his father at an early age, the support of a large group of relatives probably played a significant role in assisting him in securing a cabinetmaking

61 New Jersey State Archives, “Abstracts of Wills, 1670-1817 for Baker Hendricks” Volume XXXVIII, Lib.39, 14; File 9806-9809G. 62 “Property might be inherited by persons unable to handle it because of age or infirmity. In these cases, probate authorities appointed guardians, conservators, receivers, trustees, or collectors to manage the property for the benefit of its owner. Receivers, often the clerks of superior court, might be authorized to hold and manage the property of minors and others, but normally guardians were appointed. Persons under the care of guardians were called wards. Researchers will be concerned most often with guardians of orphans. An orphan was normally a minor whose father was dead; the mother might be alive, and even have physical custody of the children. The existence of a guardian, however, does not mean necessarily that either of the parents was dead but rather that the minor owned property personally (e.g., by inheritance from a grandparent); in these cases, the father, if living, was usually appointed guardian of his own children. The court appointed guardians from among the minor's relatives, neighbors, or other persons considered trustworthy, but a testator might nominate his or her children's "testamentary guardian." In colonial times Quakers could not have non-Quaker wards. Like administrators, guardians might be appointed only for temporary and specific purposes. For example, guardian’s ad litem or pendente lite might represent a minor's interests in legal proceedings when the minor was a defendant, while a "next friend" or might act if the minor was the plaintiff. Orphans lacking estates needed no guardian, of course, and were commonly bound out as apprentices.” https://www.ncgenealogy.org/product/north-carolina- research-genealogy-local-history-2e/. Helen F. M. Leary, C. G., F. A. S. G., Editor at NC Archives “North Carolina Research - Genealogy and Local History, Second Edition by Guardians and Conservators," 189- 190. 63 1775 Map of Elizabethtown, https://www.loc.gov/item/75692375.

25 apprenticeship as well as an important connection to Dr. Cornelius Baldwin that led

Hendricks to move to Winchester in 1812.64

Job Smith Hendricks’s Apprenticeship

Hannah Hendricks, Job’s mother, married Robert Stackhouse sometime during the early 1790s and went on to have three more children. James Stackhouse was born in

1797, followed by Abigail and Eliza. During the years Job Smith Hendricks lived in

Elizabethtown (1787-1810), his stepfather probably arranged an apprenticeship for him with a family member, friend, or neighbor in a local Elizabethtown cabinetmaking shop.

Young Hendricks was not an orphan, had a home to live in, income from his late father, and a guardian to manage his financial affairs. Therefore, it was unnecessary to indenture him, explaining why no apprenticeship records exist.

Based on guardianship records, Job was between eleven and thirteen years old in

1800.65 As noted earlier, apprenticeships generally began around the age of fourteen or fifteen. Thus, his apprenticeship with a cabinetmaker could have begun as early as 1800

64 Job’s father, Captain Baker Hendricks, Jr., was a notorious figure in Elizabethtown. He fought against the British throughout the American Revolutionary War and was a spy for George Washington. In 1777, Hendricks, and his brother, John, were arrested and imprisoned for trading and providing provisions to the enemy on Staten Island, but they were actually acting on the orders of General George Washington. At the request of Washington, New Jersey Governor William Livingston intervened by pardoning them before they were tried and executed. Both brothers continued to spy for Washington, and in 1780, Captain Hendricks was rewarded a commission by Congress to raid enemy shipping and outposts near Staten Island. In 1782, Livingston revoked Hendricks’ commission after discovering that Hendricks may have profited from his position by selling goods and materials to the British. According to military records, Hendricks lost the use of his fingers during a battle in 1780 and could no longer practice his trade. Whether this trade was cabinetmaking is unknown. Chas. T. Hendrick, The Hendrick Genealogy, (Rutland, VT: The Tuttle Company, 1923), 118-120. John A. Nagy, George Washington’s Secret Spy War: The Making of America’s First Spymaster, (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2016), 138-143. 65 A birth or christening record for Job Smith Hendricks has not been found. He was placed under guardianship in 1800 and the records stated that he was under the age of fourteen. His father, Captain Baker Hendricks, died in January of 1789 and his older brother, John, was born in 1786 which is how the date range for his birth was established. Job Smith, Luther Baldwin and John were all named after family members. New Jersey State Archives, “Abstracts of Wills,” 14.

26 or as late as 1804. The question of who was responsible for training Job Smith Hendricks lies in tracing his kinship network and identifying the Elizabethtown cabinetmakers whose work most closely resembles Newbrough & Hendricks case pieces.

Three relatives might have been responsible for schooling Job Smith Hendricks in the cabinetmaking trade. Richard Lyon, the husband of Job’s first cousin, Sarah

Hendricks, was a clockmaker who advertised in December 1799 that he “carried on the clock making business in all branches.”66 Clockmakers rarely practiced cabinetmaking, and there are no known tall case clocks attributed to Lyon. John Austin, Lyon’s partner, was a cabinetmaker and most likely responsible for producing the mahogany cases for

Lyon’s clocks. However, there are no records for Austin after 1799, which suggests he may have left the area well before Hendricks was of apprentice age.

Another relative, Abraham Hatfield, husband of Hendricks’s aunt, was a carpenter by trade according to a deed for land given to him by his mother in 1770.67 Carpentry frequently demanded considerably less skill than cabinetmaking. Given the level of knowledge Hendricks would need to possess to later work for the Allison brothers, it is doubtful that Hendricks apprenticed with Hatfield.

Finally, John Cooper Woodruff, Jr., the father-in-law of Luther Baldwin

Hendricks, Job’s older brother, came from a well-known woodworking family.68 Known as Cooper Woodruff, he was a turner and chairmaker operating in Elizabethtown between

1795 and 1825. In 1799, Cooper Woodruff advertised for: “an apprentice to the Spinning-

66 Several notices appeared in the New Jersey Journal between 1797 and 1801 advertising their services. Johnson, “Clocks and Clockmakers,” 55. 67 Hendrick, The Hendrick Genealogy, 116. 68 Cooper Woodruff’s grandfather, John Woodruff, was a joiner working in Elizabethtown in the early 18th century. Johnson, “Clocks and Clockmakers,” 175.

27 wheel and Turning business, a Lad about 14 or 15 years old” and also “A Journeyman that understands the sitting chair business.”69 Cooper Woodruff identified as a chairmaker rather than cabinetmaker, suggesting he confined his business to the making of chairs and spinning wheels, two forms not found amongst the known work of Newbrough &

Hendricks.

John Scudder & Abraham Rosett

Among the dozen or more cabinetmakers operating in Elizabethtown during Job

Hendricks’s youth, and whose clock cases closely resemble Newbrough & Hendricks pieces, are two craftsmen: John Scudder and Abraham Rosett.70 Both cabinetmakers were well respected and highly skilled artisans whose clocks are their only extant documented furniture forms (Figures 33 & 34). Scudder often used a printed label to identify his work. Rosett’s only documented case piece is a tall clock with a printed “Rosett &

Mulford” shop label inside the case door.71

Scudder and Rosett’s clock cases are remarkably similar to each other’s work in their proportions, materials, waists, columns, inlay, plinths, and broken scroll pediments.72 Both clocks feature highly figured mahogany boards and veneers, delicate

69 Ibid, 55. 70 Ibid, 54, Appendix I & II. 71 Rosett briefly partnered with Abraham Mulford in 1807. 72 For example, a March 1931 column in The Magazine ANTIQUES features these tall case clocks. One has a Rosett & Mulford label inside the case and the other is attributed to John Scudder by Marilynn Johnson. Johnson’s 1963 thesis entitled “Clockmakers and Cabinetmakers in Elizabethtown, New Jersey working during the Federal Period,” attributes more than a dozen tall clock cabinets to John Scudder, including The Magazine ANTIQUES clock. However, the author of the ANTIQUES article believes both clock cases were produced by Rosett & Mulford. The following are her reasons: “the same exquisiteness of workmanship observable in the one case is to be found in the other ….the general proportions of the two case are virtually identical, and the volutes of the two hoods were apparently cut from the one templet …Unfortunately, nothing is known of the personal history of Rosett & Mulford, though as craftsmen, they seem to have been far superior to any number of the Egerton tribe.”

28 and narrow high-pitched broken scroll pediments, brass finials, identical rosettes, smooth columns with bases and capitals flanking the face, arched and oval inlaid trunk doors, quarter columns bordering the waist, and straight skirts. In contrast to Rosett’s clock,

Scudder’s features an inlaid crossbanded frieze below the hood, reeded quarter columns, a wider waist molding, and a square base with an inlaid circular motif resting on splayed bracket feet.73 The Rosett & Mulford clock exhibits smooth quarter columns, several intricate oval inlays in the frieze below the hood, and a scalloped base panel resting on bracket feet (which may be replacements). Scudder and Rosett’s blending of New York

Federal-style and East New Jersey motifs are excellent examples of Elizabethtown’s thriving school of cabinetmaking in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century.74

John Scudder could be the craftsman with whom Hendricks apprenticed. Scudder lived and worked in the separate township of Westfield, New Jersey, near Elizabethtown.

Westfield was approximately six miles from Job Smith Hendricks’s Elizabethtown home, but a Westfield eighteenth-century map places Isaac Hendrick (1740-1811), a distant relative of Captain Baker Hendricks and an early Westfield settler, on the same street as

John Scudder (Figure 35).75

73 According to Hurst and Prown the oval inlaid trunk doors and bases with prominent circular motifs are a direct reflection of designs from New York and New Jersey. Ronald L. Hurst and Jonathan Prown. Southern Furniture 1680-1830: The Colonial Williamsburg Collection. (Williamsburg, VA: The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, 1997), 571. 74 John L. Scherer, New York Furniture, The Federal Period 1788-1825, (Albany, New York: The University of the State of New York, The State Education Department, New York State Museum, 1988), 11. 75 Hendrick, The Hendrick Genealogy, 85. It was difficult travelling between Elizabethtown and Westfield by stagecoach and people thought it was “slow and dangerous.” Charles A. Philhower, M.A., History of the Town of Westfield, Union County, New Jersey, (New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Company, 1992), 13, 53.

Scudder, who married Cooper Woodruff’s sister, Anna, produced numerous labeled cases for local New Jersey clockmakers, including Joakim Hill, Samuel Kennedy

Miller, and Isaac Brokaw.76 Though Westfield was isolated and difficult to travel to,

Scudder appears to have had a successful, robust business. He generally had at least one apprentice working for him, including James Topping, indentured to Scudder from 1795 to 1802, and Richard Von Kirk, whose apprenticeship dates are unknown.77 Job Smith

Hendricks may have lived in the Isaac Hendrick household while apprenticing with

Scudder from 1802 to 1809 after Topping’s apprenticeship ended.

Apprentices were in great demand in Elizabethtown in the early nineteenth century, which poses the question of why Job Hendricks would leave his family to live with a distant relative for an apprenticeship with Scudder when there were many opportunities nearby.78 With this fact in mind, it seems more likely that Job Smith

Hendricks apprenticed with Abraham Rosett.

Abraham Rosett was born in New York City in 1780 to a tavern owner and leather dresser.79 He most likely received his cabinetmaking training in New York City before relocating to Elizabethtown in 1803 to escape the yellow fever epidemic.80 On

December 5, 1803, Rosett launched a series of advertisements in Elizabethtown’s

Federal Republican newspaper promoting his cabinetmaking business over the next seven years. Rosett’s prolific and innovative ads were visually striking, with woodcuts

76 According to the Scudder family, clockmaker Isaac Brokaw employed a “Scudder” to make his clock cases. “Marginal Jottings from the Scudder Family-Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society,” LXIII, 1945, 175. 77 Walter Hamilton Van Hoesen. Crafts and Craftsmen of New Jersey, (Cranbury, New Jersey: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1973), 54. 78 Johnson, 69. 79 Van Hoesen, Crafts and Craftsmen of New Jersey, 51. 80 Johnson, 53, 157-158.

30 often depicting a tall case clock, a table, cradle, and a bier supporting a coffin. His first ad featured the opening of his business and the need for a journeyman cabinetmaker, while the second advertisement mentioned:

Cabinet furniture of every description may be had on the shortest notice and most reasonable terms, by applying to the subscriber near the Stone Bridge. N.B. A good journeyman wanted – apply as above, Eliz.Town, Dec. 5, 1803.

The Stone Bridge Rosett refers to in this advertisement is situated in the center of

Elizabethtown’s busy marketplace and just down the road from St. John’s Episcopal

Church and the Hendricks family home (Figure 32). When Rosett opened his

Elizabethtown shop, it is most likely he secured at least one apprentice. In 1803, Job was between fourteen and sixteen, the typical age to commence an apprenticeship.81

In March of 1807, Rosett announced in the Federal Republican the formation of a partnership with Abraham Mulford and renamed the firm Rosett & Mulford. He used the same graphics from his previous advertisements and closed it with “An apprentice wanted” (Figure 36).82 A significant change in his business model occurred in this advertisement when he described his new company as an “Elizabethtown cabinet warehouse” where “Rosett and Mulford, cabinetmakers, near the Stone Bridge in

Elizabethtown, intend keeping for sale a handsome variety of cabinet furniture.”83 Rosett and Mulford were the first in New Jersey to offer a “cabinet warehouse,” a term indicating ready-made furniture available for immediate sale.84 Four years later,

81 In July of 1805, Rosett advertised for “An Apprentice to the cabinet making business, A lad of about 14 or 15 years of age.” This advertisement confirms that Rosett had a pattern of looking for apprentices in Job Hendricks age range. 82 Johnson, Clockmakers, 192. 83 Ibid. 84 Van Hoesen, Crafts and Craftsmen, 52.

Newbrough & Hendricks made the same offer to their Winchester clients in a series of advertisements.

In March 1808, Rosett announced the dissolution of his partnership with Mulford stating that “the business will be continued by the subscriber (Rosett) at the same place.”

In August of that same year, Rosett advertised for “two apprentices for his cabinetmaking business between twelve and fifteen.” A final advertisement in March of 1810, announcing his shop’s sale, included, “bureau’s, tables, clothes press, cradles, and other articles partly finished, as well as various woods, tools, and workbenches.” Rosett died in

1815 at the age of thirty-five.

If Hendricks apprenticed with Rosett, he most likely lived with his mother, stepfather, two half-sisters, and half-brother in their Elizabethtown family home until

1810. During these years, he formed a close relationship with his half-brother, James

Stackhouse, who later joined him in Winchester to learn the craft of cabinetmaking, and half-sister, Eliza Stackhouse, whom he selected to be the primary beneficiary of his estate in 1846.85 On July 19, 1809, Job’s mother:

sold her part of her estate to her three sons from her first marriage, for $1000, reserving the right to use of the upper front big room in the house where she now lives, also a right to use the kitchen, garret, and cellar, with some privilege in the garden.86

In 1810, John Hendricks, Job’s brother, sold his share in the family home to his brothers,

Luther and Job, for $800.87

85 Eliza remained in Elizabethtown for the rest of her life, was a Sunday school teacher, and died in 1853. 86 Hendrick, The Hendrick Genealogy, 120. 87 Job’s older brother, Luther Baldwin, named after his mother’s brother, opened a hat-making business in Elizabethtown in 1806, married in 1810, and remained in Elizabethtown until he died in 1825. The only records that exist for John Hendricks, Job’s older brother, are the appointment of a guardian, his uncle,

By the end of the Federal period in Elizabethtown (1790-1815), the demand for tall case clocks declined dramatically.88 By 1815, Elizabethtown was no longer a vital trade center, and the War of 1812 plunged the town and the rest of the country into an economic depression.89 As the market for luxury case pieces diminished, many craftsmen, such as John Scudder, left the region in search of new opportunities.

The Allison Brothers

Given the decline in cabinetmaking in Elizabethtown and the end of his training, young Job Smith Hendricks chose sophisticated New York City to practice his trade. A listing for a “Job S. Hendricks” appeared in the 1810 New York City Price Book

Directory, citing his membership in the New York Society of Cabinet Makers.90

It is possible Job Smith Hendricks decided to remain in the Elizabethtown family home he now owned with his two brothers and commute rather than pay for another residence.91 In 1810, a New York newspaper announced a daily roundtrip commuting opportunity between Elizabethtown and New York City:

To commence on Tuesday next (May 1), Steam Boat Raritan, Will Sail every morning at 6’oclock from the north side of the battery for Elizabethtown Point, Perth, and South Amboy (Thursdays excepted) and return again the same evening.92

John Hendricks in 1798; the sale of his share in the Elizabethtown family home to his brothers on December 4, 1810; and his death in Sing Sing prison in 1835. 88 It was rare for a family to own even one clock, a well-cared-for cherished possession that frequently descended in the family of the original owner for generations. 89 “The War of 1812 left East Jersey, like much of the rest of the country, in the throes of a general economic depression. The market for luxury items shrank, and many craftsmen, attracted to the burgeoning cities of the frontier, joined wagon trains moving westward.” Johnson, Clockmakers, 105. 90 Job Smith Hendricks was not listed in the 1809, 1811, and 1812 directories. 91 Manhattan was just twelve miles by water from Elizabethtown. 92 Johnson, 20.

There is also further evidence Hendricks chose to travel daily from Elizabethtown to New

York City per a reference in the Minutes of a May 5, 1812 meeting of the Common

Council of the City of New York. During the meeting, “Job S. Hendrix” offered his services as a volunteer fireman and provided his address.93 This address, 42 Vesey Street, was not a residence but rather the cabinetmaking shop of Michael Allison.94

Michael Allison, and his brother Richard, were influential and prestigious cabinetmakers who offered finely crafted and fashionable ready-made furniture in the

New York Federal-style.95 Richard had a shop at 58 Vesey Street, and Michael on 42 and

44 Vesey Streets.96 The brothers appeared to work closely together between 1806 and

1814 until Richard left the business to become a grocer.

The 42 Vesey Street address was that of Michael Allison, not his brother.

However, Job Smith Hendricks was probably familiar with Richard Allison’s designs because of their familial relationship and respective firms’ physical proximity. Michael

Allison and his brother favored the same style, design choices, and Federal-style motifs preferred by New York and East New Jersey cabinetmakers working during this period.

Design elements include light, delicate, linear forms that often feature a straight front, overhanging top, scratch or cock-beading outlining the drawers, and a serpentine skirt

93 The spelling of “Hendrix” was likely a phonetic translation of Hendricks name or a clerical mistake. Minutes of the Common Council of the City of New York, May 5, 1812. 94 MESDA cites the Elliot & Crissy 1881 and 1812 New York City Directories, as well as David Longworth’s NYC 1812 Directory, which confirms this address is Michael Allison’s cabinetmaking shop. 95 Michael Allison also sold furniture to Elizabethtown residents. A chest of drawers bearing Michael Allison’s label has an inscription on the bottom of one of the drawers “Maria Mayo Scott chest of drawers given her by her mother, Elizabethtown, 1810.” It is now in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Johnson, Clockmakers, 72. 96 Richard Allison labeled only a few of his pieces, whereas Michael Allison labeled his furniture more than any other cabinetmaker working in New York City during that period, including Duncan Phyfe and Honore Lannuier. Margo Flannery, The Magazine ANTIQUES, “Richard Allison and the New York City Federal Style,” (May 1973), 999.

34 with a central hollow cut-out resting on French or bracket feet. (Figure 37).97 These characteristics are the same design elements Newbrough & Hendricks later employed in their case furniture and another example of how Federal-style motifs from New Jersey and New York were transferred, reinterpreted, and adapted to create the Newbrough &

Hendricks signature style.

The catalyst for Job Smith Hendricks’s decision to move from New York City, where he was working for the famed Allison Brothers, to Winchester once again lies with kinship networks. Job Smith Hendricks’s mother, Hannah, now the widow of Robert

Stackhouse, was the sister of Dr. Cornelius Baldwin. Baldwin moved from Elizabethtown to Winchester in the 1780s, where he became a prominent citizen, physician, and eventually a close neighbor of Joshua Newbrough.

New York City to Winchester

In 1812, Winchester was the most important style center in the Valley of Virginia, and cabinetmakers were in high demand. According to Winchester historian William

Greenway Russell’s nineteenth-century recollections, Newbrough had two cabinetmaking shops in Winchester between 1799 and 1815 (Figure 28).98 Their 26 and 28 East

Piccadilly shop (Lot 62) was next door to clock and instrument maker, fellow Quaker and

Chester County native, Goldsmith Chandlee (Lot 63). In September of 1813, Chandlee sold Lot 62 to Newbrough, but advertisements suggest that Newbrough & Hendricks

97 The serpentine skirt with hollow cut-out is often found in furniture from coastal New Hampshire, southern Maine, and Newburyport, Massachusetts. Hurst and Prown, Southern Furniture, 481. 98 Numerous deeds and land transactions between Newbrough and other Winchester citizens occurred during this period, but their addresses are not recorded. Russell, What I Know About Winchester, 6, 44, 51, 127-128, 141.

35 occupied the space as early as the fall of 1812.99 Newbrough’s other shop was situated at

302 South Loudoun Street (Lot 206), at the southeast corner of Loudoun and Clifford

Streets. Russell recounted his memory of the 302 South Loudoun shop

The fine stone house now occupied by the heirs of John Price, was at one time used as the quarters of the Hessian prisoners, afterward by Joshua Newberry as a cabinet maker shop, and in 1812 as quarters for the soldiers.100

Dr. Cornelius Baldwin owned an office and a home at 523 and 524 South Loudoun (Lot

211) at the northeast corner of Loudoun and Monmouth Streets.101 Only five lots separated Newbrough’s shop from Baldwin’s home. Their close proximity suggests that

Baldwin and Newbrough knew one another and that Baldwin was responsible for introducing his nephew, young Job Smith Hendricks, to Joshua Newbrough.

For Newbrough, the opportunity to expand his business by partnering with a young, highly skilled New York City cabinetmaker probably appeared to be a good investment. For Hendricks, launching a business with a well-respected cabinetmaker provided instant credibility, stature, and, most importantly, success.

99 In September 1813, Chandlee sold the western part of Lot 62 to Newbrough for 180 pounds, Virginia currency. Chandlee’s shop was on Lot 63 at the northwest corner of Piccadilly at Cameron Street. An alley ran through the lot separating his house on the east from a brick house lived in by Joshua Newbrough. Catherine B. Hollen. Virginia Silversmiths, Jewelers, Clock and Watchmakers, 1607-1860, Their Lives and Marks. (Marceline, Missouri: Walsworth Publishing Company, 2010), 886. Winchester, Va., Deed 2, p. 498, 21 September 1813, recorded October, 1, 1813. 100 Dr. Cornelius Baldwin owned 524 S. Loudoun Street where Lord Fairfax passed away after riding to see him. David Holmes Conrad had this to say about Dr Baldwin: “I well remember the fine-looking old doctor, in the old-style gentleman’s dress, with his fair topped boots and powdered hair.” “Annual Papers of Winchester Historical Society, Volume I, 1931,” (Winchester, Virginia: Published by the Society, 1931), 184. 101 Ibid, 61.

Chapter 4 The Partnership of Newbrough & Hendricks (1812-1815)

Notice: THE PARTNERSHIP hitherto subsisting between NEWBROUGH & HENDRICKS, is dissolved by mutual consent—Circumstances render it indispensable that their accounts shall be closed as soon as possible; they therefore respectfully request those indebted to them, to call and settle their accounts without delay, with J. Smith Hendricks who is authorized by his copartner to liquidate the affairs of the firm. Persons to whom they are indebted will please also exhibit their accounts for payment. JOSHUA NEWBROUGH J. SMITH HENDRICKS

THE BUSINESS OF Cabinet-Making is continued at the old stand under the entire direction of the subscriber who flatters himself, that by his assiduity and attention to business, and the taste and durability of his work, he will merit the same patronage which the late firm received. A very general assortment of the most fashionable furniture will be at all times kept on hand, and orders from the country promptly attended to. J. SMITH HENDRICKS Winchester Gazette, Winchester, Virginia, Saturday, July 24, 1813.102

On October 17, 1812, Joshua Newbrough and Job Smith Hendricks made their first recorded appearance together as witnesses to the sale of a property in Winchester,

Virginia.103 Sometime during the second half of 1812 or early 1813, Newbrough &

Hendricks formed a partnership and launched their cabinetmaking business at 26 and 28

Piccadilly Street near Winchester’s market district. Whereas Hendricks brought skilled craftsmanship and ambition to their business, Joshua Newbrough—more than fifteen-

102 Winchester Gazette, published in Winchester, Virginia on Saturday, July 24, 1813, p. 4. Stewart Bell, Jr. Archives Digital Newspaper Collection, Handley Regional Library, Winchester, Virginia. 103 Newbrough & Hendricks witnessed the transfer of property between Henry James Peyton to Robert O. Grayson, deed from the Corporation of Winchester, Book 34, 223.

37 years Hendricks’s senior—had an established cabinetmaking business, clientele bases, and twenty years’ experience living and working in Winchester.

By July of 1813, Newbrough & Hendricks chose to amicably dissolve their business, with Hendricks continuing in the same location (Figure 38). On October 10,

1813, they sold their inventory of “elegant new furniture among which are Desks,

Bureaus, Tables, Bedsteads, Secretaries, etc.” at public auction.104 In March of 1814, they re-formed “a co-partnership at their old stand on Piccadilly street” only to once again announce the dissolution of their business on October 31, 1815.105 During their brief but prolific three-year collaboration, these two men produced a distinctive and high-quality line of case pieces with unusual design characteristics and construction techniques ranging in form from desks (Figure 7), chests of drawers (Figure 39), clothespresses

(Figure 40), to tall case clocks (Figure 41).106 Despite their shop’s closure, they remained lifelong friends, committed bachelors, and Winchester citizens until their deaths over thirty years later.

Why did their business fail twice in just a few short years, and what became of the two cabinetmakers after they closed their shop? Scrutiny of public notices, advertisements in various Winchester newspapers, deed books, business notices, public records, and their wills shine a light on some of the reasons and provide a few answers.

104 Winchester Gazette, Winchester, Virginia, October 3, 1813, p. 4, Stewart Bell, Jr. Archives Digital Newspaper Collection, Handley Library, Winchester, Virginia. 105 Winchester Gazette, Winchester, Virginia October 31, 1815, p. 4, Stewart Bell, Jr. Archives Digital Newspaper Collection, Handley Library, Winchester, Virginia. 106 Newbrough & Hendricks only made the cabinets for these clocks and were not responsible for the dials and movements.

On July 24, 1813, Newbrough & Hendricks posted their first newspaper advertisement in the Winchester Gazette announcing their insolvency, decision to dissolve their partnership, and the fact that Hendricks would carry on as a cabinetmaker in the same location. Hendricks’s ambition, belief in his business acumen, and cabinetmaking skills are evident in this advertisement. He not only promised a cabinet- warehouse but that the case pieces would be “tasteful and the most fashionable.”

Hendricks’s advertisement is reminiscent of several Abraham Rosett ads in which Rosett spoke of his talents and ability to supply the most stylish furniture (Figure 36).

Newbrough & Hendricks may have incurred high start-up costs by investing in costly materials (such as mahogany) and possibly experienced slow payments from customers in the early months of their partnership. It is possible they secured a loan from a bank to finance their business, and when their debts exceeded their sales, they had no choice but to dissolve the partnership and liquidate their assets. The July 24th notice suggests there was urgency regarding resolving their finances as soon as possible.

During the summer of 1813, Hendricks was between twenty-four and twenty-six years old. The faith Newbrough placed in young Hendricks by entrusting him with the liquidation of their inventory is surprising. It is doubtful Newbrough would have taken that step if Hendricks was the cause of the firm’s failure. Electing to close their business with the plan of relaunching it once their finances improved could explain why

Newbrough allowed Hendricks to continue the business in the same location. These facts demonstrate that they genuinely were on amicable terms and that a financial crisis or other events rather than relationship issues were the cause of their business’ demise.

Another theory regarding their insolvency is that they may have failed to market their new business properly. The decision not to advertise the launch their shop may be because Newbrough was not in the habit of promoting his cabinetmaking shop in the local papers, choosing instead to rely on his reputation and customer word of mouth.

In September of 1813, Hendricks indentured two apprentices, William L. Scarff and Samuel W. Parrot, to work in his cabinetmaking shop.107 Sometime in 1813, James

Stackhouse, Job’s half-brother, now approximately fifteen years old, moved from

Elizabethtown to Winchester to work for Hendricks.108 For Hendricks to retain three, possibly four, apprentices so soon after their firm’s financial failure was a bold and risky decision because Newbrough & Hendricks had not paid off their debts. Even more puzzling was Newbrough’s decision to purchase 26 and 28 Piccadilly Street from

Goldsmith Chandlee in September 1813. Why did they close their business and then quadruple the number of apprentices and buy the Piccadilly lot?

On October 2, 1813, Newbrough & Hendricks announced the upcoming sale of their joint inventory at public auction in the Winchester Gazette:

107 Winchester-Frederick County Legal Records Collection #1680, Stewart Bell, Jr. Archives, Handley Regional Library, Winchester, Virginia. Also, a John Darnell, an apprentice who was bound to Newbrough in 1811 (according to Newbrough descendants), may have continued to work for Hendricks. 108 His half-brother, James Stackhouse, moved to Winchester in 1813, to train and learn the trade of cabinetmaking with Hendricks. Stackhouse eventually becoming a respected master cabinetmaker and landholder in Winchester. Russell, What I know About Winchester, 127-128.

PUBLIC AUCTION WILL be sold at public auction, to close the late concern of NEWBROUGH & HENDRICKS, before the door of their late residence, on Saturday next to the 9th inst. A variety of elegant new furniture, among which are Desks, Bureaus, Tables, Bedsteads, Secretaries, etc. Terms, Cash for all sums under 50 dollars, & over that Notes at 60 days negotiable at the bank with approved endorsers will be required. J.S. HENDRICKS JOSHUA NEWBROUGH109

The October 1813 auction advertisement also confirms the type of furniture

Newbrough & Hendricks offered to clients. What is noticeably missing from the ad are tall case clocks, tables, and bedsteads.110

On March 12, 1814, Newbrough & Hendricks announced the reformation of their partnership in three consecutive weekly newspaper advertisements:111

THE SUBSCRIBERS HAVING again formed a Co-partnership hereby inform the public that they will carry on extensively the Cabinet Making Business At their old stand, in Piccadilly Street, where they have on hand and will constantly keep a large assortment of articles in their line of business. They will always be ready to execute any command for furniture, being well supplied with the best materials and good workmen. JOSHUA NEWBROUGH J. SMITH HENDRICKS112

The decision to advertise their cabinetmaking business signals a change in their marketing strategy, a renewed commitment to their craft, and a message to Winchester citizens of their latest collaboration’s seriousness. In 1814, Job Smith Hendricks reported

109 Winchester Gazette, Winchester, Virginia., October 2, 1813, p. 4. 110 As stated earlier, Russell noted in his book on page 127 that “Newbrough had a lathe for turning bedposts in his yard,” suggesting that bedposts were part of their offerings. 111 The second advertisement appeared on the front page of the Winchester Gazette which undoubtedly cost more than page four where their advertisements typically ran. 112 March 12, 1814, Republican Constellation, Winchester, Virginia.

41 five white tithable males over the age of sixteen in the Winchester personal property tax records and six in 1815, a dramatic increase in Hendricks’s overhead costs in one year.113

In contrast, Newbrough reduced his household from eleven people in 1812 to three by

1814.114 However, advertisements promoting their firm in local papers abruptly end after

March 29, 1814. Eighteen months later, they disbanded their partnership for the last time.

Given Newbrough’s experience and Hendricks’s considerable cabinetmaking skills, their business should not have failed. Other external issues probably played a part in their cabinetmaking shop’s closure. Stiff competition from other cabinetmakers, the

War of 1812, and expanding their shop too rapidly in a shrinking economy are some of many factors that may have caused their firm to collapse twice in three years.115

When Hendricks arrived in the summer or fall of 1812, Winchester was prosperous and experiencing unprecedented growth. Thomas Jefferson’s Embargo Act of

1807 prohibiting American ships from trading in all foreign ports cut off Europe’s imports to America. The loss of European goods resulted in a demand for domestically- produced furniture in the latest style. During the three years Newbrough & Hendricks were in business, more than a dozen cabinetmakers, five Windsor chairmakers, over fifty carpenters, joiners, and turners working in Winchester and Frederick County, served a

113 Winchester 1814-1815 Personal Tax Records for J.S. Hendricks, www.binssgeneaology.com/Virginia Tax List Censuses/City Wincheser/1814Personal/10.jpb. Originals at Library of Virginia, Richmond, VA. 114 Winchester 1812-1814 Personal Tax Records for Joshua Newbrough, www.binssgeneaology.com/Virginia Tax List Censuses/City Winchester/1814Personal/10.jpb. Originals at Library of Virginia, Richmond, VA. 115 Job Smith Hendricks was briefly a member of the Virginia Militia’s 31st regiment in February and March of 1815, serving as a private and substitute soldier for a John Magson. The war ended before his involvement began so it’s unlikely Hendricks suffered any injuries that might have prevented him from practicing his trade. National Archives and Records Administration. Index to the Compiled Military Service Records for the Volunteer Soldiers Who Served During the War of 1812, Washington D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, M602, 234 rolls.

42 population of over 23,000 (see Appendix A).116 Among the prominent Winchester cabinetmakers operating concurrently with Newbrough & Hendricks were Edward Slater and James Lee Martin. Through public records, letters, and price books, a plethora of historical evidence confirms that these two craftsmen enjoyed long and successful careers as cabinetmakers in Winchester and surrounding areas and undoubtedly provided stiff competition to Newbrough & Hendricks.

The War of 1812

By the spring of 1815, the entire country experienced a severe economic depression following the end of the War of 1812.117 Winchester was in the throes of a business recession and facing a massive depreciation of land values.118

After the war ended in February 1815, the United States faced a short but impactful economic depression primarily due to the government’s decision to finance the war through bank loans resulting in massive debts. Consequently, banks were low in capital and called in their loans to real estate and business speculators. Many of these investors defaulted, subsequently causing the failure of many banks throughout the

United States.

116 Thank you to Nick Powers for his compilation of a Frederick County Craftsman Database upon which this list was formulated. The 1810 census reflects a Frederick County population of 22,554. 117 Several Valley of Virginia historians including Wallace B. Gusler and Frederick Morton, and Marilynn Johnson, author of the Elizabethtown Clocks and Clockmakers thesis, note in their work that the entire country was experiencing a severe economic depression following the end of the War of 1812. Morton, The Story of Winchester, 122; Gusler, “The Arts of Shenandoah County,” 8; Johnson, “Clocks and Clockmakers,” 107. 118 “February 20, 1815 was a day of thanksgiving in this town because of the news of the conclusion of a treaty of peace with Britain …but there was a business depression the same year. Land in the Lower Valley depreciated 50 per cent in value, and money became very “tight.” Morton, The Story of Winchester, 122.

Newbrough & Hendricks might have been one of those businesses. If they financed their business’ reopening through a loan, the bank might have called in their debt. In Frederick Morton’s The Story of Winchester in Virginia, he cites the following:

Mr. Russell (What I Know About Winchester) speaks of an unchartered bank in 1815, which, in consequence of a law enacted about two years later, was compelled to close; and that most merchants of the preceding period had been issuing individual notes, which, the same law, were called in.119

Due to local and national economic instability, the demand for luxury goods understandably declined. Cabinetmakers often turned to alternative professions to supplement their income, such as building coffins or conducting estate appraisals.120

Supporting multiple apprentices, investing in costly materials, and maintaining an inventory of goods in a failing economy and competitive marketplace would have made it difficult for most cabinetmaking shops to succeed.

On October 31, 1815, a notice appeared on page three of the Winchester Gazette stating that “The Partnership of Newbrough and Hendricks was dissolved by mutual consent on the 20th inst.” Appearing at the same time was another notice by Hendricks:

I forewarn all persons from harboring my Apprentice Boy, Wm. Scarff, except Edward Slater, whom I have made a choice of for said Scarff to remain with the residue of his apprenticeship.121 JOB S. HENDRICKS October 31, 1815

119 Morton, 113. 120 Newbrough was listed as an appraiser on April 6, 1812 for Andrew Friedly’s estate. One stable source of income was the building of coffins which Hendricks and Newbrough continued to engage in long after the close of their shop. Newbrough was paid for a coffin by the Throckmorton estate on July 23, 1816 and Job Smith Hendricks was paid for a coffin by the estate of James Carter on June 6, 1822. Hendricks was listed as an appraiser in 1832 and 1838 along with Benjamin Bushnell. 121 Edward Slater was a well-respected Winchester cabinetmaker and probably Newbrough & Hendricks major competitor.

Newbrough & Hendricks Post-Partnership Years

Newbrough & Hendricks appear to have ended their cabinetmaking careers in

October 1815 to pursue other interests. Their reasons appear to be primarily economic.122

Hendricks did not report any taxable household members in 1816 after reporting six white tithables in the Winchester 1815 personal property tax records. The assumption is that Hendricks released all the tithables from their obligation to him. Alternatively, as in

William Scarff’s case, he may have assigned these young men to other cabinetmaking shops to finish the remainder of their apprenticeships. Hendricks’s sale of his interest in his Elizabethtown family home to his brother Luther on December 11, 1815, for $3,000, probably secured his future and provided him with the means to start over.

In 1819, Hendricks reappeared in the Winchester personal property tax records, where he reported responsibility for one white male tithable and a horse. He then disappears from Winchester’s property tax records until 1829 where he consistently declared financial responsibility for one white male over sixteen for the next decade and a slave in 1839 and 1840.

The question of how Joshua Newbrough supported himself after their shop closed is answered by examining deed books, business notices, public records, and his will.

Joshua Newbrough began investing in land as early as 1806, eventually becoming a wealthy Winchester landowner and civic leader by the mid-1820s. The logical assumption is that he left the cabinetmaking business after October 1815 to pursue other interests. However, two pieces of information suggest the contrary. First, Newbrough was

122 Newbrough’s 1816 Winchester personal property tax records reveal that he no longer supported a large household.

45 commissioned to build a pair of fifteen-foot D-end half round tables in April 1816 for

Comfort Welsh Wood (1751-1840), the widow of Robert Wood of Glen Burnie (now the site of the Museum of the Shenandoah Valley). The receipt for the sale contains the only known signature by Joshua Newbrough (Figure 47).123

Second, a notice published on May 23, 1818, in Winchester’s Republican

Constellation, Joshua Newbrough advertised:

PUBLIC SALE

Will be sold at public sale on Saturday the 30th instant, at ten o’clock, at the late dwelling of the subscriber, a variety of elegant

NEW FURNITURE

And also, three new eight-day clocks of the best kind, warranted good. Terms made known on the day of sale. Also, a house and lot in a good situation for any kind of business. The terms will be one half in hand and the balance in twelve months. And one complete set of Rees Encyclopedia so far as the work has been published.

JOSHUA NEWBROUGH May 23, 1818 – Inst.

This advertisement is significant for numerous reasons. It suggests that Newbrough continued his cabinetmaking business after his partnership with Hendricks and decided to retire in May of 1818. The sale of “a variety of elegant new furniture” may explain why

Newbrough & Hendricks did not offer a public sale of their remaining inventory following their business’ close in October 1815. Newbrough may have held the furniture and saved it until the market for luxury goods improved.

123 The James Wood Family Papers can be found in the Stewart Bell, Jr. Archives Room in the Handley Regional Library in Winchester, https://www.handleyregional.org/services/departments/archives/manuscripts/w/173-WFCHS.

If Newbrough continued to make furniture after the dissolution of his shop with

Hendricks, that might explain the existence of several chests of drawers with many

Newbrough & Hendricks characteristics that also present the beginning of a transition from Federal to Empire style placing their production between 1815 and 1820 (Figure

48). These chests may be Newbrough’s work, but they may also be the product of one of their apprentices or another shop imitating their signature style.

The 1818 advertisement is also the first mention of tall case clocks. There is strong evidence that Newbrough & Hendricks were constructing cases for tall case clocks as early as 1812. A tall case clock, a permanent household object in the Bell family house at 106 North Cameron Street in Winchester since the structure’s completion in 1812, has many Newbrough & Hendricks design and construction characteristics (Figure 41). It also contains a Patton & Jones label behind the painted iron dial. Abraham Patton and

Samuel G. Jones had a shop in Philadelphia from 1804 to 1814, which places the tall case clock’s construction during the period Newbrough & Hendricks were in business. The

Bell House is just two blocks from Newbrough & Hendricks’s Piccadilly shop.

Newbrough’s 1818 advertisement also offers a house and lot for sale. Based on

Russell’s recollections of Winchester, Newbrough left his South Loudoun shop sometime during 1812 to relocate to 26 and 28 Piccadilly, where he partnered with Hendricks.124

The Piccadilly lot and house was not among Newbrough’s assets when he died in 1847, so he most likely sold both properties in the 1818 public sale. Hendricks will include a

Piccadilly lot. Another possibility is that Newbrough may have sold his Piccadilly lot to

124 See Chapter 3, page 35.

Hendricks following the dissolution of their business. However, no record of a property transaction between Newbrough and Hendricks appear in Winchester deed books.

The selling and buying of land were how Newbrough acquired wealth for his retirement years. Newbrough made two significant purchases between 1819 and 1823. In

1819, he became a partner in the Smithton Company, in which he and other members purchased 740 acres of Missouri land for $4 to $6 per acre.125 Newbrough’s investment in the mineral rich, fertile Missouri lands proved to be a sage business decision. Throughout the 1820s and 1830s, Newbrough sold parcels of Missouri land to finance his real estate investments in Winchester.126 There are approximately twelve real estate transactions between Newbrough and Winchester residents, beginning in 1816 until he died in 1847.

In the late nineteenth century, David Holmes Conrad published a memoir that includes a passage recalling his adventures with Joshua Newbrough and confirming that he had retired from cabinetmaking.127 In 1819, Holmes left Winchester for Missouri on horseback to practice law while Newbrough rode with him to visit the Missouri land he had purchased the year before.128 Newbrough, whom Holmes described as a “retired cabinetmaker and a plucky old fellow,” not only proved to be a good traveling companion but one who was willing to take physical risks to get to their destination.129

125 Goodrich, Missouri Historical Review, the State Historical Society of Missouri, Columbia, (Volume XC, Number 1, October 1995), 7. 126. “… and in the three weeks I was on my road to Missouri, in company with a worthy old retired cabinet maker, [Joshua] Newbrough, who had vested his life’s earnings in Missouri lands, and would have been almost a millionaire if he had not sold them too soon.” Conrad, “I Well Remember,” 1. 127 David Holmes Conrad went by the name of “Holmes.” 128 It is unconfirmed whether or not Newbrough intended to settle or simply take stock of the Missouri land he purchased the year before. What is certain is that Newbrough returned to Winchester within three years after traveling to Missouri. 129 “I did not arrive at my destination until the 29th of December 1819 in the coldest weather that I had ever experienced. The ice was running in the Mississippi, the cakes of it almost touching, and they did close up, and bridge the rapid river on the night after my transit, which was made in a small boat at no little peril. Such was my introduction to my new home under a degree of cold below zero. I noticed in passing through

By 1822, Newbrough had returned to Winchester. On July 7, 1823, he paid

$4,216 at a public sale for a 255-acre tract on Abram’s Creek, about a mile south of

Winchester’s then city limits.130 Newbrough sold off portions of his Abram’s Creek holdings over the next decade, retaining enough land to open a mill, which he operated until he died in 1847.131 He also served on the board of directors for Farmer’s Bank in

1823 and the Winchester and Potomac Railroad company in 1833, further cementing his place in Winchester’s civic history.132

Hendricks’s next steps following the closure of their cabinetmaking business are murky. He may have left the area since no public records relating to him appear in

Winchester except for newspaper notices citing his failure to pick up his mail from the local post office.133 Hendricks reappears in Winchester on November 6, 1822, with

Joshua Newbrough and James Stackhouse as a witness for a trust deed.134 He disappears again until 1829 where he was assessed for one tithable in Winchester personal property

Illinois, especially the American bottom (the flat land opposite St. Louis) that my eyelashes froze together, as I faced the northwest wind. But I was young, and hopeful, and hardy, and adventurous, and though the mail carrier refused to cross, old Joshua Newbrough and I did, though we were carried down two miles before we touched shore on the Missouri side. The old fellow wanted to remain in the tavern on the Illinois side till the river was blocked, but I shamed him out of it and being a plucky old fellow, he agreed to risk it, though our horses did not get over until the ice was hard enough to bear not only horses but teams of them with wagons and carts.” Conrad, “I Well Remember,” 7-8. 130 The tract of land that Newbrough purchased in 1823 is situated next to Abraham’s Hollingworth property known as “Abraham’s Delight,” a 582-acre tract of land granted to Hollingsworth by Alexander Ross and Morgan Bryan in 1732. Garland R Quarles, “Some Old Homes in Frederick County, Virginia,” (Winchester: VA, Winchester-Frederick County Historical Society, 1989), 23. W.D.B. Book 51, 233. 131 Quarles, Some Old Homes, 24. 132 Newbrough was also extraordinarily generous with his family and friends. In 1828, Newbrough gifted a plot of Missouri land to his sister, Sarah Newbrough White. In January of 1833, he granted “in consideration of the love and affection I bear to Benjamin DeHaven of the County of Howard and State of Missouri twenty acres.” The relationship between DeHaven and Newbrough is unknown but he followed this gift by giving another eighty acres to a John Slightom. It is unknown if these two individuals had a family connection to Newbrough or were the product of friendships he developed while living in Missouri. 133 In 1819, Hendricks reported one white male tithable for his household. Between 1829 and 1842, he reported annually one white male tithable in the Winchester Personal Property tax records. 134 On February 22, 1823, Hendricks appeared as a creditor seeking the recovery of a $128 debt, and in 1825, he is a witness to a deed of trust, Winchester Deed Book 50, 399.

49 tax records annually until 1841.135 In 1832 and 1838, he appears as an appraiser for two estates with Benjamin Bushnell.136 There is no indication that Hendricks and Bushnell were ever in business together. Bushnell was the owner of a retail store where he sold general merchandise, including alcohol, clothing, and everyday goods.

The Estates of Job Smith Hendricks and Joshua Newbrough

On February 18, 1846, Job Smith Hendricks executed his will and died in

Hampshire County, Virginia (now West Virginia), on March 8, 1846.137 An obituary has not been found in Winchester newspapers. However, a notice did appear in the March 10 and March 17, 1846 editions of The Sentinel of Freedom, a Newark, New Jersey, newspaper which stated: “In Winchester, Virginia, on the 8th instant, Job S. Hendricks, formerly of Elizabethtown, died.” Eliza Cook Stackhouse, Job’s half-sister, was still living in Elizabethtown and probably shared the news of his death with the Sentinel newspaper. Hendricks left Eliza, whom he called his “beloved half-sister,” his portable desk, and the residue of his estate after his debts were satisfied. He gave his first cousin,

Archibald Baldwin, his gold watch valued at $100, and his Yankee clock to his “good friend, Joshua Newbrough.”

Hendricks’s estate was valued at $2174.62 and sold in May of 1846.138 The inventory from his estate provided clues to Hendricks’s post-partnership activities.

Among the personal effects sold were a workbench, lumber, and a chest of tools. These items are evidence that Hendricks may have continued to craft furniture after the closure

135 Winchester 1829-1841 personal property tax records. Hendricks also listed an enslaved person in the 1839-1841 Winchester personal property tax records and made a provision in his will requesting that he be freed after Hendricks death. 136 Winchester Deed Book 67, 216. 137 Winchester Will Book 22, 77. 138 One of the appraisers was George B. Graves, an important Winchester clockmaker.

50 of his cabinetmaking business with Newbrough.139 Hendricks was also a landowner. His estate included a lot with house in Springfield, Hampshire County, Virginia (now West

Virginia), and a lot with a house on Piccadilly Street in Winchester.140

On March 17, 1846, Joshua Newbrough executed his will, just ten days after

Hendricks’s death. On November 1, 1847, he died and was buried in Mt. Hebron

Cemetery in Winchester (Figure 49).141 He left most of his estate, valued at $14,798, to his sister, Sarah Newbrough White, and her heirs, who had settled in Missouri in the

1820s on land gifted to them by Newbrough. Newbrough’s personal property sold in

March of 1848. His primary asset was a mill and lot on Abram’s Creek valued at

$7,000.142 Amongst his possessions was a hammer, saw, and “lots of tools.” What is highly significant about these items is that after failing at the cabinetmaking trade,

Newbrough was a highly successful investor in land and probably worked as a

“gentleman farmer” rather than pursue a trade.143

Another testament to Newbrough and Hendricks’s friendship is whom they chose to execute their final wishes. Hendricks’s executor was Archibald S. Baldwin, his first cousin, who was also a trustee and witness to Newbrough’s will. Henry M. Brent witnessed Hendricks’s will and was Joshua Newbrough’s executor.

139 The workbench, lumber and tools were purchased by half-brother and cabinetmaker, James Stackhouse. Other items amongst Hendricks inventory include a bureau, bedstead and cord, seven Windsor chairs, and a small chest. 140 The Winchester Will Book identified the property in Hampshire County as a lot with house in Springfield, north side of Main Street, and a small house on the south side of Main Street. The Hampshire lot was purchased by George Graves and the Winchester Piccadilly lot and house by William S. Clark. Winchester Will Book, 22, 8. 141 Winchester Will Book, Book 22, 250, 430, 491, 264. 142 Ibid. The mill was purchased by John H. Crebs, the son of his niece, Elizabeth Crebs. 143 Thank you to A. Nicholas Powers for interpreting the importance of these major assets in Newbrough’s will. Powers pointed out that “during the period that Newbrough & Hendricks lived, cabinetmaking was a form of artisanry, but it was still considered secondary to owning your own land and farming according to ideals of Jeffersonian Republicanism (and later Jacksonianism).”

What can be concluded about their lives, based on public records, deeds, and their estate inventories, is that both men successfully transitioned from the cabinetmaking trade to landowners. Newbrough was significantly more successful based on his Missouri land investments, numerous Winchester deed transactions, and ownership of a mill and lot just outside Winchester. Hendricks is listed in Winchester personal property tax records with one tithable until 1840 and a slave from 1839 until his death. Hendricks invested in a lot with a house in Springfield, Virginia (now West Virginia), to which he retired and died in 1846.144 He most likely earned income from renting his Piccadilly

Street property in Winchester. Based on the presence of a chest of tools, workbench, and lumber in his estate inventory, Hendricks may have continued to practice the trade of cabinetmaking in Hampshire County to supplement his income

One of their last recorded actions occurred just fourteen months before

Hendricks’s death. On November 23, 1844, Joshua Newbrough put down a deposit for a fine hat to Winchester merchant William T. Wall (Figure 50). On December 24, 1844,

Job Smith Hendricks came into the shop and paid the balance due.145 This gesture was most likely a Christmas gift from Hendricks to Newbrough and one more powerful piece of evidence of their close and enduring friendship.

144 Springfield was over forty-five miles from Winchester. When Hendricks purchased the Springfield lot with a house is unknown. 145 Thank you to the Power’s Family for discovering and sharing this entry into William T. Wall’s Ledger book.

Chapter 5 Object Analysis

Newbrough & Hendricks blended southeastern Pennsylvania craft traditions, established New York and New Jersey Federal-style motifs, and Winchester school of cabinetmaking design elements to create an original line of conservative, sophisticated case pieces. The methodology used for a Newbrough & Hendricks attribution includes identifying their consistent use of the same design characteristics, materials, and structural methods. Each group is analyzed, comparing their similarities and differences, and in some cases, identical construction choices, materials, and design elements.

Individually, most of these stylistic and structural characteristics appear in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century furniture throughout the East Coast. However, when considered collectively and in combination with one another, an original style emerges, which is the foundation for a Newbrough & Hendricks attribution.

Methodology

The number of objects originally under consideration for the study was twenty- six, eventually growing to thirty-nine, including fifteen chests of drawers, nine tall case clocks, four clothespresses, three desks, two chests with secretary drawer, and six various other forms, including a spice box, blanket chest, wardrobe (or hanger press), cupboard, and two miniature chests.146

146 The majority of the thirty-nine pieces in this study are in private collections and were acquired through local auction houses or descended in Winchester families. A tall case clock was found as far away as Cape Cod, Massachusetts, and the chest with secretary drawer in South Carolina.

After examining twenty-six of the thirty-nine furniture forms, twenty-two were eliminated. Among the reasons were lack of access to the object and differences in style and construction issues. For example, several chests of drawers share some Newbrough

& Hendricks characteristics but appear to be transitioning from Federal to the Empire style, suggesting they were crafted following the shop’s closure in 1815. Additional reasons include the absence of the chest-on-frame tradition and rudimentary construction of the dovetails, skirts, and feet that do not reflect the quality of Newbrough & Hendricks workmanship (Figure 48). These case pieces are relegated to a secondary group, most likely crafted by a former Newbrough & Hendricks apprentice or another Winchester shop imitating their style and designs.147 However, one unexamined clock and a chest of drawers are included in the primary group. These pieces are well documented, photographed, and present consistent Newbrough & Hendricks structural and stylistic features that merit their inclusion. The study’s seventeen objects, divided into five different furniture groups, include two desks, five tall case clocks, five full-size chests of drawers and a child’s chest, three clothespresses, and a spice box.148

The Winchester School of Cabinetmaking

Newbrough & Hendricks furniture reflects their training, cultural roots, and craft traditions of the makers, and exhibits the strong influence of the Winchester school of cabinetmaking. Artisans from southern Pennsylvania and the Delaware Valley began arriving in Winchester during the 1750s, lured by the demand for woodworkers to build

147 Except for James Stackhouse, Hendricks’ half-brother, all of Newbrough & Hendricks’ apprentices disappear from the records by 1815. Stackhouse remained in Winchester and had a long career as a cabinetmaker and may be responsible for this secondary group of furniture. One early apprentice of Newbrough’s, Levi Holloway, worked for Newbrough between 1802 to 1806, and later opened his own Martinsburg shop in Berkeley County, now West Virginia, in 1812. MESDA craftsmen database, ID no. 28604. 148 The chests are all full-size except for a child’s chest of drawers (Figure 1).

54 government structures due to the outbreak of the French and Indian War (1754-1763).

Craftsmen, such as Zachariah Pyles and Christopher Frye, Sr., were among the first to arrive, bringing cultural and artisanal traditions from their native lands.149 By the 1770s, a regional northern Shenandoah Valley furniture style reflecting the diversity and mixing of cultures, religions, and craft traditions began to emerge.150

According to several Shenandoah Valley decorative arts historians, a primary source for identifying Winchester furniture is a desk and bookcase attributed to the area

(Figure 51), a high chest with cabriole legs attributed to the Winchester school of cabinetmaking (Figures 27, 52, 53, & 54), and a slant front desk from the Frye-Martin shop (Figures 55, 56, & 57).151 These case pieces exhibit many late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century Winchester design and structural characteristics, including152

• Large prospect doors, molded surrounds, and fluted document drawers in desk interiors (Figure 51) • Chamfered reeded corners or quarter columns (sometimes plain) with capitals terminating in the shape of a spool (Figure 52) • Arched-stop fluted quarter columns (Figure 52)153 • Ogee, bracket, or squat claw and ball feet with talons ending short of the bottom of the balls; the placement of the rear cabriole legs orient toward the front of the case (Figure 53)154

149 Powers, Business Along the Blue Ridge, 17. 150 Ibid, 16-24. 151 Winchester furniture historians include Wallace Gusler, Anne McPherson, and Philip Whitney. “High chests produced in the southern backcountry were heavily influenced by Pennsylvania examples. The high chest exhibits a number of design details usually found in the Delaware Valley twenty years earlier including scrolled bonnetless pediments, finials, carved rosettes, shell-carved cabriole legs, fluted quarter- columns, and arrangement of the drawers.” Hurst and Prown, Southern Furniture, 376. 152 Wallace Gusler attributed these structural and stylistic characteristics specifically to the Frederick County Frye-Martin shop but these elements are also found in other Winchester cabinetmakers work. 153 Arched stopped fluting and other Winchester characteristics are seen in Tennessee furniture, a direct influence of the Winchester school. McPherson, Adaptation and Reinterpretation, 300. 154 The placement of the rear feet toward the front of the case was a “novel arrangement with few parallels in mainstream American furniture.” Hurst and Prown, Southern Furniture, 376.

• Carving, inlay, and fine veneers (Figure 54)155 • Neoclassical swagged, astragal moldings with applied carving below the central finial in two layers under the cornice of their tall chests or clock cases (Figure 54) • Broken scroll pediments terminating with rosettes centered lower and more openly than Philadelphia examples (Figure 54) • Neoclassical urn finials resting on square plinths atop a central fluted plinth (Figure 54) • Four or more horizontal or vertical backboards • Exposed dovetails on desks, clothespresses, and tall case clocks • Walnut or cherry as the primary wood; yellow pine and tulip poplar for secondary woods

The high chest, desk and bookcase, and Frye-Martin desk employ many of these distinguishing Winchester structural and stylistic characteristics, including chamfered reeded corners with capitals in the shape of a large spool and arch-stop fluted quarter columns. Fluted quarter columns are a standard design element in the Delaware Valley colonial period, but the “arched stop” is a Winchester invention and a helpful method for identifying Winchester case pieces.

Winchester cabinetmakers often chose inlay to ornament their case pieces. Welsh

Quakers introduced line and berry inlay to eighteenth-century Chester County artisans who brought these craft traditions down the Great Wagon Road to the southern

Backcountry.156 Popular Winchester school inlays, whose design origins are English,

155 Gusler, “The Furniture of Winchester,” 237-239. 156 “More than 125 pieces of line and berry furniture are known; chests of drawers, spice (or valuable) boxes, and small lidded boxes were the most popular forms. Furniture embellished with such inlay was favored primarily by Quakers in southern Chester County, and almost all of it was made prior to the American Revolution.” Cooper and Minardi, Paint, Pattern and People, 70-79.

Welsh, and Irish and are found throughout the East Coast, include bellflowers, fans, ovals, stringing, crossbanding, and checkerboards.157 Two late eighteenth-century

Winchester card tables illustrate how the transfer of decorative inlay was readapted by

Winchester cabinetmakers and transformed into a unique design.158 For example, traditional bellflower inlay depicts a flower pointing down, closed, and drooping, whereas the bellflowers on the Winchester card tables climb up the legs with the petals springing up and spilling out (Figure 58).159

The abundance of local, quality lumber, such as walnut, cherry, yellow pine, and tulip poplar, dictated Winchester cabinetmakers’ choice of woods.160 The preferred primary wood was walnut or cherry, with yellow pine and tulip poplar for the secondary woods (see Appendix B and C). By choosing to use locally available lumber, cabinetmakers such as Newbrough & Hendricks avoided the expense of shipping exotic hardwoods, such as mahogany, from an urban center. Winchester cabinetmakers often used four or more horizontal or vertical backboards, a feature also found in Newbrough

& Hendricks case pieces. Exposed dovetails on the sides and tops of desks, clothespresses, and clock cases—another Winchester construction choice—are commonly found in Newbrough & Hendricks furniture.

Newbrough & Hendricks’s Signature Style

Unlike their Winchester cabinetmaking peers, Newbrough & Hendricks eschewed the use of inlay to decorate their furniture. Instead, they chose elegant scratch or cock-

157 Gusler, 237-239. 158 The Winchester attribution stems from records in the Wood-Glass Family proving the ownership of the card tables. Museum of the Shenandoah Valley. Treasures of American and English Painting and Decorative Arts, (Winchester, VA: Museum of the Shenandoah Valley, 2010), 184. 159 Ibid. 160 Mahogany had to be shipped from urban centers to Winchester.

57 beading to adorn the drawers of their chests (Figure 19), clothespresses, and desks (see

Appendix B). Their signature motif is a delicate, serpentine skirt with a central hollow cut-out (Figure 20) or sometimes a curved skirt or a scallop is substituted (Figure 7).161

The serpentine skirt with a hollow cut-out is a common design feature in New Jersey and

New York Federal-style furniture. The Allison Brothers, where Hendricks was employed, often used this motif in their chests and tall case clocks (Figure 37).

The feet on a Newbrough & Hendricks case piece visually appear to be in the

French style because they taper sharply. The standard French foot tapers and flares out.

Newbrough & Hendricks feet are straight and not splayed, suggesting that the correct term to describe their feet is a bracket foot. However, Newbrough & Hendricks altered the classic bracket foot by treating it as an unfaced glue block; they attached it to the bottom of the case with glue, glue blocks, and nails, requiring the feet to take the full weight of the case. This contrasts with the faced bracket foot that is separately applied and glued to the base molding or bottom of the case, allowing the glue blocks to take the majority of the furniture’s weight. Newbrough & Hendricks further modified their foot by carving a slight curve along the foot’s inner profile, lending lightness, and elegance to the overall form (Figures 19 & 20). These small but distinctive design choices and unusual construction techniques are an integral part of their signature style. Among the seventeen case pieces in the study, all employ these modified feet except four clock cases whose feet are replacements or were cut down (Figures 46, 63, 76, & 77).

161 The hollow cut-out is often referred to as a “cat looking over a fence” by Winchester collectors and dealers.

The Winchester arched stopped fluting motif was another design element that

Newbrough & Hendricks rejected. These two craftsmen preferred to flank the drawers of their chests and their clock waists with chamfered reeded corners with lamb’s tongues supported by double capitals versus the spool-size capitals favored by their Winchester peers (Figure 9 & 10). Other design choices for their corners include unadorned or fluted quarter columns topped by single or double capitals (see Appendix B and C).

Distinctive construction techniques include fine dovetailing inside their drawers

(Figure 59) or exposed dovetails on their clock hoods. The chest-on-frame tradition appears in twelve of the study’s case pieces. Overhanging tops with applied and glued moldings secured by nails are a standard feature on the chests, clothespresses, spice chest, and desk (Figure 2). The nailing of the skirt to a fully framed base appears in a few pieces

(Figures 101 & 102).162 A more unusual structural choice is the numerous glue blocks under the base to secure it to the frame. This construction technique occurs in all thirteen case pieces and three of the five clocks (Figure 12).163 However, the most unusual discovery was the presence of two nails in each corner of the base’s underside to secure the base to the frame (Figure 21). This idiosyncratic structural element is a character- defining feature of Newbrough & Hendricks work.

162 A nail appears on the underside of the skirt in the center of the hollow cut-out with two nails flanking each side of the cut-out. This structural device has been found in several Newbrough & Hendricks case pieces but was not noted until late in the study. A reexamination of all the objects would need to occur to provide a more accurate report as to the consistent use of this construction technique. 163 The other two clocks may have had heavy glue blocking (Figures 71 & 77). There is evidence in one clock (Figure 71) that the glue blocks may have been removed when the base and feet were replaced. Figure 77 was unavailable for examination.

Slant Front Desk and Chest of Drawers with Secretary

A slant front desk (Figure 7) and a chest of drawers with secretary drawer (Figure

17) are the study’s benchmarks. Both pieces were the first to be examined, leading to the discovery of several curious construction techniques, inscriptions, and scribblings.164 One of the most notable findings was the detection of the penciled initials “JSH” (Figure 15) on the side of a drawer in the desk’s writing interior. On the opposite side of the desk drawer, the name “Benjamin Franklin Frye” is inscribed (Figure 16).165 Originally the

Frye inscription was thought to be the cabinetmaker’s name, but further research reveals that Frye was a tanner in Winchester and that this desk was probably made for him rather than by him. A transcript for a March 1, 1813 deed provides another link connecting

Benjamin Franklin Frye to Joshua Newbrough’s shop around the same time the desk was made. The deed is between “Joseph Frye, son of Benjamin Frye of the County of

Frederick” and the executors of the Isaac Zane estate at Marlboro Furnace in which a

Joshua “Pewbrough” was one of the witnesses.166

Job Smith Hendricks’s initials—JSH—on the drawer side in the writing interior of the desk suggest that, though Newbrough may have been responsible for securing the commission for the Frye desk, Hendricks was involved with its design and construction.

164 There are two other pieces belonging to this group, a desk and a chest with secretary drawer, that have not been examined and thus, not included in the study. The desk was evaluated by MESDA in 1980 and closely resembles the two MSV pieces in style, construction, and design. However, its current location is unknown. The fourth piece, a chest with secretary drawer, appears to have been crafted after the closure of Newbrough and Hendrick’s shop based on its design, construction, and style. This chest with secretary drawer does bear a striking resemblance to several chests of drawers that are also believed to be later pieces. 165 Cabinetmakers Christopher Frye, Sr., and Christopher Frye, Jr. do not appear to be related to Benjamin Franklin Frye. 166 The person who posted this transcribed Newbrough’s name incorrectly. John Duffield, who is the son of the John Duffield who helped found the Winchester school of cabinetmaking, also appears as a witness to this deed. Thank you to A. Nicholas Powers for uncovering this information and sharing it with the author. Frederick County, Virginia Deed Book 35, 33-36.

Another inscription, “October”, was found along with further scribblings that was illegible. The meaning behind the month of October is unknown but since the desk was probably commissioned by Frye, October may be the date for finishing and delivering it to him.

The desk’s and chest’s side skirts, modified feet, numerous glue blocks, and two nails in each corner of the base are nearly identical, providing further evidence that these two pieces are from the same shop. These two case pieces also share matching construction elements, including walnut as the primary wood, yellow pine as the secondary wood, the chest-on-frame, cock-beaded drawers, and fine dovetails. Other distinguishing elements include brass drawer pulls, escutcheons, and keyholes on large drawers, fall front, and prospect doors.

Their differences include their form, overall dimensions, the choice of skirt, varying widths in the prospect door, the arrangement and number of interior stacking drawers and pigeonholes, and choice of ornament.167 The desk’s design motifs include scratch beading on the drawers, exposed dovetails, reeded quarter columns topped by a three-ring wooden capital at the top (probably a replacement) and a two-ring capital at the top and base. The desk’s construction elements include two document drawers, three vertical backboards, molding surrounding the frame, and a fallboard supported by lopers.

The chest does not have scratch-beading, quarter columns, exposed dovetails, and document drawers, and differs from the desk with its hinged fallboard, lack of molding around the frame, and four horizontal backboards. Despite these variances, their

167 “The secretary drawer began to appear in the accounts of elite London cabinetmakers like Thomas Chippendale by the early 1760s, but it remained largely unknown in America until after the Revolution.” Hurst and Prown, Southern Furniture, 348.

61 distinctive, consistent similarities and identical design and structural elements unite the desk and chest and firmly place their construction in the same cabinetmaking shop.

The Frye-Martin Desk

A desk from the shop of cabinetmaker James Lee Martin bears a strong resemblance to Newbrough & Hendricks’s slant front desk (Figure 55-57).168 It was rare for cabinetmakers to sign their work, but the Frye-Martin desk is the exception. The fall front desk contains the following inscription on a secret drawer inside the prospect door:

Christopher Frye / Cabinet Maker / Faquire / August 25, 1797 / James Lee Martin / His Shop

Christopher Frye, Jr., was Martin’s brother-in-law and a tithable member of his household between 1794 and 1798. Though Frye claimed responsibility for crafting the desk, Martin, as the master cabinetmaker, would have dictated design, style, ornament, and construction preferences.169

The similarities between the Frye-Martin desk and Newbrough & Hendricks work include a neat and plain style, fluted quarter columns with capitals at the top and base, nearly identical dimensions and materials, fallboard, interior drawer layout, and an unusually wide prospect door. The Frye-Martin desk differs from the Newbrough &

Hendricks desk with its straight frame base, lack of pigeonholes, and ogee bracket feet

(the feet are replaced).

168 James Lee Martin operated a shop in the 1790s in Fauquier county near Winchester before relocating to Battletown, Virginia (later Berryville), in 1807. 169 Christopher Frye, Jr., the son of cabinetmaker Christopher Frye, Sr. and younger brother of Martin’s wife, was fifteen or sixteen years old when he began his apprenticeship with Martin. He left the Martin shop sometime after 1798 to become a Methodist minister. Most likely this desk was the culmination of his apprenticeship and he was rewarded with the honor of signing the secret desk drawer.

It was a common practice for cabinetmakers to subcontract and share workers.

This cooperative business system is a possible explanation of how Newbrough may have acquired knowledge of Martin’s designs and construction practices.170 Given the striking similarities between the Newbrough & Hendricks desk and the Frye-Martin desk, it is possible that after Newbrough’s apprenticeship ended with William Poyles in 1795,

Newbrough moved on to Martin’s shop in Fauquier County as a journeyman cabinetmaker or he joined Martin’s previous shop in Winchester before his employment with Poyles.171 Newbrough, who appears in his brother’s Winchester household as a tithable between 1791 and 1793, probably would not have commuted to Fauquier County, which potentially places Newbrough in Martin’s Winchester shop when he opened it in

1792.172

Tall Case Clocks

Five tall case clocks attributed to Newbrough & Hendricks exhibit New Jersey and New York Federal-style motifs mixed with Winchester school design characteristics

(Figures 41-46, 60-78). Particularly notable is the construction of their overarching broken scroll pediments. Newbrough & Hendricks pediments are visually more open and narrower than earlier Winchester counterparts, and the serpentine skirts and elimination of inlay lend lightness to the overall form. A greater sense of height is achieved through the carved and applied tympanum’s vertical thrust, reeded and canted corners, and elegant proportions.173 Making a case for a Newbrough & Hendricks attribution involved

170 Powers, Business Along the Blue Ridge, 26. 171 Please see Chapter 2, page 18 for more information on Newbrough’s apprenticeship with Poyles. 172 Newbrough arrived in Winchester in 1791. 173 Edwin A. Battison and Patricia E. Kane. The American Clock, 1725-1865. The Mabel Brady Garvan and other Collections at Yale University, (Greenwich, CT: New York Graphic Society Limited, 1973), 98.

63 identifying consistent and sometimes identical design and construction characteristics, understanding the role of the artisans involved in the assembly of a tall case clock, and the origins of their white-painted dials.

A solid walnut clock attributed to the Winchester School of Cabinetmaking

(Figures 79 & 80) presents several local design characteristics found in Newbrough &

Hendricks clocks. These elements include a broken scroll pediment terminating in carved rosettes, turned wooden urn finials resting on fluted plinths, Tuscan style colonnettes, cove moldings at the top and bottom, and astragal glass sidelights.174 However, signature

Winchester motifs featured in the earlier clock, such as arched stop fluting, heavy carving, a shaped waist door, curvilinear base panels with carved corner fans, and ogee bracket feet, are not characteristics of Newbrough & Hendricks clocks.175 The earlier clock is strongly reminiscent of tall case clocks found in southeastern Pennsylvania and an excellent example of the transference of style and craft preferences from one region to another.176

All of the Newbrough & Hendricks clocks in this study have broken scroll pediments, bullseye rosettes, turned wooden urn finials on carved plinths flanking a central vertically carved keystone, Tuscan colonettes with square wooden capitals, and serpentine front skirts with straight side skirts (see Appendix C). Their waists feature cove moldings at the top and base and a simple cock-beaded frieze below the hood. Four out of the five clocks have notched doors and canted reeded corners with lamb’s tongues

174 Only one of the five clocks in the study (Figure 77) have astragal sidelights. 175 Whitney describes arched stop fluting as “Instead of a straight, horizontal line between the single and double flutes as seen in Philadelphia and English furniture, Winchester cabinetmakers refined the division into an arc or curve.” Whitney, Clocks, 29. 176 Hurst and Prown, Southern Furniture, 564.

64 bordering the waist, while a fifth feature quarter columns with capitals (Figure 41). Three have a plain base, and two contain a fielded panel. Only one appears to have its original feet (Figure 65). Two clocks have had their feet replaced (Figures 41 & 71), while two others have had their feet cut down, probably to accommodate a low ceiling (Figures 60

& 77). Heavy glue blocking exists under the base of two clocks (Figure 65 & 71), and one has two nails in each corner securing the base to the frame (Figure 71), a defining

Newbrough & Hendricks construction technique.177

A Patton & Jones label appears behind the painted dial for two clocks (Figures 41

& 70). Four out of the five clocks feature a sailing ship in the lunette (42, 66, 72, &

78),178 and all have moon dials with two faces and hemispheres. According to

Shenandoah Valley clock historian Philip Whitney, “all Valley clocks were weight driven and employed rack and snail striking on bells.”179 Only one clock—the Goldsmith

Chandlee—is signed by the clockmaker (Figure 78). When these consistent design and construction characteristics are combined and considered together, a distinctive and recognizable Newbrough & Hendricks design for the cases of tall clocks emerges.180

177 An examination of the underside of the base was not possible for two clocks due to their inaccessibility (Figures 41 & 77). The glue blocks for another clock appear to have been removed when the base and feet were replaced (Figure 76). Mahogany and walnut are the primary woods for all the clocks, but the secondary woods are only partially recorded. Not all the dimensions were properly noted making comparison based on dimensions not possible at this time. 178 The majority of exported English white painted dials had painted decoration that often-included flowers, birds, and fruit found in the spandrels, arches, and lunette. Hurst and Prown, Southern Furniture, 564. 179 According to Whitney “customers budgets often determined whether a clock would be a thirty-hour, single weight pullup movement or an eight-day timekeeper with moon dial” and almost always featured two hemispheres. Whitney, The Clocks of Shenandoah, 4. 180 In eighteenth and early nineteenth-century colonial America, the case was considered the least important part of a tall clock. Its primary purpose was decorative and to provide a protective enclosure for the movement. Generally, clock cases were custom made to the client’s wishes, and the level of sophistication and complexity often determined the price. A tall case clock could cost several months of income making it the most valuable object in the home. Northern Shenandoah Valley artisans produced a surprising number of tall case clocks that speak to its settlers’ wealth.

The Patton & Jones White Painted Dial

Two of the five Newbrough & Hendricks tall clocks in the study contain a Patton

& Jones label behind the white painted dial..181 These hand-decorated iron white dials were heavily exported from Birmingham, England—the leading European center for manufacturing white dials—to America beginning in the 1770s.182 The Trade Embargo

Act of 1807 prevented the export of painted white dials from England to America until the ban was lifted in 1815. Between 1804 and 1814, Patton & Jones—ironmongers and distributors of clock parts and painted dials with shops in Baltimore and Philadelphia— filled the void by offering wholesale white painted dials to clockmakers in place of the unavailable English counterparts.183

English dial makers used a numbering pattern featuring Roman numerals for hours, Arabic numbers for minutes, and circular second dots inside the seconds dial

(Figures 81 & 82). However, by the early nineteenth century, this numbering system changed from a combination of Roman and Arabic to all Arabic numerals providing an identifiable and helpful means of dating English and American tall case clocks.184

A distinctive element found in a Patton & Jones dial is their numbering system.

By 1810, English white painted dial makers had replaced the five-minute numbering system with quarter minute numbering (Figure 72).185 Patton & Jones modeled their

181 From the late seventeenth-century to the end of the Revolutionary War, the brass dial was used exclusively in America for tall case clocks. In 1772, a firm founded by Thomas Hadley Osborne and James Wilson of Birmingham, England began to offer an alternative to the expensive brass dial with the lighter and easier to read white painted dial. Due to the complexity and skill required to construct the works, many movements and clock parts were imported from England, including the white painted dial. 182 Hurst and Prown, 564. 183 Philadelphia’s Curtis Manufactory made the dials for Patton & Jones. Brian Loomes. Painted Dial Clocks, 1770-1870, (Suffolk: Antique Collectors’ Club Ltd., 1994), 257. 184 Loomes, Painted Dial Clocks, 91-92. 185 The presence of the quarter minute numbering system suggests that the clock was assembled after the embargo was lifted.

66 painted dials after English dials, but this small, significant change was not communicated, probably due to the embargo (Figure 82). Patton & Jones shuttered their business in late 1814. Four of the five clocks in the study have white painted dials featuring all Arabic numerals, and three have the five-minute numbering system. This feature, combined with Patton & Jones’s closure in 1814, contributes significantly to dating Newbrough & Hendricks clocks (Figures 42, 66, & 77). The ownership history and a Patton & Jones label helped narrow the dates for one clock’s construction, placing it between 1812 and 1814 (Figure 41).186

A clock (Figures 77 & 78) signed by Goldsmith Chandlee is strikingly similar to the other four clocks in the study. The Chandlee clock exhibits Newbrough & Hendricks

Federal-style design characteristics and contains a white painted dial with Arabic numerals and a five-minute numbering system (see Appendix C). These elements place the construction of the clock sometime between 1810 and 1815.187 Goldsmith

Chandlee—a Quaker from Chester County, Pennsylvania and member of the Hopewell

Meeting—was the leading clock and instrument maker working and living in Winchester between 1775 and his death in 1821. Newbrough owned a home behind Chandlee’s shop, and in 1813 Chandlee sold part of his property on Piccadilly Street to Newbrough.188

Their proximity to one another, Chester county roots, and shared Quaker backgrounds

186 Please see Chapter 4, page 47, for more information about this clock’s ownership history. 187 Edward E. Chandlee. Six Quaker Clockmakers, (Stratford, Conn: The New England Publishing Company, 1943, reprinted 1975), 128. The author, Edward E. Chandlee, dated the clock 1787 without providing evidence (such as ownership history) confirming the origins of this date. Given that painted white dials with all Arabic numbers were not produced in England and America until the early nineteenth century, that date is incorrect. The Federal style, design, and numbering of the painted dial place this clock during the period Newbrough & Hendricks were in operation. 188 Chandlee had a brass foundry and produced mathematical and survey instruments including telescopes, sextants, sundials, and compasses. Hollan, Virginia Silversmiths, 142.

67 suggest that Newbrough and Chandlee may have formed a friendship and professional relationship.

The appearance of a Patton & Jones advertisement in the October 14, 1807 edition of The Federal Gazette and Baltimore Daily Advertiser confirms that Chandlee had a business relationship with Patton & Jones: “‘surveyors’ compasses and CHAINS,

Complete, made by Goldsmith Chandlee, Winchester, Virginia, warranted equal in quality to any offered in Baltimore at the manufacturer’s prices.”189

Chandlee was also known as an “assembler” who purchased clock parts from suppliers and placed them into local cabinetmakers’ cases.190 It was not unusual for

Patton & Jones to ship clock materials in large numbers to clockmakers such as

Chandlee.191 Thus, it is logical to assert that Newbrough & Hendricks purchased their

Patton & Jones painted white dials from Chandlee, and he, in turn, chose to have these two craftsmen construct cases for his clocks during the period Newbrough & Hendricks were in business in Winchester.192

Chests of Drawers, Clothespresses, and a Spice Box

Six chests of drawers (Figures 1, 39, 83-104), three clothespresses (Figures 106,

111, & 117),193 and a spice box (Figure 123)194 share identical design and construction characteristics, including

189 Ibid. 190 Whitney, Clocks, 7. 191 Loomes, Painted Dials, 257. 192 If Chandlee only suppled the white painted dial and not the movement to Newbrough & Hendricks, then he would not be considered the architect of the clock. This may be one reason why Chandlee’s name does not appear on the dials of the other clocks in the study. Other reasons include the client who may have preferred to not have the name of the clockmaker on the dial. 193 The “clothespress” was a Scottish form popular in Virginia by the late eighteenth century that was primarily used for clothing storage. 194 Spice boxes are “small cabinets with single banks of drawers concealed behind one or two lockable doors … but were also known to store a wide range of materials such as jewelry, documents, and currency. This form was often found in Southeastern Pennsylvania.” Hurst and Prown, 412.

• overhanging tops with applied glue moldings secured by nails (chests) • molded cornices (clothespresses) • modified feet • fine dovetailing • chest-on-frame tradition • numerous glue blocks to secure the frame to the dovetailed case • vertical backboards • yellow pine and poplar for the secondary wood

Except for two cherry chests of drawers, the primary wood for all the referenced case pieces is walnut. Variations among these pieces include the serpentine skirts, side skirts, and the arrangement and organization of clothespress doors, drawers, and shelves. The customer probably dictated the serpentine skirt’s design and the doors and drawer arrangement for the clothespresses. Other minor variations (Figures 1, 39, 89-104) include scratch-beaded versus cock-beaded drawers and reeded pilasters versus plain pilasters.

Three significant differences between one cherry chest (Figures 83-88) and the other chests of drawers in the study (Figures 1, 39, 89-104) are the dimensions, the absence of the hollow cut-out on the serpentine skirt as well as the signature Newbrough

& Hendricks structural technique of two nails securing the base to the frame (Figure 87).

The cherry chest’s serpentine skirt is not an uncommon Newbrough & Hendricks design element, for they used it consistently with their tall case clocks (Figures 46, 63, 67, &

77). A more distinctive variance is the cherry chest’s dimensions, which are roughly three inches taller and two inches narrower in width and depth than three of the other chests

(Figures 39, 89-97). Finding dissimilarities in case pieces was not unusual when the

69 master employed individuals with different cabinetmaking backgrounds.195 Newbrough

& Hendricks advertised the sale of a substantial amount of their furniture on October 2,

1813, which suggests that they had a large shop and probably employed several journeyman cabinetmakers.196

The mixing of New York and New Jersey Federal-style motifs with Winchester school of cabinetmaking craft preferences is on display in the design, proportions, and style of Newbrough & Hendricks chests of drawers, clothespresses, and the spice box. In particular, the skirts and feet for all these case pieces are reminiscent of Richard Allison’s chest of drawers (Figure 37) and Elizabethtown clocks (Figure 29). The serpentine skirt with a hollow cut-out appears in nine out of twelve Newbrough & Hendricks objects; modified feet, numerous glue blocks, and the chest-on-frame tradition occur in all twelve case pieces (see Appendix B).

While Newbrough & Hendricks introduced new design elements into their case pieces, they nevertheless retained some features from early cabinetmaking in Winchester.

A late eighteenth-century chest of drawers (Figure 105), clothespress (Figure 122), and spice box (Figure 127) are excellent examples from the Winchester school of cabinetmaking.197 Several Winchester design characteristics appear in Newbrough &

Hendricks chest of drawers, clothespresses, and the spice chest, including

• the neat and plain style • overhanging tops with applied edge molding

195 Hurst and Prown, Southern Furniture, 378. 196 “Will be sold at public auction, to close the late concern of Newbrough & Hendricks, before the door of their late residence, on Saturday next to the 9th inst. a variety of elegant new furniture, among which are desks, bureaus, tables, bedsteads, secretaries, etc. Winchester Gazette, Winchester, Virginia., October 2, 1813, p. 4. 197 The chest of drawers, attributed to the Winchester School of cabinetmaking, include the Winchester school signature arched stop fluted quarter columns with “spool” capitals and ogee bracket feet.

• delicately molded drawer lips that echo Newbrough & Hendricks’s scratch- beaded drawers (chests and clothespresses)

The combination of Newbrough & Hendricks’s cabinetmaking training in New York,

New Jersey, and Chester County and the Winchester school’s influence resulted in the creation of a distinctive, signature furniture style. More importantly, Newbrough &

Hendricks extant furniture reflects the ethnic diversity, religious influences, and cultural mixing that formed the northern Shenandoah Valley in the early nineteenth century.

Conclusion

Reconstructing the paths of Joshua Newbrough and Job Smith Hendricks from their early years in Chester County, Pennsylvania, and Elizabethtown, New Jersey, respectively, to Winchester, Virginia, illustrate the various influences that led to their development of an original cabinetmaking style in the northern Shenandoah Valley.

Uncovering the details of the Newbrough and Hendricks narrative required delving deeply into family histories and migration patterns, religious networks, cultural influences, and sources of cabinetmaking training. During their brief but prolific partnership, Newbrough & Hendricks fused southeastern Pennsylvania craft traditions and New Jersey/New York Federal-style motifs with late eighteenth-century Winchester school design and construction elements to create a unique signature style.

Newbrough & Hendricks produced a body of work comprised of formulaically built furniture that exhibit signature motifs and idiosyncratic construction techniques.

Among the distinctive design characteristics are the delicate, serpentine skirt with a central hollow cut-out resting on modified feet. Unusual structural elements include the presence of two nails in each corner of the base’s underside to secure the base to the frame, the chest-on-frame tradition, and numerous glue blocks. The distinctive

Newbrough & Hendricks approach reflects the two men’s backgrounds and sets their case pieces apart from the early work of the Winchester school of cabinetmaking and what would follow the closure of their business.

This study was confined to seventeen objects but most likely will expand to include many more as the research into the Newbrough & Hendricks shop continues.

Numerous pieces discovered during the study ultimately were delegated to a secondary group for further research due to inconsistencies or inaccessibility to a piece. The existence of these objects presents strong evidence that a circle of cabinetmakers—most likely formerly indentured Newbrough & Hendricks apprentices, journeyman cabinetmakers, and possibly competitors—borrowed or carried forward Newbrough &

Hendricks’s distinctive design characteristics and construction techniques into their shops. However, more work needs to be conducted to identify these additional

Winchester-area craftsmen that Newbrough & Hendricks may have directly influenced or trained.

The mingling of cultures, craft preferences, and religious influences exhibited in extant Newbrough & Hendricks furniture reflects the ethnic diversity, migration patterns, and meshing of artisanal traditions that shaped the northern Shenandoah Valley in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Newbrough & Hendricks made a significant contribution to Winchester’s surviving material culture through an original line of distinctive case pieces marked by their attention to craftsmanship, unique style, and influence on the development of the Winchester school of cabinetmaking. Their contribution warrants a moniker. The “Circle of Newbrough & Hendricks” is a place to begin.

Figure 1. Child’s Chest of Drawers. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1810-1815. Walnut, yellow pine. H 23 ½ x W 22 x D 13. Private collection. Courtesy Jeffrey S. Evans & Associates, Inc., Mt. Crawford, Virginia. Photo by Will McGuffin.

Figure 2. Detail of overhanging molding and scratch- Figure 3. Detail of side skirt in Figure 1. beading in Figure 1.

Figure 4. Detail of skirt and modified foot in Figure 1.

Figure 5. Detail of horizontal backboards in Figure 1.

Figure 6. Detail of numerous glue blocks in Figure 1.

Figure 7. Slant-Front Desk. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812 -1815. Walnut; yellow pine. H 44 ½ x W 43 x D 21 3/8. Inscription on side of drawer in writing interior Ba Fa F a initials on opposite side of the same drawer JSH . Courtesy Museum of the Shenandoah Valley, Winchester, Virginia, 2000.0001.1. Photo by A. Nicholas Powers, Curator of Collections.

Figure 8. Detail of writing interior in Figure 7. Figure 9. Detail of triple capitals and reeded quarter columns in Figure 7.

Figure 10. Detail of modified feet, chest-on-frame, Figure 11. Detail of framed cock-beaded drawers, side skirt, and reeded, single capital document drawer in Figure 7. reeded quarter column in Figure 7.

Figure 12. Detail of base with numerous glue blocks in Figure 7.

Figure 13. Detail of vertical backboards in Figure 7. Figure 14. Detail of two nails securing the base to the frame in Figure 7.

Figure 15. Dea f JSH a flourish on the side of desk drawer in Figure 7.

Figure 16. Detail of Benjamin Franklin Frye inscription on the side of a desk drawer in Figure 7.

Figure 17. Chest with Secretary Drawer. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. Walnut; yellow pine. H 44 ¼ x W 41 5/8 x D 20 3/8. Courtesy Museum of the Shenandoah Valley, Winchester, Virginia, 2008.0009.1. Photo by A. Nicholas Powers, Curator of Collections.

Figure 18. Detail of writing interior, document drawers, and valanced pigeonholes in Figure 17.

Figure 19. Detail of modified Figure 20. Detail of serpentine skirt with hollow cut-out in Figure 17. foot and cock-beading in Figure 17.

Figure 21. Detail of two nails in Figure 17. Figure 22. Detail of horizontal backboards in in Figure 17.

Figure 23. Detail of multiple glue blocks in Figure 17.

Figure 24. Fry-Jefferson 1751 map detailing the Great Wagon Road from Philadelphia to Winchester. Photo courtesy of https://www.ncpedia.org/media/map/fry-jefferson-map.

Figure 25. Chest-on-Frame. Chester County, Pennsylvania, c. 1770. Walnut. H 69 ½ x W 41 x D 22 ½. Courtesy HL Chalfant, American Fine Art & Antiques, West Chester, Pennsylvania.

Figure 26. Chest-on-Frame. Attributed to Henry Macy (1773-1846), Guilford or Randolph County, North Carolina, c. 1800-1820. Walnut; poplar. 78 ½ H, WOA: 40 1/16, DOA: 20 ¾. Courtesy Museum of Early Southern Decorative Arts, 5442, Gift of Dr. Roy E. Truslow in memory of his wife Caroline Gray Truslow and her parents Dr. and Mrs. Eugene Price Gray https://mesda.org/exhibit/chest-on-frame/.

Figure 27. High Chest of Drawers. Attributed to Winchester, VA, c. 1791-1795. Cherry; yellow pine. OH 97 x OW 44 x OD 24 ¼. Courtesy The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, Williamsburg, Virginia, acc. 1973-325.

Figure 28. Map showing L 62, Neb & Hedc cabinetmaking shop, and Lot 63, Gd Cadee shop. Winchester, Virginia. What I Know About Winchester, Recollections of William Greenway Russell 1800-1891, Volume II, (Winchester, Virginia: Winchester-Frederick County Historical Society Papers, 1953), 6.

Figure 29. Tall Case Clock. Wood and Taylor, c. 1805, formerly of Elizabethtown, New Jersey. Labeled. Inlaid mahogany; pine. 94 H x 20 ½ W x 10 D. Reproduced from John L. Scherer, New York State Museum, New York Furniture, The Federal Period: 1788- 1825, (Albany, NY: The University of the State of New York, 1988), 11.

Figure 30. Drawings of Tall Case Clocks. Gillows of Lancaster and London, 1797. Reproduced from Susan E. Stuart, Gillows of Lancaster and London, 1730-1840, Volumes I & II, (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Antique Collectors Club Ltd., 2008), 407.

Figure 31. Tall Case Clock. Case: Labeled Matthew Egerton, Jr., New Brunswick, New Jersey. Cherry. H 96 x W 21 ½ x D 12. Courtesy Adams Brown Co., Antique Clocks, Cranbury Township, NJ. http://adamsbrown.com/wordpress1/antique-clocks-for- sale/early-american-tall-case-clocks/new-jersey-tall-case-clocks/matthew-egerton-jr-new- brunswick-tall-case-clock/.

Figure 32. Map of Elizabethtown, New Jersey, 1775. Arrow indicates Baker Hendricks, Sr. 1776 family home and St. John Episcopal Church. https://tedsvintageart.com/products/vintage-map-of- elizabethtown-county-new-jersey-1775/.

Figure 33. Tall Case Clock. Dial signed by Samuel Kennedy-Miller, clockmaker, Elizabethtown, New Jersey, c. 1800-1810. Case attributed to John Scudder, Westfield, New Jersey. Mahogany; pine and other wood inlays. 94 ” High. Courtesy C.L. Prickett, Yardley, Pennsylvania, http://clprickett.com/CLP4904.htm.

Figure 34. Tall Case Clock. Labeled Rosett & Mulford, New Jersey, 1807, inside the door of the case. Mahogany. Lot 118, Sale 1521, May 19, 2005, Christie's, New York. Reproduced from Christie's website. https://www.christies.com/lotfinder/lot/a-federal- inlaid-mahogany-tall-case-clock-4502241- details.aspx?from=salesummery&intObjectID=4502241.

Figure 35. Map of Westfield in Revolutionary Times. Arrows indicate the homes of John Scudder and Isaac Hendricks. Reproduced and adapted from Charles A. Philhower, History of Town of Westfield Union County, New Jersey (New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Company, 1992), 13.

Figure 36. Rosett & Mulford Advertisement. New Jersey Journal, April 21, 1807, Elizabethtown, New Jersey. Reproduced from original edition. Newspaper archives, The New Jersey Historical Society Library, Newark, New Jersey.

Figure 37. Chest of Drawers. New York City, New York, c. 1812. Richard Allison (1780-1825). Mahogany; pine, tulip poplar. H 46 x W 45 x D 20 ½. Reproduced from John L. Scherer, New York Furniture, The Federal Period, 1788-1825, (Albany, New York: The University of the State of New York, 1988), 12.

Figure 38. Newbrough & Hendricks Advertisement. Winchester Gazette, Winchester, Virginia, July 24, 1813, page 4. Reproduced from Stewart Bell, Jr. Archives Digital Newspaper Collection, Handley Regional Library, Winchester, Virginia.

Figure 39. Chest of Drawers. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. Walnut; yellow pine and poplar. H 37 x W 41 x D 21. Descended in the Chester Buckwalter Family of Frederick County, Virginia. Courtesy Christopher H. Jones Antiques. http://www.christopherhjones.com/buckwalter-family-chest-of-drawers- winchester-va/.

Detail of serpentine skirt with hollow cut-out Detail of numerous glue blocks in Figure 39. and modified feet in Figure 39.

Figure 40. Clothespress. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. Walnut; yellow pine. H 91 x W16 3/8 x D18 ¼. Private collection. Photo by A. Nicholas Powers.

100

Figures 41 & 42. Tall Case Clock. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. Patton & Jones Philadelphia, Pennsylvania paper label on the back of the painted dial per Wallace Guslers examination of the clock in 1972. Feet probably replaced. Hood features bulls- eye rosettes and carved keystone. Clock repaired by George Graves in 1819 and 1832 per his notations inside the clock door. Courtesy Shenandoah Valley Battlefields Foundation. Photos by the author.

101

Figure 43. Detail of colonnettes, side hood in Figure 44. Detail of frieze, door with indents in Figure 41. Figure 41.

Figure 45. Detail of quarter columns and door Figure 46. Detail of skirt and replaced feet in Figure 41. in Figure 41.

102

Figure 47. Receipt. Sale of a pair of fifteen foot D-end half round tables to Comfort Welsh Wood. “Received the above amount in full of all Demand ($18.00), Joshua Newbrough, April 18, 1816. James Wood Family Papers, 173 WFCHS, Stewart Bell, Jr. Archives, Handley Regional Library, Winchester, Virginia.

103

Fig. 48. Chest of Drawers. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1815-1820. Mahogany; yellow pine. From the authors private collection.

104

Figure 49. Grave of Joshua Newbrough. Mt. Hebron Cemetery, Winchester, Virginia. Photo courtesy of A. Nicholas Powers.

105

Figure 50. William T. Wall Ledger Book, 1844-1847. Joshua Newbrough and Job S. Hendricks joint purchase of a fine hat. Private collection. Photo courtesy of A. Nicholas Powers.

106

Figure 51. Desk and Bookcase with detail of the interior featuring a fluted document drawer and prospect compartment in Figure 51. Desk and bookcase attributed to Winchester, Virginia, 1791-1795. Cherry; yellow pine. H 103 ¾ x W 42 ¼ x D 24 ½. Reproduced from Wallace Gusler, The Fnie f Winchester, Virginia American Furniture, edited by Luke Beckerdite, (Milwaukee, WI: The Chipstone Foundation, 1997), 228-265.

107

Figure 52. Detail of arched-stopped fluting featured on the High Chest of Drawers illustrated in Figure 27. Reproduced from Wallace Gusler, “The Furniture of Winchester, Virginia American Furniture, edited by Luke Beckerdite, (Milwaukee, WI: The Chipstone Foundation, 1997), 228-265.

108

Figure 53. Detail of ball and claw foot featured on the High Chest of Drawers in Figure 27. Reproduced from Wallace Gusler, “The Furniture of Winchester, Virginia American Furniture, edited by Luke Beckerdite, (Milwaukee, WI: The Chipstone Foundation, 1997), 228-265.

109

Figure 54. Detail of the astragal molding, over-arching pediments, and urn style finials featured on the High Chest of Drawers in Figure 27. Reproduced from Wallace Gusler, “The Furniture of Winchester, Virginia American Furniture, edited by Luke Beckerdite, (Milwaukee, WI: The Chipstone Foundation, 1997), 228- 265.

110

Figure 55. Desk. Signed by Christopher Frye and James Lee Martin, Fauquier County, Virginia, 1797. Walnut; yellow pine, and tulip poplar. The desk originally had a bookcase, and its feet are replaced based on Philadelphia-area examples. H 41 ¾ x W 43 ¾ x D 21 ½. Private Collection. Photos reproduced from Wallace Gsler The Frnire of Wincheser, Virginia American Furniture, edited by Luke Beckerdite, (Milwaukee, WI: The Chipstone Foundation, 1997), 228-265.

111

Figure 56. Detail of the interior of the desk in Figure 55.

Figure 57. Detail of the inscription on the secret drawer of the desk illustrated in Figure 55. Photo by Daniel Ackermann.

112

Detail of incised and shaded bellflower inlay, stringing, and crossbanding in Figure 58.

Figure 58. Pair of Card Tables. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1790-1805. Mahogany, black walnut; yellow pine. H 29 x W 36 x D 17 7/8 (closed). Courtesy Museum of the Shenandoah Valley, Julian Wood Glass Jr. Collection, Winchester, Virginia, 1021.1-2. Photo by Ron Blunt.

113

Figure 59. Detail of fine dovetailing in Figure 40. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. Walnut; yellow pine, poplar. H 91 x W 16 3/8 x D 18 ¼. Photo by the author.

114

Figure 60. Tall Case Clock. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. Detail of the hood, bulls-eye rosettes, broken scroll pediment, and carved keystone. Mahogany; yellow pine. H 102 x W 18 ¼ x D 9 ¾.” Private collection. Photos by A. Nicholas Powers.

115

Figure 61. Detail of canted reeded corners Figure 62. Detail of backboard in in notched door in Figure 60. Figure 60.

Figure 63. Detail of base, molding, Figure 64. Detail of nails and numerous glue blocks in skirt, and feet in Figure 60. in Figure 60.

116

Figures 65 & 66. Tall Case Clock. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. Labeled painted dial by Curtis Manufactory for Patton & Jones, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. H 100. Detail of hood featuring bulls-eye rosettes, carved keystone, broken scroll pediment, Wc a capitals on colonettes, and notched cabinet doors in Figure 65. Photos courtesy of Adams Brown Company, Antique Clocks, Cranbury, New Jersey.

117

Figure 67. Detail of base, serpentine skirt with Figure 68. Detail of waist molding, reeded chamfered crotch mahogany in base panel, and modified ce ab ge, cbadg, and crotch feet in Figure 65. mahogany in Figure 65.

Figure 69. Detail of glue blocking, straight side Figure 70. Detail of Patton & Jones label behind the Skirt in Figure 65. painted dial in Figure 65.

118

Figures 71 & 72. Tall Case Clock. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. Detail of the hood and frieze in Figure 71. Walnut, secondary wood unknown. Feet and one bulls-eye rosette replaced. H 90 ¼ x W 17 ½ x D 9 3/4. Private collection. Photos by the author.

119

Figure 73. Detail of hood, one bulls-eye rosette, Figure 74. Detail of hood molding and frieze and keystone in Figure 71. in Figure 71.

Figure 75. Deail f clee ih Wichee l Figure 76. Detail of door, replaced capital in Figure 71. feet, paneled base, and reeded chamfered corners ih lab ge i Fige 71. .

120

Figure 77. Tall Case Clock. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. Signed by G. Chandlee, Winchester. Walnut, secondary wood unknown. H 96 ¾. Reproduced from Edward E. Chandlee, Six Quaker Clockmakers (Stratford, CT: The New England Publishing Company, 1975), 128-129.

121

Figure 78. Detail of painted dial, lunette, and spandrels in Figure 77.

122

Figure 79. Tall Case Clock. Attributed to Winchester, Virginia, c. 1790-1800. Walnut; yellow pine. H 101¼. Courtesy Museum of the Shenandoah Valley, Winchester, Virginia, 2014.12. Photo by Ron Blunt.

123

Figure 80. Detail of hood in Figure 79.

124

Figure 81. Tall Case Clock. Detail of white painted dial with Roman and Arabic numerals with the five-minute numbering system. New Jersey, c. 1800-1810. Clockmaker: Isaac Brokaw, Bridgetown. Painted dial: Osborne inscription cast on a secondary plate between dial and movement. Case: attributed to Rosett & Mulford, Elizabethtown, New Jersey. Mahogany; white pine, tulip, and gum. H 95 13/16.” Reproduced from Edwin A. Battison and Patricia E. Kane, The American Clock, 1725-1865 (Greenwich, CT: New York Graphic Society Limited, 1973), 98.

125

Figure 82. Example of an English painted dial with double Arabic numerals and a five- minute numbering system. William Johnson, Congleton, Cheshire, c. 1810. Photo courtesy of Brian Loomes, Painted Dial Clocks, 1770-1870, (Suffolk: Antique Collecor Clb Ld., 1994), 98.

126

Figure 83. Chest of Drawers. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1813. Cherry; yellow pine, poplar. H 40 ½ x W 39 x D 19 1/8. Courtesy Winchester-Frederick County Historical Society, Winchester, Virginia. Photos by A. Nicholas Powers.

Figure 84. Detail of chalk inscription “Cherry Burau 1813 under the base in Figure 83.

127

Figure 85. Detail of straight side skirt in Figure 83. Figure 86. Detail of reeded stiles and overhanging top with applied molding in Figure 83.

Figure 87. Detail of two nails securing Figure 88. Detail of numerous glue blocks in Figure 83. the frame to the case in Figure 83.

128

Figure 89. Chest of Drawers. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. Walnut; yellow pine and poplar. H 37 ¾ x W 40 x D 18 ¾. Private collection. Photo by A. Nicholas Powers.

129

Figure 90. Detail of modified foot, front and straight side skirt in Figure 89.

Figure 91. Detail of skirt in Figure 89. Figure 92. Detail of numerous glue blocks in Figure 89.

130

Figure 93. Chest of Drawers. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. Cherry; yellow pine and poplar. H 38 ½ x W 41 1/8 x D 21 1/8. Private collection. Courtesy Jeffrey S. Evans & Associates, Inc., Mt. Crawford, Virginia. Photo by Will McGuffin.

131

Figure 94. Detail of applied reeding and Figure 95. Detail of modified foot and overhang molding in Figure 93. scratch-beading in Figure 93.

Figure 96. Detail of four vertical backboards in Figure 93. Figure 97. Detail of fine dovetailing in Figure 93.

132

Figure 98. Chest of Drawers. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. Walnut; yellow pine. H 39 1/8 x W 40 ¾ x D 21 ¾. Private collection. Photo by A. Nicholas Powers.

Figure 99. Detail of side skirt with dip in Figure 100. Detail of overhanging Figure 98. molding in Figure 98.

133

Figure 101. Detail of one nail in the center of the kir hollow cut-out in Figure 98.

Figure 102. Detail of nails securing skirt to frame in Figure 98.

Figure 103. Detail of numerous glue blocks in Figure 98. Figure 104. Detail of fine dovetailing in Figure 98.

134

Figure 105. Chest of Drawers. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1780. Walnut; yellow pine. H 39 x W 42 ½ x D 22 ¾. Courtesy Museum of Early Southern Decorative Arts. Object Database, S-13377.

Detail of capital and molding in Figure 105. Detail of arched-stop fluting in Figure 105.

135

Figure 106. Clothespress. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. Walnut; yellow pine. W 49 ¼ x D 17 3/8. Private collection. Photos by the author.

136

Figure 107. Detail of top molding, door panel, Figure 108. Detail of modified foot and drawers in Figure 106. in Figure 106.

Figure 109. Detail of serpentine skirt in Figure 106. Figure 110. Detail of numerous glue blocks with evidence of glue block removal in Figure 106.

137

Figure 40 & 111. Clothespress. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. Walnut; yellow pine. H 91 x 16 3/8 x 18 ¼. Private collection. Photos by the author and A. Nicholas Powers.

138

Figure 112. Detail of serpentine skirt with hollow cut-out in Figure 111.

Figure 113. Detail of modified foot in Figure 111. Figure 114. Detail of straight side skirt in Figure 111.

139

Figure 115. Detail of numerous glue blocks in Figure 111.

Figure 116. Detail of fine dovetails in Figure 111.

140

Figure 117. Clothespress. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. Walnut; yellow pine and poplar. 92 3/8 x 48 ¼ x 19 ¾. Private collection. Photo by A. Nicholas Powers.

141

Figure 118. Detail of skirt in Figure 117. Figure 119. Detail of top molding in Figure 117.

Figure 120. Detail of straight side skirt in Figure 117. Figure 121. Detail of numerous glue blocks in Figure 117.

142

Figure 122. Clothespress. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1795-1810. Possibly the shop of John Duffield. Walnut; secondary wood unknown. Dimensions not recorded. Reproduced from Louis G. Locke, Antique Furniture of the Shenandoah Valley, Virginia Cavalcade 24, no. 3 (Winter 1975), 115, fig. 12.

143

Figure 123. Spice Box. Winchester, Virginia, c. 1812-1815. Walnut; poplar. H 20 ½ x W 15 ¾ x 12 ½. Private collection. Photos courtesy of the owners.

144

Figure 124. Detail of the interior in Figure 123. Figure 125. Detail of numerous glue blocks in Figure 123.

Figure 126. Detail of the skirt and feet in Figure 123.

145

Figure 127. Small Valuables Chest. Northern Shenandoah Valley, Virginia, c. 1800. Cherry; yellow pine, poplar. H 21 ½ x W 14 ¾ x D 11 ¼. Photo courtesy Christopher H. Jones Antiques, Alexandria, Virginia.

Figure 128. Detail of interior in Figure 127.

146 Bibliography

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Appendix A

WINCHESTER/FREDERICK COUNTY CABINETMAKERS (Operating between 1812-1815)

Name Dates of Operation Location Bowen, John L. 1815-1834 Winchester Bowers, Adam 1807-1825 Winchester Clothier, John 1772-1837 Winchester, Battletown Creswell, Abram 1794-1841 Winchester, Chester Co. Creswell, Samuel 1792-1831 Winchester, Chester Co. Duffield, John Jr. & Richard 1807-1818 Winchester Duffield, Mary 1796-1832 Winchester Hendricks, Job Smith 1812-1815 Winchester Martin, James Lee 1792-1815 Winchester, Battletown Newbrough, Joshua 1791-1818 Winchester, Frederick Co. Sandford, William 1815-1818 Winchester Slater, Edward* 1787-1822 Winchester Snyder, John 1797-1821 Middletown, Stephensburg

* Slater was most likely Newbrough & Hendrickss number one competitor in Winchester

157

Appendix B Case Piece Analysis

OBJECT: Primary Hollow Side Chest Serpentine Scratch Heavy Overhang Back- Form wood Double cut-out skirt- Modified Reeding on skirt or cock- glue top board, & Secondary nails Serp. straight feet (type) Frame only beading blocks molding base Figure # Wood skirt or dip

x Cherry; x x Straight x CB Fine x x Vert. Chest Yellow (3) Figure 83 Pine, Poplar

x Walnut; x Straight x CB x x Chest Yellow Figure 89 Pine, Poplar

x Walnut; x Curved x SB Scratched x x Vert. Chest Yellow w/drop (3) Figure 98 Pine

x Walnut; x Straight x CB Applied x x Vert. Yellow (4) Chest Pine, Figure 93 Poplar

x Walnut; x Straight x CB x x Chest Yellow Figure 39 Pine, Poplar

x Walnut; x Curved x SB x x Vert. Chid Chest Yellow w/drop (2) Figure 1 Pine

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x Walnut; x x Straight x CB & Reeded x Vert. Desk Yellow Double SB Columns (3) Figure 7 Pine Scallop

x Walnut; x x Straight x CB x x Vert. Yellow (3) Chest w/ Secretary Pine Figure 17

x Walnut; x Straight x SB x x Press Yellow Triple Figure 106 Pine Scallop

Press x Walnut; x Straight x SB x x Figure 111 Poplar

x Walnut; x Straight x SB x x Vert. Press Yellow (4) Figure 117 Pine, Poplar

Spice Box x Walnut; x Curved x x x Figure 123 Poplar w/drop

159 Appendix C Tall Case Clock Analysis

Clock Primary Bullseye Hollow Serpen- Side Modified Canted Heavy glue Exposed Base & or & Secondary Rosettes cut-out tine skirt skirt- feet Reeded blocking dovetails back- OBJECT: Dial Woods & serp. only straight corners or on the boards Figure # Maker Fluted skirt or drop quarter side of Plinth columns the hood

Plain Patton columns; Figure 41 Splayed x Plain base & Unknown x x Straight Single Unknown (replaced?) Jones and double capitals

Canted, possibly Figure 77 Goldsmith Fielded Walnut Unknown Unknown x Straight Cut down reeded Unknown Chandlee panel base lab tongue

Canted Plain reeded Yes, base, Mahogany; corners Figure 60 Unknown x x Straight but cut x x horiz. yellow pine with down boards lab (6) tongue

No Probably Evidence Fielded x Feet altered reeding, Walnut; straight that panel and canted Unknown probably skirt glue base, Figure 71 Left Replaced base corners x yellow before locks Back rosette molding with pine/poplar feet/base have been board replaced added lab replaced removed unknown tongue

160 Canted reeded Patton Mahogany, corners Horiz. Figure 65 & yellow x x Straight Yes x with boards Jones pine lab tongue

161