Gay and Lesbian Issues and Psychology Review

Editor Damien W. Riggs

The Australian Psychological Society Ltd.

ISSN 1833-4512

Editor

Damien W. Riggs, The University of Adelaide

Editorial Board

Graeme Kane, Private Practice Jim Malcom, The University of Western Liz Short, Victoria University Jane Edwards, Spencer Gulf Rural Health School Murray Drummond, The University of South Australia Gordon Walker, Monash University Jo Harrison, The University of South Australia Kirsten McLean, Monash University Maria Pallotta-Chiarolli, Deakin University Suzanne McLaren, University of Ballarat Christopher Fox, La Trobe University Vivienne Cass, Private Practice

International Advisory Committee

Esther Rothblum, San Diego State University, US Jerry J. Bigner, Colorado State University, US Meg Barker, The Open University, UK Darren Langdridge, The Open University, UK Todd Morrison, University of Saskatchewan, Canada Elizabeth Peel, Aston University, UK Sonja J. Ellis, Sheffield Hallam University, UK Victoria Clarke, University of the West of England, UK Peter Hegarty, University of Surrey, UK Gareth Treharne, University of Otago, NZ Fiona Tasker, University of London, UK Jeffery Adams, Massey University, NZ

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The Gay and Lesbian Issues and Psychology Review (‘the Review’) is a peer-reviewed publication that is available online through Psychological Society. Its remit is to encourage re- search that challenges the stereotypes and assumptions of pathology that have often inhered to re- search on lesbians, gay men, bisexual, trans and queer (LGBTQ) people. The aim of the Review is thus to facilitate discussion over the direction of LGBTQ psychology both within Australia and abroad, and to provide a forum within which academics, practitioners and lay people may publish.

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Gay and Lesbian Issues and Psychology Review

Volume 7 Number 1

Contents

Editorial: Trans bodies, lives and representations 1 Damien W. Riggs

Articles

Psychoanalysis needs a sex change Patricia Gherovici 3

He did it her way on TV: Representing an Australian celebrity onscreen Joanna McIntyre 19

A ‘gender centre’ for ? Assessing the need for a specific service provider 33 Andrew McLean

Trans digital storytelling: Everyday activism, mutable identity and the problem of visibility Sonja Vivienne 43

Contributions of biological psychology to understanding the social construction of gender identities 55 Jessica Choplin

The evolution of A Gender Agenda : The psychology of how Canberra’s sex and gender diverse individuals are growing a community organisation 68 Gabrielle Hitch, Heidi Yates and Jennie Yates

Book Reviews

HIV treatment and prevention technologies: An international perspective

Peter Todd 78

Speaking out: Stopping homophobic and transphobic abuse in Queensland

Prathiba Nagabhushan 80

Community Information

Pinnacle Foundation 83

Gay & Lesbian Issues and Psychology Review, Vol. 7, No. 1, 2011

EDITORIAL: TRANS BODIES, LIVES AND REPRESENTATIONS

DAMIEN W. RIGGS

I am very pleased to present this latest issue choanalysis actually has a long history of be- of the GLIP Review featuring papers that ing supportive of trans people, and that the speak about the lives of trans 1 people. This is work of both Freud and Lacan, as reformu- a topic that the gay and lesbian issues and lated by Gherovici, holds considerable poten- psychology interest group has been increas- tial for developing a non-normative under- ingly focusing on, in recognition of the vital standing of gender, particularly as it pertains importance of moving beyond a sole focus to the lives of trans people. upon the lives of cisgendered 2 people. As such, it was heartening to receive such a In the second paper, Joanna McIntyre focuses strong and varied response to the call for pa- upon media representations of Australian pers, and that the issue as a whole represents transsexual celebrity Carlotta. In so doing, something of the true diversity of trans com- McIntyre highlights both the normative func- munities as it is captured via the perspectives tions of the media - which have consistently of (primarily cisgendered) researchers. provided a very limiting framework through which viewers can understand Carlotta’s life In the paper that opens the issue Patricia (even if the framework overall may be charac- Gherovici takes to task psychoanalytic writings terised as positive) - and the transgressive since Freud that have appropriated his work to and transformative potential that Carlotta’s the disservice of trans people. Gherovici’s writ- own narratives provide. ing is a timely reminder of the fact that psy- Andrew McLean then shifts the register in his ______paper from representation to narrative, in his exploration of interviews undertaken with 1 I use the catch-all term ‘trans’ here with consider- trans people in Victoria, and their views on the able caution. As is noted throughout this issue, non-gender normative people themselves (i.e., utility of a gender service aimed at meeting those people whose does not the needs of trans people. McLean’s partici- ‘match’ their natally assigned sex - a match that is pants speak both of the problems with current demanded under the sex/gender regime of het- services, as well as the specific issues that eropatriarchy) employ a range of descriptors when would require attention if a new service was referring to their identities and embodiments. A developed. McLean’s findings emphasise the catch-all term, then, can never adequately refer to need for this service and signify the impor- a category constituted by people whose standpoints tance of supporting trans people to take the are often incommensurate. With this in mind, I use lead in determining what such a service would the term ‘trans’ by way of introducing this journal issue that, in its breadth of coverage, signifies the look like. impossibility of relying upon catch-all terms. 2 ‘Cisgendered ‘ as a term is slowly growing in The next paper by Sonja Vivienne also reports useage, and refers to gender normative people - on the experiences of trans people, this time those individuals whose gender identity to at least in terms of three South Australian transpeople a certain degree ‘matches’ what is expected of their who have made a digital story telling their of natally assigned sex. The term is useful as it places experiences. Similar to the paper by McIntyre, transgender and people within a shared Vivienne speaks of both the limiting and trans- context in which gender norms shape the lives of formative potential of media forms, but em- all people, not just trans people.

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RIGGS: EDITORIAL

phasises the achievements that are possible fora. Otherwise, the potential remains that the via new media such as digital stories. The ex- predominant representations of trans people periences shared by Vivienne’s participants that occur will be those written by cisgendered highlight the complexities of narrating the people. Whilst cisgendered people have an trans self, particularly given the risks associ- important role to play in challenging transpho- ated with speaking publically as a trans per- bia and gender norms more broadly, there will son. always be a shortfall if opportunities are not created for trans people to speak for them- Shifting the register entirely, the next paper selves. by Jessica Choplin examines the evidence for a biological account of gender, an account I am pleased that Australian and international that recently has risen to prominence in Aus- researchers and writers responded so well to tralian legal cases in relation to trans people this issue, and look forward to continuing (e.g., Wallbank, 2004). Choplin’s paper sensi- these conversations in other venues as the tively and carefully negotiates the complexities interest group progresses our goals of devel- of biological accounts, and in so doing demon- oping a more thorough and accurate repre- strates the potentials and pitfalls of an exclu- sentation of trans people within the Australian sive reliance upon, or refusal of the role of, Psychological Society. biology in gender identifications. References In the final paper for the issue Gabrielle Hitch, Heidi Yates and Jennie Yates provide an excel- Wallbank, R. (2004). Re Kevin in perspective. lent working example of what McLean’s par- Deakin Law Review, 9, 1-43. ticipants called for, namely a service specifi- cally for trans people. Reporting on the devel- opment of A Gender Agenda, a service in Can- berra that is tailored to the needs of trans people, Hitch, Yates and Yates highlight the vital importance of trans involvement in such services, as well as the role of trans allies in supporting their functioning.

As a whole, then, this issue highlights the im- mense breadth of coverage of trans people, including the multiple and often contradictory ways in which trans people are represented, the diverse ways in which trans people iden- tify and speak for themselves, and the com- plex issues of embodiment that sit alongside trans people’s negotiation of gender norms. Papers such as those included in this issue highlight the ongoing need for examinations of the regulatory effects of gender norms, but also the pressing need to recognise the ways in which trans people themselves narrate gen- der and the services that are required to sup- port their lives. Importantly, and as a signifi- cant gap in this issue itself, it is vital that trans people are supported to undertake this narrat- ing themselves in academic and other public

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Gay & Lesbian Issues and Psychology Review, Vol. 7, No. 1, 2011

PSYCHOANALYSIS NEEDS A SEX CHANGE

PATRICIA GHEROVICI

Abstract ing through ‘castration complexes’ and ‘penis envy’, and culminating in the development of This paper discusses the crucial part played by a mature, ‘normal’ genital choice. In this psychoanalysis in the history of transsexualism reading, proper gender identification produces and assesses the controversial yet central role masculinity for males, femininity for women, of sex-change theory for psychoanalysis. In- and creates an adapted heterosexual desire deed, the pioneer sexologist and activist Mag- that is purported to result in satisfying sexual nus Hirschfeld was among the founders of the lives. Berlin Psychoanalytic Society. Hirschfeld was appreciated by Freud, although rejected by In fact, nothing could be farther from what Jung. It is time both to historicise and theorise Freud stated theoretically or observed in his the loaded connection between sexologists practice. One can even say that the previous and psychoanalysts. The author argues for the claims are all reductive distortions. Freud depathologisation of transgenderism. Lacan's never condemned homosexuality and had a theory of the sinthome offers an innovative very tolerant attitude facing it. Furthermore, framework for rethinking sexual difference. as Dean & Lane (2001) have shown, the foun- With the help of this theory, one der of psychoanalysis never considered same can challenge the pathological approach too sex desire pathological. Freud was not voicing often adopted by psychoanalysis. This calls for liberal tolerance but rather making a radical a more fruitful dialogue between Lacanian move, because for the founder of psycho- psychoanalysis and the clinic of transsexual- analysis homosexuality was a sexual orienta- ism. tion as any other, and as contingent as het- erosexuality. Freud observed “that all human Introduction beings are capable of making a homosexual object-choice and have in fact made one in Psychoanalysis has a sex problem in more their unconscious” (footnote added in 1915; than one sense. Transgender activists and Freud 1905, p. 145n). For Freud, human sexu- scholars have been wary of psychoanalysis, ality was essentially polymorphous and per- with good reasons. In both subtle and brutal verse because the erotic drive does not follow ways, psychoanalysis has a history of coercive any ‘natural’ course. Contrary to the standard hetero-normatization and pathologization of view of traditional psychoanalysis, Freud non-normative sexualities and . Such a ‘queered’ human sexuality (Dean & Lane, homophobic and transphobic history, how- 2001) when he proposed a sexuality that op- ever, is based on a selective reinterpretation erates in a mysterious, capricious way, contra of the Freudian texts. It is of course true that natura, veering off the reproductive aims. many normative theories about sex and gen- Freud ‘perverted’ sexuality when he separated der claim to derive from Freudian psycho- the drive from any instinctual function and analysis and classify and adjudicate individuals described its object as ‘indifferent’, that is, not according to sexual behavior. Freud’s Oedipal determined by gender. As noted by Lacan Complex, it is said, starts with the recognition (1981), Freud “posit[s] sexuality as essentially of anatomical sexual differences, before pass- polymorphous, aberrant” (p. 176.) What irri-

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tated people most in Freud’s early sexual of transsexualism, which are as revealing as theories was not the scandalous claim that they are exemplary. This brief history of the children were sexual beings, but rather his evolution of the nomenclature will be helpful non-essentialism in the definition of sexuality. to see how the terminology has been linked to Freud’s later notion of the drive is also non- the domain of the pathological. It also shows gender specific; this was the real scandal that the central and complex role psychoanalysis would clash with Victorian sensibility and it has played in the history of transsexualism. was thereafter repressed by post-Freudians. Psychoanalytic Beginnings How then could psychoanalysts after Freud talk about ‘normal’ sexuality assuming it The philosopher Michel Foucault has made us means heterosexual genital function when aware that sexuality has a history, and that Freud acknowledged that the mutual interest psychoanalysis has played a very important of men and women is “a problem that needs role in it as a theory of the intersections of law elucidating and is not a self-evident fact and desire. His History of Sexuality (Foucault, [...]” (footnote added in 1915; Freud 1905, p. 1990) states that a history of the deployment 146n)? As Dean & Lane (2001) note, one of of sexuality since the classical age “can serve the greatest paradoxes of the history of psy- as an archeology of psychoanalysis” (p. 130.) choanalysis is that its institutions have devel- For Dean & Lane (2001) this characterisation, oped normalizing moralistic and discriminatory which makes it look “as if the book were really practices that are antithetical to psychoana- all about psychoanalysis” (p. 8), also high- lytic concepts. This is sad because Freudian lights the fact that today we cannot think of and Lacanian psychoanalysis could make a sexuality without using psychoanalytic catego- valuable contribution to the field. Their theo- ries. In the case of transsexuality, then, the ries study sex, sexual identity and sexuality, interrelatedness with psychoanalysis is not articulating ideas about the complex relation- just referential, as we will see. ship of the body to the psyche, the precari- ousness of gender, the instability of the oppo- The term transvestite was coined by Magnus sition of male and female, the construction of Hirschfeld in 1910 to describe those who occa- sexual identity, the challenges of making a sionally wear clothes of the ‘other’ sex. Hirsch- sexual choice, and the uncertainties of sexual- feld, a passionate sex reformer and an activ- ity, that is, the conundrum of sexual differ- ist, struggled for the legalisation of homosexu- ence. Such contributions could have important ality. He was also an occasional cross-dresser implications for transgender theorists and ac- himself and a central political figure in Ger- tivists, transgender people, and professionals many’s incipient field of sexology. Hirschfeld in the trans field by enriching current debates developed a theory of sexual intermediaries, about gender and sexuality. Dean (2000) contending that the existence of two opposite opened the ground for a fruitful engagement was an oversimplification and that one with the theoretical contribution of psycho- could observe many varieties of intermediates. analysis, a development that has been obfus- A pioneer advocate for transgender people, he cated by the psychoanalytic institutions: “the argued that transgenderism could not be re- institutional history of psychoanalysis, particu- duced either to homosexuality, fetishism, or to larly in the United States, has forestalled any any form of pathology. Hirshfeld’s classic book such alliance. As I’ve already suggested […] Die Transvestiten. Eine Untersuchung über such an alliance might require both parties to den erotischen Verkleidungstrieb mit umfan- renounce some of their most cherished shib- greichem casuistischen und historischen ma- boleths” (p. 226). terial (1910) was translated only eighty years later, in 1991, as Transvestites: The Erotic To further contextualise our discussion, let us Drive to Cross-Dress. Notably, its title contains take a rapid look at some canonical definitions a word that belongs to basic psychoanalytic

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nomenclature: drive. The choice of term re- served that some transvestites were asexual veals an engagement with psychoanalysis, (automonosexual was his term); the asexual even if the sense is different. In fact, Hirshfeld group eventually led to the 1950s classifica- played a main role in the early days of psycho- tion of transsexual . Hirshfeld broke new analysis, publishing a number of analytic pa- ground proposing that was a pers. Freud’s own article ‘Hysterical Fantasies separate sexual variation different from fetish- and Their Relation to Bisexuality’ (1908) ap- ism and homosexuality. Let us note, however, peared in the very first issue of Hirschfeld’s that as a clinician and researcher, Hirschfeld new journal exclusively devoted to sexology as never wavered in his belief in a biological a science, Zeitschfrit für Sexualwissencraft . (endocrinological) basis for sexuality and thus Subsequent issues published original work by was not opposed to Eugen Steinach’s experi- Alfred Adler, Karl Abraham, and Wilhem Stekel mental testicular transplants to ‘treat’ male (Bullough, 1994, p. 68.) homosexuality.

Furthermore, Hirschfield co-founded with Karl Moving on from Hirschfield, perhaps the most Abraham the Berlin Psychoanalytic Society in influential post Freudian psychoanalytic theory August, 1908 (Gay, 1998). In 1911, at the of transgenderism was put forward by Wilhelm third international Weimar congress of psycho- Stekel (1930). He coined the term paraphilia analysts, Freud greeted Hirschfeld as an hon- for unusual sexual behaviors. Stekel’s book ored guest and a “Berlin authority on homo- Sexual Aberrations: The Phenomenon of Fet- sexuality” (Bullough, 1994, p. 64). Yet even ishism in Relation to Sex (1930) makes explicit with this recognition, Hirshfeld left the Berlin in its title the wish to systematise the struc- Psychoanalytic Society shortly after the Wei- ture of all sexual deviations as a single entity mar meeting, despite Abraham’s “attempts at under the model of fetishism. The book, how- persuasion” to stay (Falzeder, 2002, p. 139). ever, included a chapter on transvestism writ- Hirshfeld’s departure had been precipitated by ten by Emil Gutheil. For Gutheil (1930), even “an external cause” (p. 139) also described by though transvestism was not fetishism, it was Abraham as “a question of resistances” (p. a compulsion to create a phallic female: the 140). It seemed that Jung had objected to his attraction for the genitals of the ‘other’ sex homosexuality (p. 141.) Unlike Jung, Freud was transferred onto the garments. Stekel is a did not seem to mind Hirschfeld’s political ac- good example of how a former devoted disci- tivism. Freud saw Hirshfeld’s advocacy of ho- ple modified Freudian theories and popular- mosexual rights as a positive development ised them, and in so doing erased all nuances and from the beginning he had encouraged by bringing them closer to the dominating Abraham to work with him (Gay, 1998, p. medical model. As Bullough (1994) puts it, 181.) After losing Hirshfeld, the Berlin Psycho- “Freud cannot be blamed for the excesses of analytic Society decided, at Abraham’s instiga- his disciples” (p. 90). During the first half of tion, to work collectively on Freud’s Three Es- the twentieth century, in order to solve the says on the Theory of Sexuality. The irony is problem of the mind, most post-Freudians that the Three Essays owe a lot to Hirschfeld’s inevitably relied upon the notion of the trau- research (Freud, 1905, p. 1, credits in the matic effect of childhood experiences. Castra- opening page the “well known writings” of tion anxiety accounted for a psychobiological Hirschfeld along with other eight authors etiology of transgenderism often confused ranging from Krafft-Ebing to Havelock Ellis, all with homosexuality (Bullough, 2000). Cross- published in Jahrbuch für sexuelle Zwischen- dressing continued to be understood accord- stufen, a journal under Hirschfeld’s direction). ing to Gutheil’s theories as an attempt to over- Hirschfeld’s empirical data revealed that trans- come the fear of castration, creating a phallic vestites included both men and women who woman and identifying with her (Lukianowicz, were homosexual or bisexual as well as, con- 1959). trary to popular belief, heterosexual. He ob-

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Psychoanalytic vs Biological member of the opposite sex (Cauldwell, Accounts 1955.) Cauldwell is usually mistakenly credited as the first person to use the word transsexual The word Transexualis was first used in the but rarely quoted in the academic literature popular journal Sexology in a 1949 article by (except for Meyerowitz, 1998, p. 168-170, and David Cauldwell titled, in Latin, Psychopathia Stryker & Whittle, 2006, p. 40-52, who never- Transexualis . Despite the spelling with only theless caution the reader against his exces- one ‘s’, the term echoed Krafft-Ebing’s book sive pathologizing, p. 40; see also Ekins & Psychopathia Sexualis ([1886] 1965), the King 2001b). monumental catalog of the ‘aberrations’ of sexual behavior (when it deviates from the Caudwell’s role as populist column writer of sacred aim of procreation.) Cauldwell, not so tabloid sex advice warrants a comment. As much a scientific writer but rather a hyperbolic Stryker & Whittle (2006) observe, Cauldwell’s populariser and sex educator, believed in a quasi scientific work is worthy of note because biological etiology for transsexualism, which it reflects the earlier positions of Krafft-Ebing, he considered pathological. He just added the Hirschfeld, and Havelock Ellis while it antici- biological component to the old psychoanalytic pates the contributions of future transsexual- formula of childhood trauma: when a genetic ism experts like Robert Stoller, Richard Green, predisposition was combined with a dysfunc- John Money and Leslie Lothstein (p. 40). Most tional childhood, the result was the immaturity of Cauldwell’s popular booklets were published that produced a “pathologic-morbid desire to by E. Hadelman-Julius, an American publisher be a full member of the opposite who reached a substantial readership with a sex” (Cauldwell, 2006, p. 40.) It is often noted sure formula—“sex, self improvement, and that in 1923, Hirschfield had used the German attacks on respectability and religion” (Elkins term seelischer Transsexualismus & King, 2001a). Cauldwell’s position as a (psychological transsexualism), attributing populariser serves also as a cultural barome- transgenderism to the psyche. By 1949, ter—being a medical practitioner, he devel- Cauldwell described ‘’ as oped a substantial second career explaining “individuals who wish to be members of the transgenderism to the masses, a prurient mat- sex to which they do not properly belong” (p. ter at the time, but also a subject which ac- 275). Cauldwell also coined the term sex cording to Hadelman-Julius’ winning recipe transmutationist (1947; 1951, pp. 12–16) and was seen as transgressing but also as self im- used both the spellings trans-sexual and provement. Cauldwell’s post second world transsexual interchangeably (1950). war switch to a somewhat more liberal atti- tude towards sexual matters, then, perhaps Cauldwell’s ([1949] 2006) initial position was reflected a new climate of more honest public at best problematic since he described trans- discussion over sex (as exemplified by the sexualism as a hereditary condition of indi- Kinsey studies). viduals who are “mentally unhealthy” (p. 275). By 1950, Cauldwell had obviously turned a The word transsexualism then became a corner: “Are transsexuals crazy? One may as popular term in the 1950s thanks to sex- well ask whether heterosexuals are crazy. change pioneer Harry Benjamin. Benjamin Some are and some are not. Some transsexu- was a Berlin endocrinologist who relocated to als are brilliant. Now and then one may be a New York in 1915. He had worked closely with borderline genius. Transsexuals are eccentric. Eugen Steinach, the gland specialist innovator Some of them are not of sound mind, but this who performed the first sex change surgeries th is true of heterosexuals” (p. 4). But still he by gland transplants in the late 19 century strongly advised against ‘sex change surgery’ and isolated the ‘sex hormones’, and knew on account of ethical and practical reasons, Hirschfeld, the sex reformer, from before the claiming that surgery could not make a ‘real’ war. Benjamin relied on a biological concept to

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account for the etiology of transsexualism, greater degree of constitutional femininity, despite the fact that he could not find any perhaps due to a chromosomal sex distur- bodily confirmation for this claim. Notably, bance, must be assumed” (pp. 228–229). Benjamin advocated against psychotherapy. Benjamin borrowed Ulrich’s formula of a fe- Following British sexologist Havelock Ellis’ con- male soul trapped in a male body, all the while tentions that travestism (which Ellis renamed looking for answers in the body, not in the eonism) was not an erotic impulse but an ex- soul: “the soma, that is to say the genetic pression of the real self, Benjamin proposed a and/or endocrine constitution ... has to pro- continuum of transgender behavior with cross- vide a ‘fertile soil’ in which the ‘basic conflict’ dressing on one end, and transsexualism on must grow in order to become the respective the other. For transsexuals, Benjamin (1954) neurosis” (Hausman, 1995, p. 122). Despite reiterated that therapy was of no use. He was the use of the term neurosis , Benjamin (1954) also not naïve, admitting that for a male-to- discouraged any psychoanalytic or psycho- female transsexual surgery “may not always therapeutic intervention, seeing these as “a solve [the transsexual’s] problem. His femini- waste of time” (p. 228). Benjamin argued that zation craving may never end” (pp. 228–229). psychoanalysis did not lessen the wish to He also warned against performing sex reas- change sex but rather forced patients to hide signment on patients with psychosis or who this desire and therefore live miserable lives. were in danger of suicide or self-mutilation. As his close collaborator Hamburger (1953) The conclusion to this paper is quite revealing put it, “it is impossible to make a genuine for its contradictions: “Transsexualism is inac- transvestite [transsexual] wish to have his cessible by any curative methods at present at mentality altered by means of psychother- our disposal. Nevertheless the condition re- apy” (pp. 392–393). quires psychiatric help, reinforced by hormone treatment and, in some cases, by surgery. In Following the significant media impact of this way a reasonably contented existence Christine Jorgensen’s 1952 successful sex may be worked out for these pa- change, Benjamin chose to share publically his tients” (Benjamin, 2006, p. 52) opposition to the psychoanalytic treatment of transsexuality at a symposium of the US Asso- According to Benjamin, then, transsexualism is ciation for the Advancement of Psychotherapy, both “inaccessible by any curative methods” a professional organisation created for the and yet requires specific treatments like psy- development of psychotherapy in the medical chiatry combined with hormone treatment and field. This was a symposium that Benjamin surgery. Did this mean that although incurable himself organised and was attended by an it was still considered a pathology? In any audience mostly composed of professionals in case, Benjamin considered that if psycho- the “psy” field (Meyerowitz, 2002/2004, analysis and psychotherapy could not cure pp.106-107). The landmark 1954 paper that transsexualism, they could not explain it ei- came from this, published in the American ther. Meyerowitz (2002/2004) observes that Journal of Psychotherapy , became one of Benjamin emphasised the biological aspect of transgender studies’ touchstones, as it spelled transsexualism, which explained for him the out the distinction Benjamin was establishing failure of psychotherapy in treating the condi- between the transvestite (psycho-somatic) tion and justified a surgical intervention. Ben- and transsexual (somato-psychic) phenomena. jamin maintained a very negative bias against Physical bisexuality was the point of depar- psychotherapy and psychoanalysis but created ture. Benjamin (1954) wrote: “Organically, sex a protocol for sex change in which psychia- is always a mixture of male and female com- trists were given the power to determine who ponents”, but he suggested that mild cases the potential candidates for surgery were; (transvestism) could be “principally psycho- psychiatrists had the final word on the treat- genic”, while for true “transsexualists” “a still ment decision but no say on the diagnosis. As

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Hausman (1995) observed, “this illustrates the Who’s To Blame? ambivalent relation between the mental health specialist and the clinical endocrinologist in By 1968, Stoller, always a believer in bisexual- the treatment of transsexualism” (p. 124). The ity, had completely moved away from a bio- fact that Benjamin’s choice of treatments af- logical model to a psychological one and em- fected and transformed the body (surgery, phasised the psychological forces that resulted hormones), foreclosed a consideration of what in transsexualism. Stoller was mainly inter- may not be fully anatomical, as if the seeming ested in male transsexualism, which he con- efficacy of the interventions on the organism sidered a “natural experiment” (Stoller, 1975, would preclude any consideration of other p. 281) to measure variables in the develop- issues involved in the transition of sex. ment of masculinity and femininity, but also a pathology of psychosexual development Another collaborator of Benjamin, the Ameri- caused in early childhood by “excess merging can psychoanalyst Robert Stoller, helped es- with the mother” (p. 296). He recommended tablish a pioneer sex change clinic in the early “‘sex-change’ surgery” for patients properly 1960s, the Gender Identity Center at UCLA, diagnosed as transsexual, requesting from his which developed an influential notion derived colleagues that “everything should be done to from John Money’s 1950s new vocabulary of assist them in passing” (p. 279) and was quite gender by introducing the idea of an humble about the goals of his treatment. Stol- ‘environmental’ psychological sex separated ler opposed any attempt at “converting” male from the biological sex, and which took pains transsexuals into masculine, heterosexual or to offer a distinct transsexual psychic struc- even less feminine people, because “the treat- ture. (Meyerowitz, 2002/2004, p. 114, Millot, ment of the adult transsexual is palliative; we 1990, pp. 49-59). Money in fact further devel- must bear this and not, in our frustration, im- oped Kinsey’s explanation of sexual behavior patience, or commitment to theoretical posi- as the result of “learning and condition- tions, fail even to provide that much comfort ing” (Kinsey et al., 1953, pp. 643-644) and to our patients” (p. 280). proposed also a behaviorist model for what he called ‘gender roles’ (Money, 1955). Stoller Yet despite his efforts at contributing to psy- further refined the notion of a separation of choanalytic theories of sexuality, and perhaps sex and gender with the idea of ‘core gender because of the fact that he believed that identity’, which corresponded to the internal- transsexualism was a petri-dish for human ised idea of the individual’s belonging to a par- sexuality - a “key test, in fact the paradigm ticular sex. Stoller initially supported the idea for Freud’s theories of sexual development in of a biological force, a drive determining gen- both males and females” (Stoller, 1975, p. der. ‘Gender identity’ stressed more the sub- 297) - Stoller developed a simplistic explana- jective experience of gender and separated tion with psychological overtones that he gender from sexuality. Based on the convic- summed up in the formula: “dominant mother, tion of a distinct identity and the importance father pushed to the side, infant cuddly and of the penis, Stoller systematised a distinction lovable, mother-son too close” (p. 193). In between the transsexual, the transvestite cases of male-to-female transsexualism, the (cross-dresser), and the effeminate homosex- key was an essential femininity passed from ual. He noted that in contrast with transsexu- mother to son: “What his mother feels is femi- als, transvestites and male homosexuals iden- ninity; what he feels is femininity” (p. 204). tify as men; transsexuals abhor the penis, The model was one of mimetic imitation: The which for transvestites and homosexuals is an son copied the mother; the mother’s excessive insignia of maleness and a source of pleasure closeness to the son was considered to be a (Stoller, 1975, pp. 142—181). negative influence. Stoller also talked about a bisexual mother, who might have had a period of extreme tomboyishness, and of a distant

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father. These were factors contributing to the the Rhetorics of Materiality . Similarly, Shanna creation of transsexuality, especially male to Carlson (2010) has proposed a collaboration female. For female-to-male transsexuals, Stol- between discourses, observing that Lacanian ler’s speculations can be rendered as “too psychoanalysis can offer “a richly malleable much father and too little mother masculinizes framework for thinking through matters of girls” (pp. 223–244). Importantly, Stoller sex, subjectivity, desire, and sexuality” and stated explicitly that female transsexualism is that “integration of the two domains can only not the same condition as male transsexual- ever be a scene of fruitful contestation” (p. ism, stressing that female and male transsex- 69). I too have argued elsewhere (Gherovici, ualism are clinically, dynamically, and etiologi- 2010; 2011) for a productive confrontation cally different (pp. 223-244.) between psychoanalysis and transgender dis- courses and have shown how transgender After Stoller, many psychoanalytic theories of people are actually changing the clinical gender identity development blamed gender praxis, advancing new ideas for the clinic that trouble on identifications with the ‘wrong’ par- can be expanded to social and intellectual ent (Coates, Friedman & Wolfe, 1991; Stoller, contexts. 1975; Lothstein, 1992.) And most psychoana- lysts proceeded to view transgender expres- One wishes that psychoanalysts would have sions as an indicator of underlying pathology by now abandoned the moralistic and stigma- — be it a precursor of transvestism or homo- tising attitudes of previous generations of cli- sexuality (Limentani, 1979), borderline disor- nicians who, puzzled by the transgender phe- ders (Green, 1986), narcisistic disorders nomenon, could barely disguise in their dis- (Oppenheimer, 1991, Chiland, 2003) or psy- paraging comments their fear and contempt. chosis (Socarides, 1970, 1978-1979). Under- Candidly, Leslie Lothstein (1977) wrote a pa- standably, feeling relegated to the realm of per advising analysts on how to manage the pathology and abjection, transpeople rejected negative counter-transference he anticipated psychoanalysis. Ethel Spector Person & Lionel they would experience with transsexual pa- Oversey ([1974] 1999) have discussed in their tients. This situation seems to confirm Lacan’s now classic text the reasons behind the unwill- (2006) observation that “there is no other re- ingness of transsexual patients to participate sistance to psychoanalysis than the ana- in treatment. They concluded that it was in lyst’s” (p. 497). Nonetheless, several psycho- great part created by the judgmental stance of analysts have worked with transgender pa- those conducting the treatment. Nearly all of tients raising interesting clinical questions, the patients they interviewed described their such as Collete Chiland (2000), Danielle Qui- experiences of therapy in terms ranging “from nodoz (1998), Michael Eigen (1996), and Ruth useless to catastrophic” (p. 143). In most Stein (1995). The number of people raising cases, the intense negativism resulted from such questions is quite small, which is quite the clinician’s propensity to judge the patients remarkable since t ransgender people appear as psychotic and to dismiss the transsexual increasingly visible in today’s society. Accord- wish as delusional. ing to Stephen Whittle (2006) “trans identities were one of the most written about subjects Transsexualism and Castration in the late twentieth century” (p. xi). As a re- sult, p sychoanalysts have a lot of catching up Taking up recent theorisations in the trans- to do. gender and transsexual fields, Gayle Salamon (2010) has eloquently called for a reappraisal In 2005, Shari Thurer, a psychoanalytically of psychoanalytic discourse, putting forward a trained psychologist practicing in Boston, tried sophisticated approximation of psychoanalysis, to wake up her colleagues whom she de- phenomenology, and transgender studies in scribed as “arrested in moth-eaten bias—the her book Assuming a Body: Transgender and conviction that there are two, and only two,

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normal versions of gender…” announcing that they slip on their wives’ panties. Gender ter- “sexuality has changed—all sorts of deviations rorists are those who, like Ms. Millot, bang have been ‘outed’—but theories haven’t their heads against a gender system which is caught up” (p. xi). While she accuses psycho- real and natural; and who then use gender to terrorize the rest of us. These are the real logical theorists and practitioners of displaying terrorists: the Gender Defenders (Bornstein, archaic prejudices, Thurer (2005) praises 1994, p, 236). theorists of sexuality - especially French cul- tural theorists “who leapfrog 180 degrees Is Bornstein’s accusation of gender terrorism away from hierarchical thinking, who view justified? Millot’s interpretation of transsexual- sexuality as okay” – but suggests that despite ity is classic: her essay Horsexe mainly fo- all their political correctness seem to “lack cuses on the motivations behind the demand common sense and are insensitive to people for a sex change to determine which subjects in pain” (p. xi). Maybe an example of the may benefit from cross-pollination she hopes for may come and which may not. She contends that the from the other side of the Atlantic, where Gio- demand for surgery needs to be interpreted vanna Ambrosio (2009), an Italian classically before being actualised. No predetermined trained psychoanalyst, assumes that analysts norm, she suggests, could generalise the par- already work with gender nonconformist ana- ticulars of a subjective motivation: lysands but may not write about it. She ac- knowledges that “we are behind the times The feeling of being a woman trapped inside compared with the growing amount of medi- a man’s body (or vice- versa) admits radically cal, political-sociological, cultural, and mass different interpretations, depending on the media attention paid to this theme” (p.xvi) context. In the same way the demand for and invites her colleagues to pay more atten- sex-change ... may also emanate from a tion to the links between psychoanalytic the- woman hypochondriac (this has been en- ory and clinical experience even when that countered) who claims to be a transsexual in order to have her breasts removed because implies looking at “shaded areas” of sexuality she is afraid she may be affected with can- (by which she meant transgenderism) (p.xiii). cer, or from a hysteric who sacrifices herself to the power drive of the doctor willing to Casting light into the dusty corners of our as- perform the operation (Millot 1990, p. 26). sumptions about sex, gender and identity, one would hope that psychoanalysts will increas- Millot argues that sex change discourse has ingly refuse to buy into sweeping generalisa- promised cross-gender identifications that tions and negative stereotypes. Perhaps we were motivated by something that could not can break out of pointless debate between the be seen or imagined - a place beyond sexual foundations of sex and gender, -old difference where gender would not be simply debate of nature versus nurture, of biological questioned or subverted but completely tran- essentialism versus social constructivism. scended. She claimed that those subjects Charles Sheperdson (2000) relies on the work identify with an ‘outside sex’, and that any of Lacanian psychoanalyst Catherine Millot to genital change due to sex reassignment sur- contend that the body cannot be reduced to gery was likely to fail since no anatomical neither “a natural fact nor a cultural construc- transformation can grant a fantasized position tion” (p. 94). Of course Sheperdson’s choice of beyond lack and desire. Yet, as Dean (2000) author to support this claim may elicit a cry of notes, if reassignment surgery involves a fan- alarm because Kate Bornstein considers Cath- tasy about escaping sexual division altogether, erine Millot a gender terrorist: “[t]here is a fundamental paradox, not to mention considerable pathos, in a male-to- Gender terrorists are not the leather daddies female transsexual’s undergoing orchidec- or back-seat Betties. Gender terrorists are tomy—surgical removal of the testes—in order not the married men, shivering in the dark as to elude castration” (p. 82). Millot contended

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that the identification ‘outsidesex’ was in fact The plot of Transamerica (Tucker, 2005) con- an imaginary identification with the phallus, an firms the supposition that transsexualism is identification that can be reflected in the pre- bound up with symbolic issues hinged around occupation of transsexuals with their genitals. paternity. Bree can only truly become a I agree with Patrick Califia’s (1997/2003) ob- woman after she has faced the impossible jection that “Millot seems obsessed with cas- task of being a father and honestly grappled tration” and that she “sees sex-reassignment with it. That she fails does not contradict this surgery in simplistic Freudian terms, as castra- idea, for being a father is to fail, but her or- tion. She focuses on the loss of the penis, deal has been experienced and not avoided. whithout taking into consideration what is The happy ending places both characters in a gained in the process” (p.109). Indeed, Mil- comfortable marginality, sharing a beer; it is lot’s contribution is centered around the trans- only a matter of years before they both will be sexual’s appeal to medical practitioners for fully accepted by society. Here, the function of hormonal and surgical modifications of the the transsexual demand is crucial. Bree needs body. She analyses the sex- reassignment de- to undergo symbolic castration before being mand in order to address the clinical chal- able to qualify for sex reassignment surgery. lenges of distinguishing which candidates may After she has gone through the symbolic hur- benefit from the surgery and which will not. dles, with all the uncertainties and limitations they entail, Bree’s demand appears not as With the problems associated with Millot’s the- addressed to an absolute Other who would sis in mind, it is worth examining Trans- complete her or reducible to hysterical avoid- america (Tucker, 2005), one of the many re- ance of her sexuality. With these qualifica- cent films devoted to transsexualism, and per- tions, she does, indeed, make an ethical haps the most successful in that it offers a choice. Of course let us keep in mind that cas- mainstream version of ‘cases’ relatively invisi- tration is, as Verhaeghe (2009) observes, “a ble before. Bree Osbourne is a preoperative, secondary and even a defensive elaboration of conservative-looking, male-to-female trans- another, primary anxiety” (p. 41) and that sexual who is about to obtain the recommen- anxiety refers to being reduced to the object dation letter for sex reassignment surgery of enjoyment of the (m)Other. Notably, Freud from her supportive therapist when she learns observed that castration threats come more that, unbeknownst to her, when she was still often from the mother than from the father Stanley, she had fathered a son, now a teen- (Freud, 1924, p.174.) In Lacan’s theory cas- age runaway addict hustling on the streets of tration is the limited structure that permits New York. The plot is full of twists and impos- subjects to cope with the anxiety caused by sible to synopsise. The road movie across the the drives and especially with the jouissance United States makes the unlikely pair of trav- stemming from their own bodies. This solution elers connect until Bree’s son, Toby, is is imperfect and it always causes symptoms. shocked to discover that the biological father This leads Lacan to affirm that there is no he idealised is none other than his traveling subject without a symptom. companion, this for whom he was developing a crush, a woman claiming to There is of course a paradoxical literalisation be hailing from a Christian religious sect ‘of of what psychoanalysis calls castration in the potential father’. Bree fails to reunite the some sex change practices. This is illustrated young man with her own past and biological in a gripping passage of Martino’s (1977) family as Toby runs away on discovering the memoir of a “painful life to live, a painful life truth. Bree has her surgery at the end, and to write” (p. xi). Martino describes a second thinks that she has failed with her son. The phalloplasty that seemed to fail; the first one film’s ending, however, reconciles them as was unsuccessful, and the neopenis had to be they accept each other’s differences: She is surgically excised. As the tip of his new penis now a woman, and he is a gay-porn actor. became black, rotted away, and necrotised, he

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had to sit in water every night to slowly cut considered either a treatment or a cure. My away dead tissue. He comments ironically: perspective follows Lacan’s later theory of the “Talk about castration complex! Psychologi- sinthome to rethink sexual difference. This cally this cutting was almost impossible for theory is a departure from the classical Freu- me, yet it has to be done” (p. 262). Mario dian theory of the Oedipus complex and even broke away from the increasing distress about from Lacan’s first formulations that insisted on the inadequate results of surgery when he the symbolic and the father. It departs as well came to the realisation that even if he wanted from a second period in Lacan’s work when he “a perfect phallus” he had to accept the im- would put the emphasis on the theory of fan- possibility of the wish. “So today I’m happy tasy and the object cause of desire. Lacan with what I have: a respectable phallus—three modified his whole position a last time in the fourths perfect” (p. 263). The phallus is a mid-1970s when he elaborated a new concep- prosthesis, even then an incomplete one, tion of sexuality, just before discussing Joyce’s three fourths perfect. This demonstrates that writings. which psychoanalysis calls “phallus” is not an object but an instance to symbolise the drives, Lacan gave a new twist to Freud’s Oedipus or fundamentally a signifier. Dealing with sex- complex when he reformulated it as evincing ual difference is a process that Lacan calls the domination of the Name-of-the-Father. sexuation and would be defined by a logic that Later, Lacan (2005) went beyond the Oedipus is condensed in Lacan’s dictum that “there’s complex and finally proposed the sinthome as no such thing as a sexual relationship” (Lacan, a way of reknotting in the psychic structure 1998, p. 57), meaning that feminine and mas- what had been left unknotted because of the culine are not mirroring opposites but two un- father’s failure. This applied above all to complimentary ways of failing to the questions Joyce’s case but could be generalised some- of sexual difference. Something has been irre- what. Since the sinthome is not a complement trievably lost. As Renata Salecl (2000) states but a supplement, it is a vehicle for creative in her introduction to Sexuation , for psycho- unbalance, capable of disrupting the symme- analysis sexual difference “is first and above try. The sinthome is what helps one tolerate all the name for a certain fundamental dead- the absence of the sexual relation/proportion lock inherent in the symbolic order” (p. 2). (Lacan, 1975, p. 45). Instead of grief and re- Furthermore, human sexuality is marked by a proaches for broken promises addressed to logic of discordance in which the phallus the Other as demands, the sinthome employs serves as “an empty signifier” (Barnard, 2002, the Name-of-the-Father as a way of naming, p. 10), a stand in for the impossibility to sig- as a path in the invention of new signifiers nify sexual difference in the unconscious. (Lacan, 1977). Lacan’s notion of the sinthome thus connected fantasy, demand, the system Beyond Castration of the symbolic, and the place of the real with the infinite possibilities that it allows for jouis- To return to Millot, then, it is in the inevitabil- sance. ity yet variety of symptoms that I mainly dis- agree with Millot’s generalised assumption With Lacan’s points in mind, I will mention two that most transsexuals are psychotic. Instead, of my analysands. At the age of 4, Lou was I argue for a depathologisation of transgen- made aware by her father that she was not a derism and thus differ from the position taken boy as she had believed so far, but a girl. by nearly all analysts. What I propose is an First, she thought that her father was mis- alternative to the usual psychoanalytic treat- taken, and that even if he was right and she ment of transgenderism. That is to say, trans- was now a girl, she would grow up and be- genderism should not be systematically de- come a boy later. Eventually, she accepted fined as pathology. If transgenderism is not that she might be a girl and remain one; thus, pathological, then a sex change should not be she acknowledged that there were anatomical

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differences between males and females. She sexuality is always defective, always errone- elaborated that she had to be a girl because ous because it is a classification system based she was missing an organ, an organ that she on an organ taken for a signifying instrument. hoped she would eventually grow. Lou took the phallus as a real object, not just as specu- The second example is from another of my lation, but as something directly linked to analysands, I shall call Ari. Ari is a biological anatomy. As a child, she thought that one day female who has had ‘top’ surgery (breasts the ‘error’ was going to be corrected. Chal- removed) and takes testosterone. Ari is ma- lenged by her father’s adamant disagreement nipulating his/her body to transform it into a on gender issues, she concluded that even if surface with an undecided readability: What s/ she was not yet a boy, she would become he wants is to pass as neither male nor fe- one, unlike her mother, who had chosen to male, thus rejecting altogether the phallus as become a woman. a signifier of difference. If, according to phallic signification, we write two sexes with one sig- Lou’s wish to defer her difference took the nifier, Lou denounces the aporia of sex by re- unexpected turn of sending back to her fusing to be seen as either. If the phallus is mother her own maternity: She decided to just a parasite, if it is just the conjunction of wait a little before the ‘top’ surgery that she an organ and the function of language fixed at a certain date, but it happened that it (speech). Ari elevates “the limp little piece of would take place just 9 months later. Lou’s prick” (Lacan, 2005, p. 15) to the status of art hysteria apparently worked in relation to the and supplements it, transforming physical ap- mother. This time, it was to give birth to her pearance into the art of divination. own body via an imaginary transformation that could put the father at some distance It is true that the phallus, often confused with since her surgery was something that the the limp little prick, is not much more than a mother openly supported and of which her signified of jouissance that sexual discourse father quietly disapproved. Lou’s hatred of her transforms into a signifier. Lacan’s dictum that body’s female characteristics suggests a re- ‘there is no sexual relation’ is another way of nunciation of her femininity, a renunciation saying that for the unconscious there is no that we can interpret as acting out the representation of the female sex, that the un- mother’s own hatred of femininity. Indeed, conscious is monosexual or homosexual; there Lou’s mother had had a first child while still a is only one signifier for both sexes, the phal- teenager, a boy who was born prematurely lus. The phallus refers only to phallic jouis- and died a few days after the delivery. Lou sance; other forms of nonphallic jouissance had identified with this dead child by becom- exist and can be experienced, although they ing the boy that was but could not be. remain outside signification. Sexual positioning is predicated on an ‘error’ that consists of tak- The wish to correct the ‘error of nature’ is of- ing the real organ for a signifier of sexual dif- ten observed in transsexual practices; it is the ference. The error is to take the phallus as a refusal to accept a sexual discourse that is signifier of sexual difference. This common built on an error, that of taking the phallus for error can be what the rectification proposed a signifier of sexual difference. As we have by some transsexuals is all about: “If you ascertained, the phallic criterion only accounts think that because I have a penis I am a man, for one sex. And, when this sexual discourse is that is an error; I can be a woman who has a foreclosed, the error is no longer symbolic, it penis.” Or conversely, “If you think that not becomes nature’s error and has then to be having a penis makes me a woman, this is an repaired in the real. Often, the demand for a error because I am a man without a pe- sex change is meant to rectify this error in the nis” (Morel, 2000, p. 186). And, they are ab- symbolic register by correcting the error in the solutely right, because for the unconscious real of the body. The paradox is that human somebody with a penis can be a woman or

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someone without a penis can be a man. Sex- One can see why her sinthome was neces- ual positioning is not based on organ attribu- sary: It was necessity itself. In Morris’ case, tion. The transgender phenomenon proves the sinthome has produced less a ‘woman’ that there is nothing natural that would direct than a ‘woman of letters’. Sex may have its us to the opposite sex. Sexual identity is a reasons but they remain unknown since sex- secondary nature. Since the unconscious has ual difference obstinately resists symboliza- no representation of masculinity or femininity, tion. This impossibility can produce a sin- we cannot speak with certainty in terms of thome. This sinthome is something that can- sexual identity of being a man or a woman, not be rectified or cured. The sinthome is a but only of an assurance, a happy uncertainty. purified symptom, it remains beyond symbolic representation and exists outside the uncon- Similarly, Dean (2000) observes that “it is not scious structured as language. In this sense, so important that the phallus may be a penis, the sinthome is closer to the real. Lacan or in Judith Butler’s reading, a dildo, as it is a reached the final conclusion that there is no giant red herring” (p. 14). As such, the phallus subject without a sinthome. Lacan’s conten- is clearly a misleading clue comparable to the tion that there is no sexual relation entails that use of smoked herrings to mislead hounds there is no normal relation, and therefore that following a trail. To pun somewhat on the the relationship between partners is a sin- phrase, I would like to suggest that the phal- thomatic one. lus is less a red herring than a ‘read’ herring— in fact, like gender, it is subject to interpreta- Here we can see, then, that Lacan, who was tion, and it will always be read like a text. Cer- the first psychoanalyst in France to work with tainly in some cases, writing about one’s a patient in gender transition, clearly distances transsexual transformation is of the order of himself from a traditional reading of Freud in the sinthome; there are many cases when the which sexuality would lead to an object of the transformation is reported as achieving a re- opposite sex. He remains close to Freud’s knotting of the three registers of the real, (1905) ‘queer’ early claims in Three Essays on symbolic, and imaginary. Then, the sinthome the Theory of Sexuality that we, as human shapes the singularity of an ‘art’, a techne that animals, are all bisexual (p.141) and perverts reknots a workable consistency for the sub- (p.160), a contention that been seen as a ject; this movement can best be evoked by promising meeting ground for the discourses saying that it moves the subject from a certain of gender studies and psychoanalysis contingency to absolute necessity. This can be (Carlson, 2010, p. 48). It is precisely in this clearly observed in Jan Morris memoir Conun- decisive text where Freud discusses at length drum (1974/1986). Morris describes her tra- and in detail the then experimental first sex- jectory as inevitable, predestined, as if the sex change surgeries by removal of sex- glands in change had always been bound to happen: animals and where he shares a piece of infor- mation one imagines quite shocking for read- I do not for a moment regret the act of ers in 1905: “It has become experimentally change. I could see no other way, and it has possible (E. Steinach) to transform a male into made me happy. ... Sex has its reasons too, a female and conversely a male into a fe- but I suspect the only transsexuals who can male” (parenthesis in the original, Freud, achieve happiness are those ... to whom it is 1905, p. 81) The discovery of sex-hormones not primarily a sexual dilemma at all—who offer no rational purpose to their compul- soon after was something on which Freud sions, even to themselves, but are simply himself had been working as early as 1896, as driven blindly and helplessly. ... We are the it can been seen in his letters to Fliess (Freud, most resolute. Nothing will stop us, no fear letters 42 and 44, March 1 & April 2, 1896; of ridicule or poverty, no threat of isolation, Moussaieff-Masson, 1985). not even the prospect of death itself (pp. 168–169). The technologies of gender modification have

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of course evolved in one century, even when however, seems quite different. He describes many of them were launched by pioneers like Freud as very serious, but says that they Steinach, but they are now grafted onto a dis- laughed briefly when Benjamin jokingly de- course of essentialist identity. For many trans- clared that a disharmony of souls might per- sexuals, starting as they do from a perceived haps be explained by a disharmony of endo- problem presented as a birth defect, the issue crine glands. Freud spoke of Eugen Steinach, is simply how to change their bodies to reach fully recognising the great value of his biologi- the ideal of being just the other sex. The ap- cal experiments. He told Benjamin that he parently infinite progress of surgery and hor- himself had undergone a Steinach monal treatments has lent credence to an ‘rejuvenation’ operation. The ‘rejuvenation’ ideal of bodily reassignment collapsed with a was, in fact, a vasoligation, and it had been new psychic holism. It is now possible to performed by a close collaborator of Steinach, change one’s gender on demand by specific Professor Kun, a chief urologist. In Benjamin’s interventions on the biology of sexuality. How- view, Freud was very much biologically ori- ever, developing sex change technologies that ented, and, in this sense, he [Freud] was not allow people to move more easily from one a Freudian: “... Freud asked me not to tell sex to another have highlighted a question anyone about his operation until after his that often remains unanswered: What makes death, and I have kept that promise. He also a man a man and a woman a woman? asked me if I had been analyzed. I mentioned my relative short analysis by Arthur Kronfeld Conclusion in Berlin. Freud warned me that Kronfeld had ‘a very bad character’” (Haeberle, 1985). What makes a man a man and a woman a woman is a question that has come to psycho- Thus, the sex change doctor and the psycho- analysis from hysteric patients. The position analyst met and had a friendly exchange that on bisexuality held by Steinach and Benjamin started with a lighthearted admission of psy- seems closer to a queer notion of sexuality in chic and endocrinal disharmony. Now here in which genders are placed in a continuum be- 2011 might be a good time to continue a de- yond a strict binary. Paradoxically, the liberal bate that was cut short by the widening dis- discourses of gender identity support a sort of tance between the two discourses, psycho- essentialism about gender identification. A analysis and the clinic of transsexualism. collaboration between psychoanalysis and transgender discourse would thus open the Author Note way for an alternative. Patricia Gherovici, Ph.D. is a psychoanalyst In one visit to Vienna by Harry Benjamin, a at Philadelphia, USA. She is the author meeting with Freud was arranged. According of Please Select Your Gender: From the Inven- to Pfaefflin (1997), Benjamin wanted to meet tion of Hysteria to the Democratising of Trans- Freud to consult him because of problems genderism (Routledge, 2010.) She is the win- with sexual potency. Freud suggested Benja- ner of the Gradiva Award and of the Boyer min’s erectile dysfunction was due to his la- Prize for her book The Puerto Rican Syn- tent homosexuality. Pfaefflin claims that this drome (Other Press, 2003). Email: short interaction between the two men re- [email protected] sulted in Benjamin’s permanent skepticism against psychoanalysis, if not a thorough dis- References like, which since then has been claimed to be a marker of many encounters of transsexuals Ambrosio, G. (Ed.) (2009). Transvestism, and their clinicians. transsexualism in the psychoanalytic di- mension London: Karnac. Benjamin’s own recollection of the encounter, Barnard, S. (2002). Introduction. In S. Bar-

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nard & B. Fink (Eds.) Reading seminar XX: Cauldwell, D. O. (1955). Is “sex change” ethi- Lacan’s major work on love, knowledge, cal? Sexology , 22, 108–112. and feminine sexuality . pp. 1–19 Albany: Cauldwell, D. O. (Ed.). (1956). Transvestism: SUNY Press. Men in female dress . New York: Benjamin, H. (1954). Transvestism and trans- Sexology Corporation. sexualism as psycho-somatic and Chiland, C. (2003). Transsexualism: Illusion somato-psychic syndromes. American Journal and reality (P. Slotkin, Trans.). Middletown, of Psychotherapy , 8 (2), 219-230. CT: Wesleyan University Press. Benjamin, H. (2006). Transvestism and trans- Coates, S., Friedman, R.C. & Wolfe, S. (1991). sexualism as psycho-somatic and The etiology of boyhood gender identity somato-psychic syndromes. In S. Stryker & S. disorder: A model for integrating tempera- Whittle (Eds.), Transgender studies reader ment, development, and psychodynamics. (pp. 45-52). New York: Routledge. Psychoanalytic Dialogues, 1, (4) 481-523. Bornstein, K, (1994). Gender outlaw: On men, Dean, T. (2000). Beyond sexuality . Chicago: women, and the rest of us. New York: University of Chicago Press. Routledge. Dean, T. & Lane, C. (Eds.) (2001). Homosexu- Bullough, V. (1991). Introduction. In M. ality and psychoanalysis . Chicago: Univer- Hirschfeld, Transvestites: The erotic drive sity of Chicago Press. to cross-dress. ( M. Lombardi-Nash, Trans.) Eigen, M. (1996). Psychic deadness. North- (pp. 11-14). New York: Prometheus Books. vale, NJ: Jason Aronson. Bullough, V. (1994). Science in the bedroom: Ekins R. & King D. (2001a). Pioneers of trans- A history of sex research. New York, Basic gendering: The popular sexology of David Books. O. Cauldwell. The International Journal of Bullough, V. (2000). Transgenderism and the Transgenderism 5 (2). Retrieved from concept of gender, The International Jour- http://www.symposion.com/ijt/cauldwell/ nal of Transgenderism , 4 (3). Retrieved cauldwell_01.htm April 1, 2011 from http:/ Ekins R. & King D. (2001b). Special Issue on www.symposion.com/ijt 11pp. David O. Cauldwell. Classic Reprints Series. Bullough, V. & Bullough, B. (1993). Cross The International Journal of Transgender- dressing, sex, and gender. Philadelphia: ism 5 (2). Retrieved from http:// University of Pensylvania Press. www.wpath.org/journal/www.iiav.nl/ Califia, P. (1997/2003). Sex changes: The poli- ezines/web/IJT/97-03/numbers/symposion/ tics of transgenderism . San Francisco: Cleis index-2.htm Press. Falzeder, E. (Ed.) (2002). The Complete Cor- Carlson, S. (2010). Transgender subjectivity respondence of Sigmund Freud and Karl and the logic of sexual difference. Differ- Abraham, 1907-1925. London: Karnac ences 21, (2), 46 -72. Books. Cauldwell, D.O. (2006). Psychopathia transex- Foucault, M. (1990). The history of sexuality , ualis. In S. Stryker & S. Whittle (Eds.), Volume I: An introduction. (R. Hurley, Transgender studies reader (pp. 40-44). Trans.) . New York: Routledge. (Original work pub- New York: Vintage Books. (Original work lished in 1949, Psychopathia transexualis. published in 1976) Sexology , 16, 274–280.) Freud, S. (1905). Three essays on the theory Cauldwell, D. O. (1950). Questions and an- of sexuality. In J. Strachey (Ed. & Trans.). swers on the sex life and sexual problems The standard edition of the complete psycho- of trans-sexuals . Girard, KS: Haldeman- logical works of Sigmund Freud , Vol. 7, Julius. (pp. 123–246). London: Hogarth Press. Cauldwell, D. O. (1951). Sex transmutation— Freud, S. (1924). The dissolution of the Oedi- Can one’s sex be changed? Girard, pus complex. In J. Strachey (Ed. & Trans.), KS: Haldeman-Julius. The standard edition of the complete psy-

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chological works of Sigmund Freud, Vol. A. Sheridan, Trans.). New York: Norton. 19, (pp. 171–180). London: Hogarth Press. Lacan, J. (1999). Lacan, Jacques. Encore: The Gay, P. (1998). Freud: A life of our times. New seminar of Jacques Lacan, Book XX. On York: W.W. Norton. feminine sexuality, the limits of love and Gherovici, P. (2010). Please select your gen- knowledge, 1972–1973 . Ed. Jacques-Alain der; From the invention of hysteria to the Miller. Trans. Bruce Fink. New York: Nor- democratising of transgenderism. New ton. York: Routledge. Lacan, J. (1998). The seminar of Jacques La- Green, A. (1986). On private madness . Lon- can: Book XX: On the limits of love and don: Hogarth. knowledge, 1972-1973 , (J. A. Miller, Ed., & Gutheil, E. (1930). An analysis of a case of R. Grigg, Trans.). New York: Norton. transvestism. In W. Stekel (Ed.), Sexual Lacan, J. (2005). Le séminaire: Livre XXIII: Le aberrations: The phenomenon of fetishism sinthome 1975–1976 (J. A. Miller, Ed.). in relation to sex , (S. Parker, Trans.) Paris: Seuil. (pp.345-351). New York: Liveright Publish- Lacan, J. (2006). Ecrits: The first complete ing Co. 2 volumes. (Original work published edition in English (B. Fink, Trans.). New in 1922) York: Norton. Haeberle, E. (1985). The transatlantic com Limentani, A. (1979). The significance of muter: An interview with Harry Benjamin transsexualism in relation to some basic (b. January 12, 1885) on the oc casion psychoanalytic concepts. International Re- of his 100th birthday. Sexualmedizin , 14. view of Psychoanalysis , 6, 139-153. Retrieved April 1, 2011 from http:// Lothstein, L. (1977). Countertransference re- www2.hu-berlin.de/sexology/GESUND/ actions to gender dysphoric patients: impli- ARCHIV/ TRANS_B5.HTM cations for psychotherapy. Psychotherapy: Hamburger, C., Stürup, G, & Dahl-Iversen, E. Theory, research and practice , 14 (1) 21- (1953). Travestism: Hormonal psychiatric 31. and surgical treatment. Journal of the Lothstein, L. (1992). Clinical management of American Medical Association , 15, 391-396. in young boys: Genital Hausman, B. (1995). Changing sex: Transsex- mutilation and DSM implications. In W. ualism, technology, and the idea of gen- Bockting & E. Coleman (Eds.) Gender dys- der . Durham, NC: Duke University Press. phoria: Interdisciplinary approaches in clini- Hirschfeld, M. (1991). Transvestites: The cal management (pp. 87-106). New York: erotic drive to cross dress. (M. A. Haworth Press. Lombardi-Nash, Trans.) New York: Pro- Lukianowicz, N. (1959). Survey of various metheus Books. (Original work published in aspects of transvestism in light of our pre- 1910) sent knowledge. Journal of Nervous and Krafft-Ebing, R. von (1965). Psychopathia sex- Mental Disease , 128, 36-64. ualis. H. Wedeck (Trans.). New York: G. P. Martino, M. (1977). Emergence: A transsexual Putnam (Original work published in 1886) autobiography . New York: Crown. Kinsey, A. (1953). Sexual behavior in the hu- Meyerowitz, J. (1998). Sex change and the man female . Philadelphia: Saunders. popular press: historical notes on transsex- Lacan, J. (1975). R.S.I séminaire du 8 avril uality in the 1975: Rectifier le non-rapport sexuel? Or- United States, 1930-1955. GLQ , 4, 159-187. nicar? 5, 37-46. Meyerowitz, J. (2002/2004). How sex Lacan, J. (1977). L’insu que sait de l’une changed: A history of transsexuality in the bévue s’aile a mourre: séminare du 16 no- United States. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Uni- vembre 1976. Ornicar? 12/13, 5-9. versity Press. Lacan, J. (1981). The four fundamental con- Millot, C. (1990). Horsexe: Essays on transsex- cepts of psychoanalysis: The seminar of ualism (K. Hylton, Trans.). New Jacques Lacan, Book 11 (J. A. Miller, Ed., & York: Autonomedia.

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Money, J. (1955). Hermaphroditism, gender Stein, R. (1995). Analysis of a case of trans- and precocity in hyper-adrenocorticism: sexualism. Psychoanalytic dialogues , 5, Psychologic findings. Bulletin of the Johns 257-289. Hopkins Hospital , 96: 253-54. Stoller, R. (1975). Bisexuality: The ‘bedrock’ of Morel, G. (2000). Ambigüedades sexuales: masculinity and femininity. In The Trans- Sexuación y psicosis . Buenos Aires: Manan- sexual Experiment , Volume Two of Sex and tial. Gender (pp. 7–18). London: Hogarth Press. Morris, J. (1986). Conundrum . New York: Holt. Stryker, S. (2006). (De)Subjugated Knowl- (Original work published 1974) edges: An Introduction to Transgender Moussaieff-Masson, J. (1985). The complete Studies. In S. Stryker & S. Whittle (Eds.), letters of Sigmund Freud to Wilhelm Transgender studies reader (pp. 1-17). Fliess 1887–1904 . Cambridge, MA: Belknap New York: Routledge. Press of Harvard University. Thurer, S. (2005). The end of gender: A psy- Oppenheimer, A. (1991). The wish for a sex chological autopsy. New York: Routledge. change: A challenge to psychoanalysis? Tucker, D. (Director). (2005). Transamerica International Journal of Psycho- Analysis , [Motion picture]. Solena Beach, CA: 72 , 221-231. Genius Productions. Pfaefflin, F. (1997). Sex reassignment, Harry Verhaeghe, P. (2009). New studies of old vil- Benjamin, and some European roots. The lains: A radical reconsideration of the Oedi- International Journal of Transgenderism , 1 pus complex . New York: Other Press. (2). Retrieved from http://www. Whittle, S. (2006). Foreword. In S. Stryker & symposion.com/ijt/ijtc0202.htm S. Whittle (Eds.), Transgender studies Person, E. & Ovesey, L. (1978). Transvestism: reader (pp. xi-xvi). New York: Routledge. New Perspectives. Journal of the Academy of Psychoanalysis , 6, 304-322. Quinodoz, D. (1998). A female transsexual patient in psychoanalysis. International Journal of Psycho- Analysis, 79, 95-111. Salamon, G. (2010). Assuming a body: Trans- gender and rhetoric’s of materiality. New York: Columbia University Press. Salecl, R. (2000). Introduction. In R. Salecl (Ed.) Sexuation . ( pp. 1-9). Durham: Duke University Press. Socarides, C. (1970). A psychoanalytic study of the desire for sexual transformation ('transsexualism'): The plaster-of-Paris man. International Journal of Psychoanaly- sis . 51 (3), 341-349. Socarides, C. (1970). Transsexualism and psy- chosis. International Journal of Psychoana- lytic Psychotherapy . 7, 373-384. Shepherdson, C. (2000). Vital Signs: Nature, culture, psychoanalysis . New York: Routledge. Stekel, W. (Ed.) (1930). Sexual aberrations: The phenomenon of fetishism in relation to sex , (S. Parker, Trans.). New York: Liv- eright Publishing Co. 2 volumes. (Original work published in 1922)

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Gay & Lesbian Issues and Psychology Review, Vol. 7, No. 1, 2011

HE DID IT HER WAY ON TV: REPRESENTING AN AUSTRALIAN TRANSSEXUAL CELEBRITY ONSCREEN

JOANNA MCINTYRE

Abstract Introduction

Cabaret star and television personality Car- As a nation nourished on a mythology of het- lotta, a transsexual woman whose fame has ero-patriarchal mateship and symbols of rug- endured for more than half a century, is ar- ged masculinity, Australia’s affection for main- guably the most prominent transgender celeb- stream representations of male-to-female rity in Australia. This article takes screen rep- transgender 1 figures is perhaps curious. From resentations of Carlotta as its focus to investi- the fictional transgender heroes in the Oscar- gate the mainstream media’s treatment of a winning film The Adventures of Priscilla, celebrity who embodies a traditionally margin- Queen of the Desert (Elliot, 1994), to trans- alised subject position. First examining depic- gender contestants on popular reality televi- tions of Carlotta from the 1960s and 1970s, sion shows, to transgender performers at the and then looking to more contemporary exam- world-renowned Sydney Gay and Lesbian ples from the 1990s and 2000s, the paper Mardi Gras, a number of differing representa- traces the evolution of Carlotta’s representa- tions of transgender people and transgender tion on Australian screens. The article consid- lives are popularised in Australian culture. Also ers the problematic elements apparent in indi- promoting the visibility of transgender in Aus- vidual screens texts, but also the ways in tralia is a notable handful of transgender ce- which these texts enable Carlotta to challenge lebrities, who maintain a significant presence the rigidity and ‘taken for granted-ness’ of the in the cultural consciousness of this country. sex-gender system. The paper does so in con- Among these, perhaps the most prominent is sideration of Sandy Stone’s proposal of visibly transsexual cabaret star and television celeb- intertextual transsexualism, Kate Bornstein’s rity Carlotta, whose fame has endured for advocacy of ambiguous and fluid transsexual- more than half a century. Carlotta is a trans- ism, and Riki Anne Wilchins’s assertions that sexual woman who has been an important transsexualism is a practice of transformation. figure in Australian culture since the 1960s. As a transsexual celebrity, Carlotta’s appear- She began her career as a member of the now ances in film and television give mainstream iconic Kings Cross cabaret troupe Les Girls , Australian audiences the opportunity to en- starring in their first show in 1963 and going gage ‘safely’ but constructively with a trans- on to become the show’s compere and star. In gender person, thus informing real-world atti- the early 1970s, her genital reassignment sur- tudes towards transgenderism, and her public gery was highly publicised and, because of her presence affirmatively reflects transgender ______experiences. Through these screen represen- tations, Carlotta illustrates progressive possi- 1 In keeping with transgender theorists such as bilities of transsexual gender embodiment. Stryker & Whittle (2006), the term ‘transgender’ is used throughout the article as a rubric that encom- Key words : Carlotta, transsexualism, trans- passes all expressions of gendering that fall outside gender representation, Stone, Bornstein, ce- or between the hegemonic categories of male/ lebrity female, masculine/feminine. As Stryker (2008) as- serts, ‘transgender’ refers to ‘ the movement

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celebrity, was the first in Australia to receive interview segment on 60 Minutes and Car- widespread attention. Carlotta worked with lotta’s time as a panelist on Beauty and the Les Girls for twenty-six years in total and has Beast . The article argues that within these performed onstage in a number of other more recent screen texts, the transformative shows, including the new millennium produc- potential of transsexualism is realised, to cer- tions Carlotta’s Kings X , Carlotta’s Priscilla tain extents, through Carlotta’s representation Show , and Carlotta: Live and Intimate , a one as a multifaceted and evolving person. woman show. She is also regularly an hon- oured guest at public events, such as Sydney’s Celebrity Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras. Along with these differing public appearances, Carlotta has It is important to begin here by discussing the stayed in the public eye through her varied nature of celebrity, and its power and effects. screen appearances, which are the focus of Contemporary western society is fascinated this article. with celebrities, and widespread interest in a public figure’s private life is a defining charac- This article, then, takes Carlotta as its focus to teristic of celebrity (Turner, Bonner & Mar- investigate the treatment of a celebrity who shall, 2000). Despite such interest in the ‘real’ embodies a traditionally marginalised subject person behind the famous face, however, position, and considers the ways in which she there is a disjunction between them and the can be understood as challenging the rigid representation and celebration of their celeb- and ‘taken for granted-ness’ of the sex-gender rity persona. In Celebrity and Power (Marshall, system despite – and sometimes because of – 2004), Marshall proposes that celebrity does her mainstream appeal. To do so, the article not belong to any particular individual, but is examines mainstream screen representations instead created and maintained through the of Carlotta; those representations that are representations of that individual. Marshall part of Australian screen culture are particu- (2004) maintains that ‘[t]he celebrity exists larly pertinent indicators of broader percep- above the real world, in the realm of symbols tions of Carlotta specifically and transgender that gain and lose value like commodities on more generally, not least because they are the stock market’ (p. 6). This point also disseminated widely and continue to be ac- speaks to the commercial aspects of celebrity. cessed long after their initial release or Celebrities are not only inextricably merged screening. Carlotta has appeared onscreen in with the products they market, they are them- a range of forums since 1970, forums which, selves marketable products. In Fame Games , whilst occasionally representing transsexual- Turner, Bonner & Marshall (2000) contend ism as unfathomable or a ‘freak show’, also that ‘[t]he celebrity’s ultimate power is to sell allow a space for Carlotta’s (trans)gendering the commodity that is themselves’ (p. 12). Or to be understood as empowering and human- as Stadler & McWilliam (2009) summarise, ‘to ising. put it crudely’, celebrities ‘exist to court a mass audience’ (p.267). Nevertheless, this is After first defining the nature and effects of not to diminish the skills and/or talents of the ‘celebrity’, the article examines the place of many accomplished celebrities – for indeed transsexualism in recent theoretical contexts. ‘the achievement of celebrityhood is a means It then moves on to apply relevant theoretical of signifying and establishing success’ (Turner, insights in textual analysis of early screen rep- Bonner & Marshall, 2000. p. 12) – nor the resentations of Carlotta, finding that although roles that celebrities play within society. there are aspects of these portrayals that are problematic, they also make room for Car- Although the image that these elevated indi- lotta’s transgendering to destabilise the re- viduals project may be largely contrived, ce- strictive sex-gender system. Later screen rep- lebrities have some very genuine effects upon resentations are then examined, including an culture and audiences. Many of the cultural

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functions of celebrities relate to audiences’ lebrities therefore have the capacity to be engagement with them, and their personifica- more potent than other, say, fictional, repre- tion and perpetuation of certain ideologies. sentations of transgender people. For exam- Despite the momentum of the industry system ple, Priscilla ’s transgender protagonists are that produces celebrities, audiences can dem- played by famous actors widely known to be onstrate a significant amount of autonomy cigendered and heterosexual, and such ex- when it comes to bestowing celebrity status. tratextual knowledge works to contain the In Understanding Celebrity , Turner (2004) ‘threat’ of the narrative’s queer gendering and observes that ‘celebrity is the product of a sexuality – arguably quelling the affirmative commercial process but it is worth remember- influence of the film’s transgender representa- ing that the public expression of popular inter- tions. Furthermore, transgender celebrities – est can operate, at times, as if it was entirely like all celebrities – convey their ‘message’ and independent of this commercial proc- reach audiences as part of the democratic ess’ (p.55). One of the factors that make ce- bridging process of celebrity. Celebrities are lebrities so appealing is that audiences are granted a social mobility reserved for the pow- able to idealise and identify with (or in con- erful elite, and all the while audiences feel trast to) them (Marshall, 2004). Richard Dyer’s they have personal relationships with them. It seminal work on stars and stardom in Heav- is acknowledged that ‘the representations of enly Bodies (Dyer, 2004) is useful in under- celebrities operate as a kind of bridge be- standing the social impacts of celebrity. Dyer tween the private world and public de- (2004) contends that for the audience, a star’s bate’ (Turner, Bonner & Marshall, 2000, p. image works ‘according to how much it speaks 14), and offer ‘a bridge of meaning between to us [the audience] in terms we can under- the powerless and the powerful’ (Marshall, stand about things that are important to 2004, p. 49). For this reason, celebrities can us’ (p.14). How audiences perceive and en- be very powerful advocates for minority social gage with celebrities is also a question of what positions. As a celebrity, Carlotta functions as ideologies and social group/s particular celeb- a reference point that helps shape real-world rities represent. The ways in which mass audi- perceptions about transgender, and her public ences read celebrities affects the very con- representations reveal and influence attitudes struction of those celebrities (Marshall, 2004). and reactions to transgender in society. Hence, the particular ideologies a celebrity represents depends on the ideals that they are As mentioned above, Carlotta has appeared in popularly understood to embody. As an indi- a number of popular forums over a number of vidual who came to fame through perform- decades. Like any celebrity, her public persona ance talents associated with queer social are- is constructed via the differing representations nas, the celebrity at the centre of this article is of her that are circulated, particularly screen entwined with ideologies that counter many representations. Importantly in Carlotta’s case, hegemonic regulations regarding sex, gender she is a transsexual celebrity as well as a ce- and sexuality. lebrity transsexual, and as such her celebrity status is bound up with her particular mode of A number of transgender theorists have drawn gender embodiment. Accordingly, this article attention to the significance of transgender is investigating the public portrayal of a celeb- media representations in reflecting and affect- rity and transsexual subject; that is, textual ing broader social attitudes towards trans- (specifically screen) representations of trans- gender individuals. What audiences know of sexualism that are commonly understood to these celebrities may be dependent on largely give insight into the life, and life-narrative, of intangible representations, yet they are under- a real transsexual. Therefore, these represen- stood and interpreted as representations of tations contribute significantly to discourses people who live the ideologies they publicly surrounding transsexualism in Australian cul- embody. Representations of transgender ce- ture. Through her screen performances, Car-

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lotta maintains mainstream acceptance whilst sites in feminist and queer discourses. Be- illustrating the transgressive possibilities of cause transsexualism converges issues of sex, transgender and transgender lives, and in do- gender, desire and embodiment, it is a con- ing so, she exemplifies certain recent theoreti- tentious subject that has sparked volatile de- cal postulations regarding transsexualism. bates between a number of sectors with dif- fering ideological investments. For example, Transsexualism many early radical separatist feminists con- demned (and some still do) male-to-female Transsexualism refers to the circumstance of transsexualism, perceiving that transwomen an individual’s gender identity not ‘matching- usurp natal women’s bodily specificity and up’ with their natally-assigned sex and the appropriate womanhood to infiltrate biological lived experience of their need to reconcile allo- women’s spaces, stealing the little power cated anatomy with a contrarily gendered granted to natal women within patriarchy and sense of self. In medical discourse, the con- undercutting the feminist movement by divid- stant disjunction between sexed body and ing feminists about what constitutes psychosexual identity is currently regarded as ‘woman’ (Raymond, 2006; Whittle, 2006; a condition termed ‘gender dysphoria syn- Stryker & Whittle, 2006). These troublesome drome’ or ‘gender identity disorder’ (Lewins, assessments of male-to-female transsexualism 1995). Many transsexuals endeavour to rectify were explicitly promulgated by lesbian- this discrepancy by rejecting an anatomically feminist in her polemical designated gender to function permanently as 1979 text, The Transsexual Empire : The Mak- a member of the gender with which they iden- ing of the She-male , which argues that tify. Corporeal and permanent manifestations ‘transsexuals are constructs of an evil phal- of a transsexual’s gender-crossing can be locratic empire’ (cited in Stone, 2006, p. achieved through hormone therapies and/or 223). 2 surgical procedures, including surgical recon- struction of the genitals and/or breasts One of the most potent retorts to Raymond’s 3 (Lewins, 1995; Ekins, 1997). Nevertheless, influential but highly problematic anti- transsexualism as an embodied experience is transsexual assertions came more than a dec- not contingent on the clinical alteration of a ade later in the form of Sandy Stone’s (2006) transsexual’s body, and instead encompasses ‘The Empire Strikes Back: A Posttranssexual an individual’s social, psychological and physi- cal embodiment of a gender that does not ————————————————————————— coincide with their natally-assigned sex. As 2 Such was her conviction, Raymond reconfirmed in Garber (1993) explains: ‘[t]he term a new introduction of a 1994 reprint of The Trans- “transsexual” is used to describe persons who sexual Empire that her views at that time still re- are either “pre-op” or “post-op” – that is, mained unchanged (Stryker & Whittle, 2006, p. 131). Whittle (2006) declares that the thesis of whether or not they have undergone penec- Raymond’s book was so detrimentally influential it tomy, hysterectomy, phallo- or vaginoplasty. ‘discredited for a long time any academic voice they Transsexualism is not a surgical product but a [transsexual women] might have, in particular with social, cultural, and psychological zone’ (p. feminist theorists’ (p. 199). Nevertheless, Stryker & 106). Likewise, sociologist Frank Lewins Whittle (2006) also observe that in provoking ‘an (1995) allocates the term ‘transsexual’ to outraged, anguished, and deeply motivated ‘anyone who has made or appears to have counter-response from transgender people, it also made, the transition to living permanently in did more than any other work to elicit new lines of the gender other than the one originally as- critique that coalesced into transgender studies’ (p. 131). signed to them’ (p.4). 3 In The Transsexual Empire , Raymond directly derides Stone, a male-to-female transsexual, for Transsexualism and the transsexual figure having ‘dared’ to work as a woman at a feminist have been, and continue to be, contested women-only music company.

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Manifesto’. In this piece, Stone (2006), her- Although the development of this vein of the- self a transsexual, critiques previous under- ory and thought may give an optimistic indica- standings and representations of transsexual- tion of the place of transsexualism within con- ism to undermine those gender and medical temporary culture and theory, conflicts re- discourses that, as she states, position garding the understanding and acceptance of ‘transsexuals as possessing something less transsexualism are far from resolved between than agency … [as being] infantilized, consid- transgender activism, medical practice, queer ered too illogical or irresponsible to achieve theory, transgender theory, and transgender true subjectivity, or clinically erased by diag- individuals. It is perhaps unsurprising that nostic criteria; or else, as constructed by some transsexualism meets with resistance from radical feminist theorists, as robots of an in- those quarters that consider sex and gender sidious and menacing patriarchy’ (pp.229-30). to be coextensive, and those who find trans- Responding to the divergent epistemologies, sexuals’ apparent disavowal of gendered birth- theories and confusions intersecting ‘on the right unpalatable if not incomprehensible. Yet battlefield of the transsexual body’ (Stone, even within many relatively recent poststruc- 2006, p.230), 4 Stone (2006) queries the viabil- turalist queer theorisations of gender – which ity of phallocentric, binary configurations of deconstruct and challenge gender dimorphism gender and sexuality. With a sentiment that – transsexualism has been regarded as dubi- has echoed throughout much subsequent ous. The suspicion of transsexualism within queer and transgender studies work, Stone these arenas stems from transsexuals’ embod- advocates the transsexual figure’s ability to ied crossing of gender as well as sex (in the proliferate the embodied self-expressions and sense it is seen to be at odds with poststruc- identities available, not just to transsexuals turalist formulations of linguistically consti- and other transgender individuals, but to all tuted subjects), and the misconception that sexed, gendered, desiring bodily subjects. She transsexuals actually do at least intend to leap writes: wholly from one side of a gender divide to the other, leaving the border between divisive “In the transsexual as a text we may find the gender categories unmarred and unques- potential to map the refigured body onto con- tioned (Stryker & Whittle, 2006, p. 257). Nev- ventional gender discourse and thereby disrupt ertheless, along with Stone, other theorists in it, to take advantage of the dissonances created the field of transgender studies have put for- by such a juxtaposition to fragment and recon- ward prominent and important work which stitute the elements of gender in new and unex- pected geometries” (Stone, 2006, p. 231). reveals and celebrates the possible ‘ambiguity’ and ‘fluidity’ of transsexualism (Bornstein, Positing that transsexualism should be under- stood as a genre, ‘a set of embodied texts’, ————————————————————————— Stone (2006) argues for the theoretical and 5 Stone (2006) stresses that in the negotiation of lived visibility of ‘the intertextual possibilities ‘the troubling and productive multiple permeabilities of the transsexual body’ (p. 231). 5 of boundary and subject position’ arising from such intertextuality, there is a need for the rearticulation ______of ‘the foundational language by which both sexual- ity and transsexuality are described’ (p. 231). Since 4 Stone (2006) writes: Here on the gender borders the original publication of this piece, Stone’s call for at the close of the twentieth century, with the fal- ‘a deeper analytic language for transsexual theory’ tering of phallocratic hegemony and the bumptious that allows for ‘ambiguities and ployvocalities’ (p. appearance of heteroglossic origin accounts, the 231) has been heeded, as the steady evolution of epistemologies of white male medical practice, the transgender studies followed in the wake of ‘The rage of radical feminists theories and the chaos of Empire Strikes Back’, giving legitimatised voice to lived gendered experience meeting on the battle- many transgender people and foregrounding the field of the transsexual body. (p. 230). validity and possibilities of transgender in culture (Stryker & Whittle, 2006).

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1992). Notably, in Gender Outlaw: On Men, tive transsexualism has progressively built up Women, and the Rest of Us (Bornstein, over many years and many screen (and other) 1992), 6 transgender theorist Kate Bornstein representations. In almost all of her celebrity maintains that a transsexual’s crossing from appearances, her previously male status is one sex to the other does not necessarily ad- commonly known and often directly informs here to a binary gender framework, but can the context and focus of these. This continu- become part of a process of gendering ing inclusion of her male beginnings in Car- wherein transformation is the meaning and lotta’s self-presentation is one significant way motivation of gender. 7 Similarly, in Read My in which representations of this celebrity draw Lips: Sexual Subversion and the End of Gen- together ‘contradictory’ elements of sex and der (Wilchins, 1997), transsexual activist and gender. As Stone (2006) argues, a transsex- transgender theorist Riki Anne Wilchins draws ual’s previous sex and gender are vitally im- on Bornstein (among others) to propose a portant texts within intertextual transsexual- theory of gender that allows transsexualism to ism. Furthermore, in accordance with Born- be understood as a practice of transformation. stein’s and Wilchins’s theorisations of trans- sexualism as a fluid practice of transformation, A cursory overview of Carlotta’s gender em- the longevity of Carlotta’s celebrity has meant bodiment may seem to indicate that she is a that the public have been privy to a number of transsexual who – as some poststructuralist shifts in her transgender embodiment and theorists fear of transsexuals – has cleanly identification. As such, Carlotta’s transsexual- and neatly crossed the boundary between ism has come to signify an evolving process of ‘manhood’ and ‘womanhood’, shutting the gendering that disinherits an obligation to bio- gate behind her and leaving the sex-gender logical identity. The analysis below of selected perimeter definitively intact; Carlotta was born screen representations examines the ways in male but now identifies as, lives permanently which Carlotta is portrayed, and the reactions as, and is anatomically a woman. However, she receives onscreen throughout different upon closer inspection it can be seen that Car- eras. Each of these screen appearances feed lotta’s transsexualism more closely aligns with into broader understandings of Carlotta, and those theories that find transsexualism over- each illuminate the transgressive nature of her laps and disrupts rather than plays into con- particular modes of gendering. ventional gender discourses. Carlotta’s per- sonification of an intertextual and transforma- ‘…More like a Woman than a Man’

————————————————————————— In a black and white circa 1963 interview 6 In her article ‘Recent Transgender Theory’ , Ber- (Director Unknown, 1963), attractive cabaret nice Hausman (2001) asserts that Borstein’s (1992) performer Ricky, who uses the stage name book, along with Susan Stryker’s (1994) ‘My Words Carlotta, discusses working at Les Girls . The to Victor Frankenstein above the Village of Chamounix: Performing Transgender Rage’, initi- interviewer is interested in how and when ated a move from feminist perspectives dominating Ricky presents himself as a man, asking about theoretical interpretations of transsexualism to ‘a his long hair and ascertaining that he wears full-fledged queer view of transgender’ (p. 465). men’s clothes ‘all the time’ during the day. 7 While Bornstein, a transsexual, has a personal When asked if he would wear women’s cloth- interest in transsexualism’s reception in culture, she ing in public if it was not against the law, praises transgender and non-transgender theorists Ricky – who is at the time dressed as a and critics alike for acknowledging and questioning woman – replies that it is a ‘hard question’ not just of transgender issues but broader issues of and decides, ‘at the moment, no’. This posi- sex and gender. Bornstein(1992) states: ‘My voice on this subject is not representative of all transgen- tion changed somewhat in the following years, dered people … More importantly than my point of as would be documented seven years later in view, than any single point of view however, is that the 1970 semi-fictional documentary The Na- people begin to question gender’ (p. 14). ked Bunyip (Murray, 2005). This humourous

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feature’s fictional premise is that a somewhat knowing something was ‘wrong’ as a child. naïve and shy young man (Graeme Blundell) is She goes on to talk about feeling ‘locked up in hired to conduct a market research survey a cage’ before becoming a female impersona- about sexual culture in Australia. The trailer tor, and discusses the lack of awareness about proclaims that ‘It’s about Australian attitudes transgenderism that leads to people mocking to sex and censorship… A searching and toler- her. Although the manager of Les Girls , who is ant survey of all aspects of sex in modern so- also interviewed, refers to all the Les Girls per- ciety’. Blundell carries out real interviews with formers as ‘girls that dress up as boys’, Car- an eclectic range of people, including the lotta notes that she ‘eventually’ wants ‘to be a madam of a brothel, well-known personalities, woman and live as a woman’. At one point she fashion models, and ‘ordinary’ citizens. Among asserts that she was ‘born a woman in the those interviewed are Barry’s Humphries’s (yet shell of a man’, a statement that might be to be famous) housewife character Mrs Edna misunderstood in some contexts to support a Everage, and a youthful Carlotta, now perma- . Nevertheless, any such reading nently known as such. Carlotta even helped is dispelled, as she also describes ambiguities launch the film on opening night, wearing a of her gendering, observing that in everyday thick, permed blonde wig (and, these days, a life when dressed as a man, onlookers were photo of her as she appears in the film graces perplexed about which sex/gender she the DVD cover). In the style of cinema verité, ‘belonged’ to, and that she actually disrupted The Naked Bunyip ’s interviewees directly ad- gender expectations less while dressed and dress the camera and ‘fly-on-the-wall’ cinema- passing as a woman. tography is employed for segments of live ac- tion footage. Furthermore, the interviewer is The visual representation of Carlotta in this seldom seen so interviewees appear to speak film (Murray, 2005) also brings to light the straight to the viewer. Together these tech- instability of the sex-gender system. The inter- niques heighten the ‘naturalism’ of the film. view opens with Carlotta saying directly into Although the fictional narrative woven through the camera, ‘I think that you think that I look the interviews may diminish its credence as a more like a woman than a man’, and her documentary, as a feature film it evokes an transgendering indeed bring issues of gender unusually high level of aesthetic authenticity. embodiment to the fore, not only in relation to Carlotta’s segment is thus contextualised as demeanour and appearance but also physiol- sincere and authentic, and personally engages ogy. Carlotta wears a revealing outfit during audiences. the interview and her augmented breasts are clearly visible. 8 The interview is interspersed Audiences’ perceptions of Carlotta in this film with footage of her performing onstage and are affected further by the knowledge that her these clips further expose the well-formed cross-gendered identity is not shed once the ‘female’ attributes of her body. She refers to camera is turned off. In stark contrast to Ever- herself as a female impersonator but her sur- age’s playful female persona, Carlotta’s per- gically enhanced breasts bespeak the perma- manent transgender identity appears as a se- nency of her gender-crossing. In The Naked rious matter indeed, and her representation in Bunyip , the visual conspicuousness of, and the the film confronts and troubles hegemonic insightful personal reflection upon Carlotta’s expectations regarding sex and gender. This confrontation notably occurs as Carlotta re- ————————————————————————— flects upon her own circumstances in the in- 8 In his article ‘The Genesis of The Naked Bun- terview. Audiences hear a considered, reason- yip ’ (2005), director John Murray notes that the able and heartfelt account of her younger Censorship Board required close-ups of Carlotta’s breast be deleted. He argued they were ‘men’s years, and her gender identity, lifestyle, and breasts’ but the censor maintained they could be chosen profession. She speaks of being tor- seen to ‘move’, which violated a rule regarding mented at school for being feminine, and footage of women’s breasts at the time.

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behavioural, sartorial, and corporeal transgen- switchboard was overloaded with calls from dering confound assumptions that find male- viewers wanting to know whether or not the ness and masculinity, and femaleness and actor who played Robyn was male or female femininity are inherently coextensive. Rather (Myall, 2010). This reaction not only bespeaks than reinstituting the gender divide, this por- the far-reaching impulse to position people trayal of Carlotta’s transgendering aligns with (even those seen on television) within a dual- Bornstein’s (1992) assertion that transsexual- istic sex-gender framework, but also that the ism refuses a binary gender framework and is show had effectively used the character’s instead a form of gendering that is a process transgenderism to create a scandalous, titillat- of transformation (pp. 51–2). ing narrative event. Nevertheless, the bigger ‘scandal’ was that she who played Robyn was Keep it in the Closet herself transgendered, and the way in which the show’s producers hid this secret was even Carlotta appeared on Australian screens again more problematic. only a few year later in 1973 when she guest starred in six episodes of the infamously ris- To ensure the twist regarding Robyn’s gender qué television show Number 96 (Powell, 1972- was properly shocking, Carlotta’s identity was 1977). She played the character Robyn Ross, kept secret, even from most of the show’s the glamorous girlfriend of serial womaniser cast and crew, and she was called ‘Carolle Lea’ Arnold Feather (actor Jeff Kevin). Their ro- in the credits. According to Carlotta’s biogra- mance was intense but short-lived, however, phy He Did It Her Way: Carlotta, Legend of for Robyn disappeared from the show when, Les Girls (Carlotta & Cockington,1994), she after Arnold proposed to her, it was revealed remembers many aspects of the experience that she was a transgender showgirl. Robyn’s fondly, but makes a point of noting that she transgenderism was exposed when her flat had to eat alone in her dressing room while mate discovered her using a large hypodermic everybody else went out, and to film on a needle and had to explain that it was not closed set so her involvement would not be drugs she was injecting but hormones (even outed. The implications of this secrecy find though hormone therapies were usually ad- resonance with Bornstein’s (1992) observa- ministered in pill form at the time). The pro- tions about certain films that use a character’s vocative storyline came to a head when Arnold concealed transgenderism as a narrative strat- put his hand up Robyn’s dress and said ‘Miss egy. Bornstein (1992) notes that when Psycho Ross, I mean, Mister Ross’. In many ways (Hitchcock, 1960) and The Crying Game Number 96 offered a relatively positive fic- (Jordan, 1992) were released there was a tional portrayal of a transgender character, as general push in both cases to ‘not say a word’ Robyn was presented as attractive and capa- about the endings that revealed a central ble, and was taken seriously as a romantic character to be transgendered – the ‘big se- partner. 9 However, the show’s treatment of cret’ of each of these films. Bornstein (1992) Robyn’s transgenderism as a spicy revelation asserts that the public hush about these end- perceivably lessened the affirmative impact ings was not as much about spoiling the film this representation may have had. TV Week as it was about the urge to conceal those reported that the day after it became known transgender figures who disrupt binary gen- Robyn was transgendered, Channel Ten’s dering. Bornstein (1992) maintains that the response of ‘keeping the secret’ reflects how ————————————————————————— those who defend rigid gender categories 9 Sadly, however, although Robyn ‘confesses’ her ‘would like to see transgendered people: as a secret, this storyline plays into the recurrent theme secret, hidden away in some closet’ (pp. 73– in film and television that transgender characters 4). Comparably, Robyn’s transgender status are innately deceptive. For further discussion on the common figure of the ‘transgender deceiver’ in was indeed a ‘big secret’ and Carlotta was screen texts, see Joelle Ruby Ryan (2009). literally hidden away in a closet; as she testi-

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fies in He Did It Her Way , ‘Because my iden- there would no longer be any confusion about tity had to be kept a secret they locked me in whether she was a ‘Miss’ or a ‘Mister’. Hence, this very small dressing room on set. I called it Carlotta’s road to celebrity was paralleled by a cupboard, it was so small’ (Carlotta & Cock- her process of embodied gender transforma- ington, 1994). tion.

Despite the problematic aspects of Carlotta’s Desert Crossings transgenderism being hidden, more positive connotations also arose from this conceal- Carlotta’s fame continued to grow throughout ment. Transgender theorist Judith/Jack Hal- the late 1970s and 1980s, and by the mid- berstam (2005) argues that the secrecy sur- 1990s she was a household name in Australia; rounding The Crying Game’s transgender so much so that in 1996 the popular current character ‘constructs a mainstream viewer for affairs show 60 Minutes made her the focus of the film and ignores more knowing audi- a primetime interview segment entitled ences’ (p. 80). Certainly the shock revelation ‘Queen of Queens’ (Wooley, 1996). In the of Robyn’s transgenderism in Number 96 also piece, reporter Charles Wooley accompanies relied on a mainstream audience not expect- Carlotta as she and her troupe travel to the ing that a character (or person) might be rural town of Broken Hill with their cabaret transgendered, and not recognising ‘Carolle show Carlotta Presents, My beautiful Boys . Lea’ to be Carlotta. Nevertheless, this ano- Carlotta is often noted as being an inspiration nymity perceivably supported the willing re- for the film Priscilla , whose transgender pro- ception of Carlotta’s adept performance of tagonist’s travel into the Australian outback to womanhood. As Halberstam (2005) contends perform drag shows. In an example of art imi- regarding certain transgender films, ‘the rela- tating life imitating art, Carlotta and her ‘boys’, tive obscurity of the transgender actors allow inspired by Priscilla , headed into the desert them to pull off the feat of credibly performing with their flamboyant costumes and recreated a gender at odds with the sexed body’ (p. 93). a similar aesthetic to that of the popular film. That is, general audiences could enjoy Car- The 60 Minutes segment plays on Priscilla ico- lotta’s performance without having to continu- nography too, including footage of the ally negotiate the feminine image onscreen troupe’s van on an outback road cutting to a with extradiegetic knowledge about the actor shot of its interior and the five glamorous being born male. Ironically, for those main- women inside. Documenting part of their se- stream viewers at whom the shock of Number quined tour, the segment is made up of shot- 96 ’s ‘secret’ was aimed, Carlotta’s inclusion in reverses-shot interviews, live action footage, the show provided the very exposure to trans- black and white historical footage, and Woo- genderism that might contribute to more peo- ley’s narration. In keeping with the theories of ple becoming ‘knowing audiences’. Because of transsexualism discussed above, this 60 Min- the similarity between Robyn’s and Carlotta’s utes piece sets up Carlotta’s transsexualism as transgendering, once the secret was well an intertexual and transformative practice, aired, Carlotta’s portrayal of Robyn on Number and as one that incorporates an amount of 96 influenced public perceptions about Car- ambiguity and fluidity. lotta and her transgendering. Although Car- lotta may not have been widely recognised The extent to which the segment fulfills these before that point in time, her guest role in progressive functions is somewhat marred by Number 96 certainly increased her celebrity. elements that exploit or at least trivialise Car- Within less than two years of her appearance lotta’s transgenderism, and problematic asser- in the show she had undergone genital recon- tions regarding the nature of sex and gender. struction surgery. Media interest in her sur- For example, Wooley declares that the gery coupled with her existing fame meant troupe’s female impersonation has ‘gone way that it soon became common knowledge that beyond any act, even between performances

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the show goes on’, thus implying that trans- much of the interview, Wooley and Carlotta sit gender lives are some sort of ‘act’. He also together in a dressing room. Here, she dis- insists that the troupe ‘really are boys’ be- cusses her genital reconstruction surgery, tell- cause they have all penises, as though geni- ing him that she found ‘freedom’ in having her tals decide gender, and the piece is littered penis removed. She recalls her displeasure with quips such as ‘When Carlotta goes bush, with her body before the surgery – ‘boobs up it’s only the roads that are straight’, a con- here, that down there’ – and it becomes clear fused and reductive statement about Car- that she did not perceive herself to be a lotta’s sexuality for the sake of a pun. At an- woman until she had breasts and a vagina. other stage he appears disturbed by Carlotta’s (As is common in media discourse surrounding genital reconstruction surgery and points out male-to-female genital reconstruction, the in- to her that having one’s penis removed is a terview’s focus is on ‘losing’ a penis rather fearful concept for most men, including him- than ‘gaining’ a vagina.) Hence, the interview self, and cites the phallocratic concept of spans not just her life, but differing stages of ‘castration anxiety’. In reaching out to Carlotta her gendering and identification – from being for explanation and sympathy regarding this a boy, to a female impersonator, and then a matter, Wooley erroneously attempts to posi- woman. As such, Carlotta’s journey of gender tion her as a fellow man; fear of losing one’s is displayed as an intertextual transsexualism penis is a fear that men bear, and one that is and, in accordance with Wilchins (1997), a irrelevant to a woman’s subjectivity. At best practice of transformation. these aspects of Wooley’s presentation are unwitting attempts to establish, for himself Wooley’s (1996) interview also depicts Car- and his primetime audience, an easily- lotta’s transsexualism as, in Bornstein’s (1992) digestible understanding of his interview sub- words, fluid and ambiguous. Firstly, the inter- ject’s non-normative sex and gender. Yet de- view underscores that Carlotta has a fluidity of spite these normalising and potentially mar- gender available to her, as she is able to ac- ginalising comments by Wooley, there is an- cess both masculine and feminine characteris- other side to the segment that facilitates a tics. Elegant, gracious, and attractive with lots transgressive representation of Carlotta’s of blonde hair, Carlotta’s access to femininity transsexualism. is plainly evident. Yet Wooley applauds her expertise as a manager and entrepreneur, Wooley (1996) makes reference to Carlotta’s traditionally domains in which the masculine past many times throughout the interview, succeeds. Her physical strength is also noted, which often functions as a strategy used to as is the fact she ‘always had a good left anchor Carlotta to a biological sex and thus hook’. Brooks and Scott (1997) find that in render her more intelligible as a sexualised this interview, Carlotta is shown to use her being. Ironically, however, it also serves to masculine qualities to maintain power and multiply the ‘texts’ visible in the figure of Car- authority, and Wooley’s emphasis of them is lotta, and highlight a fluidity in her gendering. an attempt to re-inscribe her with male privi- Throughout the segment, Wooley repeatedly lege (pp. 70–1). Such propositions, however, observes that Carlotta was a ‘boy from Bal- appear misguided and rely heavily on the very main’ and reiterates that her name was previ- gender binary that transsexualism can interro- ously Ricky, and that Ricky was a hairdresser. gate. Rather than seeing these masculine ele- Black and white footage from the early inter- ments as Carlotta holding on to something she view mentioned above is played, showing should have forsaken (or should never have Ricky in costume stating: ‘I was born a boy wanted in the first place), or as something and that’s the way it is. I’m doing this as a Wooley (1996) ‘gives’ or ‘puts on’ her, they job’. As Stone contends, the sex and gender are better understood as illuminating an expressions of a transsexual’s past are vital adaptability of gendering we all engage with texts within intertextual transsexualism. For to some extent. Secondly, a level of ambiguity

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in Carlotta’s gender positioning comes to the Nevertheless, it does indicate the matter-of- fore when Wooley (1996) inquires about pro- factness with which Carlotta’s gender status creation. During the interview, Wooley brings was dealt with on the show, and the room the up the issue of reproduction and Carlotta ac- show allowed to air issues surrounding this. knowledges that she is sad her surgeries References to Carlotta’s transsexualism on mean that she cannot have children. Wooley Beauty and the Beast were usually much more asks whether it is fatherhood or motherhood considered; especially when she was called on she feels as though she has ‘missed out on’. to give advice to viewers struggling with gen- When Carlotta has trouble answering he offers der and sexuality issues of their own. Never- her the option, ‘Or just parenthood?’ with theless, these factors were not the central which she agrees. Ambiguity arises in this focus of Carlotta as a panelist, and her opin- statement regarding what gendered parental ions about a range of topics were just as val- role she would take up, father or mother, as ued. Furthermore, aspects of her own life the possibility for either or both – or perhaps story not related to gender were also heard even a new type of parental role altogether – during her time on the show, such as when is left open. In the interview Carlotta states she gave a heartfelt but witty account of her that ‘A man’s a man, and obviously I wasn’t parents’ divorce. meant to be one’, but with her individualised proliferation of ways of being, which these Discussing the American talk show The Joan screen representations of her demonstrate, it Rivers Show , transgender theorist Gordene O. appears that a transsexual is not just a trans- Mackenzie (1999) relates a significant occa- sexual. sion during an episode on the subject of trans- gender. Mackenzie (1999) recounts the mo- You Beauty ment when transgender activist Leslie Feinberg, a guest on the show, interrupted a The final set of appearances examined here therapist’s clinical explanations of transsexual- come from Carlotta’s prominent television role ism to ask if transpeople could speak for in her long-running position as a panelist on themselves. For Mackenzie (1999), this junc- the daytime chat show Beauty and the Beast ture represented an important challenge to (Adamson, 1997 – 2007). The show entailed a and liberation from medico-clinical discourses ‘beast’ (Interviewer Stan Zemanek and later imposed upon transgender people (pp.198–9). Doug Mulray) and a panel of ‘beauties’, a Mackenzie (1999) writes, ‘[s]uddenly, the changing group of six female personalities, freak show atmosphere on The Joan Rivers who would all respond to viewers’ letters and Show faded as audiences came face to face give advice, which provoked banter and some- with real people. The formulaic presentation times animosity between those on the panel. of transpeople being treated like circus ani- Carlotta regularly appeared on the show as mals (who are shamefully mistreated) was one of the ‘beauties’ between 1997 until 2002 halted as the “voice-overs” by the circus mas- while it was on Channel Ten and then when it ters and “experts” was questioned’ (p. 198). moved to Foxtel’s W channel between 2005 to Arguably Carlotta’s time as a panelist on 2007. Zemanek, a radio host known for his Beauty and the Beast facilitated a comparable candid, right-wing opinions, would often pur- even if not identical interruption; the show posefully stir up the panel. On one episode in provided a public forum in which Carlotta was 2001, while insulting each of his panelists in asked to speak her own truths about a num- turn, he referred to Carlotta as ‘a bloke who ber of differing topics, and where she was the cut off his penis to become a Sheila’, at which expert on matters of queer gendering and Carlotta bewilderedly but good-naturedly sexuality. It was also a space in which she smiled and shook her head. Certainly such a was respected (or in relation to Zemanek, dis- comment denotes ignorance about, and a lack respected) along with the rest of the ‘beauties’ of sensitivity to the process of transsexualism. as a real person, and her gender identity was

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not used to conjure up ‘freak show’ fascina- tance of transgenderism, although there is a tion. On the show, Carlotta was represented long way to go. The screen representations of as a woman not afraid to discuss her transsex- Carlotta discussed here reveal much about ualism, though it neither consumed nor consti- attitudes towards transsexualism in Australia tuted her as a person. and the nature of Australian culture’s relation- ship with transgender celebrities. Unfortu- Conclusion nately, a tendency to exploit non-normative gendering, and negative and/or ignorant ap- Through certain screen representations, Car- proaches to transgenderism came to light lotta has been able to illustrate the progres- through these screen portrayals – including sive possibilities of transsexualism explicated Number 96 (Adamson, 1996-2007) using by particular transgender theorists, namely: Robyn Ross’s and Carlotta’s transgenderism Stone’s (2006) proposal of visibly intertextual for cheap thrills and shock factor, and Woo- transsexualism in which the transsexual is as a ley’s (1996) uninformed comments in the 60 multiple, interwoven text; Bornstein’s (1992) Minutes interview many years later. These advocacy of ambiguous and fluid transsexual- types of responses expose the marginalisation ism; and Wilchins’s (1997) assertions that and many injustices transpeople face. Never- transsexualism is a practice of transformation. theless, as has been explored, these same In relation to Carlotta, The Naked Bunyip moments of television also facilitated progres- (Murray, 2005) utilises a known transgender sive aspects of transgender representation. performer from Sydney’s drag scene to cap- Taken together, the screen texts in question in ture something of the experience of living as a this article also demonstrate Australian cul- professional female impersonator. Even in this ture’s capacity to be not just tolerant but ac- early interview, Carlotta’s screen appearance cepting of people with non-normative gender poses a challenge to the rigid dictates of bi- identities. In these texts, Carlotta’s achieve- nary gendering. Not too many years later, ments are acknowledged if not celebrated, Carlotta again confounded gender expecta- and difficulties she has experienced as a tions with the daring characterisation of Robyn transsexual woman are considered, particu- Ross in Number 96 (Powell, 1972-1977). Al- larly clearly on Beauty and the Beast though the way in which the ‘twist’ of her (Adamson, 1996-2007). It may have been storyline was executed left a lot to be desired, Carlotta’s transgenderism that put her in the her role in the show, and her subsequent spotlight originally, helping make her a celeb- widely-discussed surgery provided a signifi- rity, yet it is her celebrity status that enables cant reference point in relation to her evolving representations of her transgenderism to be gender status. Two decades later, Carlotta’s so far-reaching. Her appearances in film and appearance on 60 Minutes (Wooley, 1996) television give mainstream Australian audi- imparted a transgressive transsexualism which ences the chance to engage ‘safely’ but con- incorporates multiple ‘texts’ as well and an structively with a transgender person, inform- ambiguity and fluidity. The progression of Car- ing their real-world attitudes towards trans- lotta’s representation onscreen (so far) culmi- genderism, and thus positively affecting the nated in her role on Beauty and the Beast lives of transpeople. Just as importantly, as a (Adamson, 1996-2007) where she was a val- transsexual celebrity Carlotta’s public presence ued member of the show, which required her also offers something to other transpeople. So to neither hide nor focus on her transsexual- often in mainstream forums transgendering is ism. appropriated negatively or elided completely, yet Carlotta is one example of a public figure Carlotta has played a significant role in estab- who affirmatively reflects transgender experi- lishing a tradition of transgender representa- ences. She has also opened the door, and tion in Australia and has significantly contrib- cleared the path, for the favourable reception uted to improvements in mainstream accep- of other transgender celebrities in Australian

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culture. As Carlotta aptly declared during an ture] . Australia: MGM. episode of Beauty and the Beast (Adamson, Garber, M. (1993). Vested interests: Cross- 1996-2007), ‘I’ve had a fabulous, fascinating dressing and cultural anxiety . New York: life’. Harper Perennial. Halberstam, J. (2005). In a queer time and Author Note place: Transgender bodies, subcultural lives . New York: New York University Press. Joanna McIntyre is completing a Media and Hausman, B. (2001). Recent transgender the- Cultural Studies PhD, which examines histori- ory. Feminist Studies , 27, 2, 465–90. cal and contemporary Australian screen repre- Hitchcock, A., (Director) (1960). Psycho sentations of transgendering. She has also [Motion picture]. US: Paramount. published articles on the history of trans- Jordan, N. (Director), (1992). The crying gender representation in Australian screen game [Motion Picture]. UK: Miramax Films. culture, the cinematic portrayal of queer Lewins, F. (1995). Transsexualism in society: space, and the depiction of transgender vio- A sociology of male-female transsexuals . lence in Australian film. Melbourne: MacMillan Education Australia. Email: [email protected] Mackenzie, G. (1999). 50 billion galaxies: transgendering the millenium. In S. More & S. Whittle (Eds.), Reclaiming Genders: References Transsexual Grammars at the the Fin de Siècle (pp. 193–218). London and New Adamson, M. (Director) (1996 – 2002). Beauty York: Cassell. and the beast [Television Show] . Sydney: Marshall, P. D. (2004). Celebrity and power: Network Ten. Fame in contemporary culture. Minneapo- Adamson, M. (Director) (2005-2007). Beauty lis: University of Minnesota Press. and the Beast [Television Show]. Sydney: Murray, J. (2005). The genesis of the naked Foxtel. bunyip. Senses of Cinema , 38. Bornstein, K. (1992). Gender outlaw: On men, Murray, J. B. (Director) (1970). The naked women and the rest of us . New York: bunyip [Motion picture] . Australia: Umbrella Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. Entertainment. Brooks, K. & Scott, S. (1997). Staging sex: Myall, R. (2010). The loves of arnold feather. Carlotta, the boy from Balmain. Media In- Aussie Soap Archive . Retrieved March 17, ternational Australia , 84, 67–73. 2011 from: http://members.ozemail. Cockington C. & J. (1994). He did it her way: com.au/~fangora/carlotta.html Carlotta, legend of Les Girls . Chippendale, Namaste, V. (2000). Invisible lives: The era- NSW: Ironbark. sure of transsexual and transgendered peo- Director Unknown (1963). Stations of the X – ple . Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 18 Les Girls & Carlotta (1963). YouTube. Powell, D. (1972–1977)(Director). Number 96. Retrieved March 17, 2011 from: http:// Australia: Network Ten.. www.youtube.com/watch? Perkins, R. (1983). The 'drag queen' scene: v=ANNS3Ps1BLg. Transsexuals in kings cross . Sydney: Allen Dyer, R. (2004). Heavenly bodies: Film stars & Unwin. and society . London and New York: Raymond, J. (2006). Sappho by surgery: The Routledge. transsexually constructed lesbian-feminist. Ekins, R.(1997). Male femaling: A grounded In S. Stryker & S. Whittle (Eds.), The theory approach to cross-dressing and sex- Transgender Studies Reader (pp. 131– 43). changing . London: Routledge. New York: Routledge. Elliott, S. (Director) (1994). The adventures of Ryan, J. (2009). Reel gender: Examining the Priscilla, queen of the desert [Motion Pic- politics of trans images in film and media . Doctoral thesis. Graduate College of Bowl-

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ing Green State University. Stadler, J. & McWilliam, K. (2009). Screen me- dia: Analysing film and television . Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin. Stone, S. (2006). The Empire strikes back: A posttranssexual manifesto. In S. Stryker & S. Whittle (Eds.), The Transgender Studies Reader (pp. 221-35). New York: Routledge. Stryker, S. (2008). . Berkeley, CA: Seal Press, 2008. Stryker, S. & Whittle, S. (Eds.) (2006). The transgender studies reader . New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. Turner, G. (2004). Understanding celebrity. London: SAGE Publications. Turner, G., Bonner F. & Marshall, P. (2000). Fame games: The production of celebrity in Australia . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Whittle, S. (2006). Where did we go wrong? and trans theory – two teams on the same side. In S. Stryker & S. Whittle (Eds.), The Transgender Studies Reader (pp. 194–202). New York: Routledge. Wilchins, R. (1997). Read my lips: Sexual sub- version and the end of gender. Ithaca, New York: Firebrand. Wooley, C. (1996). Queen of queens. 60 Min- utes . August 18. Australia: Channel Nine.

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Gay & Lesbian Issues and Psychology Review, Vol. 7, No. 1, 2011

A ‘GENDER CENTRE’ FOR MELBOURNE? ASSESSING THE NEED FOR A TRANSGENDER SPECIFIC SERVICE PROVIDER

ANDREW MCLEAN

Abstract experiences of participants when accessing services, while the second relates to how a This study investigated both transgender ex- transgender specific service in Melbourne may periences with service providers as well as be appropriately conceptualised. Finally, this ideas for a transgender specific service or paper will conclude with some recommenda- ‘Gender Centre’ in Melbourne, Australia. Par- tions as to how a trans- specific service pro- ticipants reported the uninformed and dis- vider or ‘Gender Centre’ may be developed for criminatory attitudes of medical and health Melbourne. professionals as an ongoing and prevalent problem when attempting to access medical Background and health services, leading many to seek ‘transgender friendly’ services. Issues with A significant majority of the existing body of other service providers were often based on research examining the experiences of trans- changes to gender status on forms and elec- gender people has tended to focus on the dis- tronic systems, although was also criminatory practices levelled at transgender experienced when accessing crisis and accom- people. For example, a 1994 Australian study modation services. The general consensus of by Perkins, Griffin and Jakobsen found that those that took part in the study was that the many of their sample of 146 had experienced local transgender population would benefit discriminatory attitudes from personnel across greatly from the development of a trans- a range of social services. Discriminatory prac- gender specific service provider in Melbourne, tices were said to have occurred at legal ser- which would, ideally, feature a host of health vices (10.3%), Centrelink and financial ser- and social services. vices (35.6%), medical services (16.1%), em- ployment services (17.8%), the police Introduction (26.4%), and other government offices (19.9%) (1994: 59). These data provide a In this paper, it is this researcher’s intention convincing case for the investigation of a more to demonstrate that, despite preliminary evi- inclusive service delivery model, and beg the dence articulating the need for such, there is a use of qualitative methods to draw out a co- distinct lack of transgender appropriate, let herent strategy for how this might be estab- alone specific, services in Melbourne. This pa- lished – most likely in the form of a trans- per was borne out of a larger qualitative study gender specific service provider, such as Syd- (McLean, 2009)investigating both employment ney’s Gender Centre. However, the results of histories and experiences with a range of ser- this report are now 17 years old and predomi- vice providers amongst a small pool of trans- nantly Sydney based, thus strongly indicating gender individuals living in Melbourne, Austra- the need to investigate the present situation in lia. A brief summation of the limited research Melbourne, with anecdotal accounts suggest- ing a transgender population size not dissimi- available will be provided, describing trans- 1 gender experiences with service providers in a lar to that of Sydney. local context, followed by an examination of the qualitative data. The first aspect of such ————————————————————————— includes the positive and negative personal 1 As relayed by transgender advocate ‘Sarah’ in this study. ISSN 1833-4512 © 2011 Australian Psychological Society

MCLEAN: A ‘GENDER CENTRE’ FOR MELBOURNE?

The 2007 TranZnation report issued by the ‘generalised’ service, preliminary research Australian Research Centre in Sex, Health and identified several groups/organizations (such Society (ARCSHS) revealed that 87.4 per cent as the closely aligned Transgender Victoria of transgender persons had experienced at and Zoe Belle Gender Centre Working Group) least one incident of discrimination on the ba- within this population that have been lobbying sis of their gender identity; half reported ver- for the development of such a resource. bal abuse, social exclusion and the spread of defamatory rumours; and a third had been Extensive analysis has been duly awarded to threatened with or were victims of violence theoretical debates concerning transgender (Couch et al. 2007). The focus of the Tran- identity (see Bacon 2004 and Roen 2002), and znation report, being the health and wellbeing for the purposes of eliciting experiences of of transgender people in Australia and New those affected by such an apparent lack of Zealand, is useful in relaying experiences with services it was important to acknowledge health services. A key finding in the report transgender people as a group, whilst being was that for many transgender people, the careful not to homogenize their identifications, best experiences in the health system involved experiences, or aims. Thus an approach simi- encounters where they felt accepted and sup- lar to that adopted by Whittle (2006: xi) was ported by their practitioners. It is one of very taken in understanding that some level of few studies in this field to be conducted, and shared experience would be found, whether a its pertinence cannot be discounted. However, transgender identity “can take up as little of it fails to adequately articulate the experiences your life as five minutes a week or as much as of transgender people with service providers life long commitment to reconfiguring the outside of the field of health – for example, body to match the inner self”. As testament to services pertaining to housing, employment, the sensitivity towards this issue that was dis- crisis assistance, education, and emergencies. played by the researcher at all times, partici- In feeling uncomfortable or even frightened to pants were most supportive of the aims of the seek the help of such services, and being de- research throughout the process, and none nied the right to feel safe, this clearly be- saw fit to comment on the existence of divi- comes a human rights issue, and the present sion within the S&GD population as a barrier research sought to attend to this. to the eventual attainment of a ‘Gender Cen- tre’. Methodology Thus, the only selection criteria for partici- Given the lack of adequate attention paid to pants was their admission that they reside the experiences of transgender people in Mel- within the umbrella terms 3 of ‘transgender’ or bourne in regard to their interaction with local ‘S&GD’, were aged over 18 years, and were a service providers, the present research sought Victorian resident. Following ethics clearance to engage with a small sample of individuals from the RMIT University Human Research identifying as transgender, in order to conduct Ethics Sub-Committee, recruitment advertise- a small scale ‘needs assessment’ in a similar ments were posted on online forums such as (albeit more qualitative) fashion to the project samesame.com.au and the {also} foundation’s carried out by Roberta Perkins and her col- website to which three participants responded leagues (1994). While an initial assumptive and were subsequently sent details of the re- perspective was taken in terms of recognising that the Melbourne sex and gender diverse ————————————————————————— 2 (S&GD) population was unable to access a 3 Similar to the manner in which this researcher, ecently participated in research seeking those un- ————————————————————————— der the umbrella term of ‘men who have sex with 2 Hereafter the terms ‘transgender’ and ‘sex and men’ (MSM) while identifying as gay – yet clearly gender diverse’ are used interchangeably in keep- differing sectors of this MSM population will have ing with the language used by local activist groups. vastly contrasting experiences/needs/wants.

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MCLEAN: A ‘GENDER CENTRE’ FOR MELBOURNE?

search. A leading local transgender advocacy services considered here are of a nature that figure was approached directly to participate members of the ‘mainstream’ community take and provide advice regarding interview proto- for granted. Several members of the research col, while the three remaining workers were sample had suffered numerous incidents of interviewed while they were on shift as sex discriminatory practices upon seeking medical workers 4 at an inner Melbourne brothel, hav- advice. Consequently, there was a strong em- ing been informed of the research aims at an phasis on the importance of finding earlier stage by a personal contact of the re- ‘transgender friendly’ health services, espe- searcher. Upon meeting each participant, the cially in respect of General Practitioners (GPs). researcher detailed the aims of the project via a Plain Language Statement (PLS) and there- Considering that six of the seven participants after obtained informed consent. were undergoing hormone therapy at the time the field research was conducted (with the Participants, over the course of a semi- remaining participant, Gary, seriously consid- structured interview, were asked to recount ering this option), it is fair to suggest that this their positive and negative experiences when is not an uncommon course of action for indi- accessing social services, and were also asked viduals within the transgender population to to describe their personal visualisation of what take – pointing to the need for a more central- a transgender specific service provider in Mel- ised facility in Victoria (and perhaps even in bourne may look like. Interviews were tran- other states) whereby such advice may be scribed and analysed thematically for com- freely and non-judgementally provided. How- monalities and distinctions between the views ever, it is not this author’s intention to posit of participants, with various factors (e.g. gen- that the majority of transgender individuals der identification, social stratification) taken wish to undertake hormone treatment (let into account as possible determinants of indi- along gender reassignment surgery), with ex- viduals’ particular views. Each participant has pressions of gender identity too fluid to be been assigned a pseudonym in order to pro- bound by such a notion. As the two excerpts tect their identity. below demonstrate, for those who do transi- tion, the conviction that many may have as ‘Stabbing in the Dark’: Experiences regards their gender identity by this stage in with Service Providers their journey is not always validated by sup- port from practitioners. Responses identified common problems trans- Verity: “A doctor in South Australia refused gender people face when accessing main- to give me hormone injections because he stream services, serving to not only under- refused to believe that I knew what I was score the depth of transphobia in the commu- doing, and I just said, ‘you know what, it’s nity, but also as a harsh reminder of the ob- really not up to you to decide – just stick the stacles many transgender persons face in at- fucking needle in’”. tempting to live a so-called ‘normal’ life. Prom- isingly, some participants spoke of strategies Peta: “Once I went to a GP years ago when I through which their experiences of discrimina- wanted to get advice about hormones. I tion with service providers might be over- don’t think he had ever dealt with a trans person before, he seemed so nervous and it come. It must be noted that access to the was like he didn’t know what to do – he kept asking me if I was sure that this is what I ————————————————————————— wanted to do. I found it really offensive – I 4 It is necessary to point out that the disproportion- mean of course it’s what I want to do, I can’t ate number of sex workers within the sample has imagine very many people just waking up significant implications for the findings of the and going ‘I think I’ll change my gender”. broader Transgender Lives study, but also for the arguments within this paper.

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MCLEAN: A ‘GENDER CENTRE’ FOR MELBOURNE?

Participants reported a distinct lack of knowl- She subsequently requested a replacement edge of transgender issues amongst service license with her preferred gender identity providers as being fundamental to their nega- listed. VicRoads refused to comply with her tive experience with medical professionals, appeal, and it was reissued under the title of with insensitive questioning or in some cases 'Mr'. This is a notable case given that all indi- blatant interrogation understandably causing viduals, transgender and otherwise, must deal distress to the affected individual, particularly with this particular service provider if they in the earlier days of seeking said advice re- wish to drive a motor vehicle in the state of garding hormone therapy. It appears as Victoria. In terms of other services outside of though some healthcare professionals have VicRoads, Sarah struggled to find a circum- difficulty coming to terms with gender and stance where she had been treated unfairly. It sexual identities that fall outside of the hege- is important to note here that Sarah’s work in monic order - this was best illustrated by one advocacy may clearly place her in a position of practitioner’s persistence in persuading Gary privilege in having not only knowledge of ap- to ‘reconsider’ his adoption of an alternative propriate services, but also in being able to ‘masculine gender queer’ identity: command respect in being a leader in her field. Kylie, an accountant at a small firm, Gary : Yeah people are really clunky around also mentioned experiencing difficulties chang- the gender stuff … [there have been] people ing her personal details (i.e., gender identifi- just kind of stabbing in the dark and not even ers) with Vic Roads, as well as Super Funds asking how someone would prefer to be iden- superannuation, although she reasoned that tified. Some GP’s have been appalling, like these were most likely based on ‘software dif- with discussions around children. I saw one GP and he kept asking me why I didn’t want ficulties’ rather than blatant discrimination. to have kids. It does happen. I’ve had other issues with counsellors too – again asking me Verity, who was sex working at the time of the why I didn’t want to have kids. They were at interview, had suffered the most discrimina- a hospital I was at when I was in there for an tion with service providers of all those who eating disorder, and yeah – he just kept ask- participated, having been rejected from a ing me. homeless youth refuge, as well as being ‘ripped off’ by real estate agents offering over- It would appear from this comment that while, priced and insecure tenancies, each she per- in daily life, some transmen are often able to ceived as being on the basis of her gender ‘pass’ unnoticed as a member of their pre- identity. She spoke of her hatred towards her ferred gender to a greater extent than trans- work and the , referring to her women (May, 2005, p. 23), evidently whilst clients disparagingly as ‘fucking faggots’, and ‘under the microscope’, so to speak, this invisi- was working towards her ultimate goal of bility is impossible to obtain. They may there- leaving the industry to work in fashion design. fore be subsequently vilified in a similar man- Verity had also been involved in transgender ner to other transgender persons, perhaps advocacy, working for the Australian Trans- more so given their perceived biological ability gender Support Association of Queensland to bear children, evoking derision from practi- (ATSAQ) and primarily visiting universities, tioners because, subverting medicalised and schools and the Queensland Police Academy hegemonic expectations, they ‘don’t want to as a community educator. It is not unreason- have kids’ . able to suggest that this background of disad- vantage, and potential for the internalisation Outside of the health sector, Sarah, a local of such stigmatisation as a transgender sex transgender activist, recounted her experience worker, may have served to shade Verity’s with one service provider as being less than experiences. Verity provided further evidence positive. Upon changing her gender identity in that demonstrates the entrenched discrimina- 1998, Sarah misplaced her driver’s license. tion that some transgender people may face

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MCLEAN: A ‘GENDER CENTRE’ FOR MELBOURNE?

when attempting to access crisis accommoda- to recent reports this researcher has received tion. of management at male/transgender brothels purposefully discarding sexual health and so- Verity: I heard about one tranny at [an inner cial support information (left by organisations city community health service] – and they such as Resourcing Health and Education in weren’t letting any more trannies in to the the Sex Industry (RhED) seeking to educate shelters because one tranny was supposedly workers), in order to keep their workers ‘in the running around naked and scaring all the dark’ about their rights. 5 women, or something.

Whether or not the individual in question in Despite negative experiences, and in some Verity’s tale was in fact ‘running around na- cases reticence or confusion surrounding en- ked’ can not be known for certain, yet this gagement with services, there were positive illustrates the discourse of transgender people stories to be relayed where constructive inter- as ‘freaks’, and ‘scaring people’ at play (e.g., actions with providers had taken place. Al- May, 2005). Celeste, another , also though, as detailed earlier (and acknowledged commented on the difficulty some individuals by herself below), Sarah may have something face in this respect, although it is interesting of an upper hand in terms of her personal and to point out that her reference to illicit drug professional connections in advocacy, she con- use is perhaps a reflection of her time and siders luck and ‘coincidence’ to have played a role in her more positive experiences across a experience in the transgender sex industry, with the link between the two detailed at range of service providers. length by Perkins (1983). Sarah: By amazing coincidence and some-

times networking, I've somehow stumbled Celeste: Here [Melbourne], lots of my way into supportive providers, which is trannies get knocked back from [crisis] really good…… [it] must just be law of at- accommodation, even share accom- traction, I mean, I find the people I need to modation, but sometimes they end up find. [in a relationship] with someone with a drug habit or something. Peta had searched for appropriate avenues via websites (such as Transgender Victoria) based Once again, it was those participants involved upon her prior negative experiences, and was in that reported feeling higher levels now content that her needs were being met, of marginalisation, as though they didn’t know while Cherry (with a very sunny disposition where to turn for help when it was needed - herself) merely considered the importance of or in the instance of accessing transgender someone being ‘friendly’ to suffice. friendly services, found that they were not altogether helpful. Peta: These days I tend to go for trans friendly doctors and other services – I mean Celeste: Melbourne is quite different. Sydney why wouldn’t you? It just saves any possible has the Gender Centre and we just go there heartache. when there is a problem. Here – there’s noth- ing really, people don’t really know where to Cherry: I just go to the ones that are friendly go, especially if you’re new. The community is to me. kind of fragmented here.

Verity: I [went in and] got a reference from ————————————————————————— RhED, but I haven’t found [them] to be that 5 As revealed by a male sex worker with an exten- helpful, really. sive history of working in male/transgender par- lours. This interview is part of a broader doctoral This sense of isolation from services experi- study investigating the male sex industry in Mel- enced by these sex workers could be related bourne.

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MCLEAN: A ‘GENDER CENTRE’ FOR MELBOURNE?

This desire to locate and patronise such ser- ment surgery required to undergo two years vices is clearly based on the need to feel com- of psychiatric assessment at the Clinic before- fortable and understood, and free of unwel- hand. However, the Clinic was closed for a come interrogation. Such requirements of the period in 2009 amidst great controversy, with transgender population would best be met by several former patients coming forward and way of a transgender specific, not just claiming they were wrongfully diagnosed as friendly, service provider in Melbourne. suffering from gender dysphoria (Stark, 2009). Despite the supposed ethical concerns in re- ‘A Safe Place to Go’ gards to patient treatment, another concern with the Monash Clinic lies with its medicalised Although there had been an array of more framework that has a tendency to pathologise constructive experiences with mainstream pro- patients, in contrast to providing a compre- viders, each participant agreed that the trans- hensive hub of service provision for the trans- gender community would undoubtedly benefit gender population. The failure of the Monash from the establishment of a transgender spe- Gender Dysphoria Clinic to adequately address cific service provider in Melbourne. The exis- the healthcare needs of the population was a tence of a Gender Centre would serve to key concern of several participants, with Gary eradicate many of the negative experiences, in referring to it as a ‘car crash’ and Kylie feeling particular those with medical and health pro- that its adherence to and perpetuation of gen- fessionals that arise due to inadequate train- der binaries (i.e., ‘girly girls’ and ‘macho men’) ing and knowledge of transgender issues. made it an unsuitable and often exclusionary Such a service would, as Sarah stated, ideally model of health service provision. In its place, be ‘a one stop shop’, and a ‘safe place to go’ a more comprehensive service was suggested for anyone identifying as transgender. This by participants, staffed by members of the concept of unification is instrumental when transgender community, with Sarah and Kylie considering the complexities of transgender both eager to fill such a role. Participants were politics as alluded to earlier in this paper. In asked to outline key services that they would the same way that this research does not at- like to see on offer at the proposed centre, tempt to homogenise transgender experiences and the responses were incredibly wide and or voices, the centre must also acknowledge varied, further reiterating the lack of appropri- the diversity of its patrons – something that ate services at present. newer terms such as ‘S&GD’ hope to encapsu- late. While some individuals with a transsexual Sarah, being heavily involved with transgender self-identification may have differing needs advocacy in Melbourne, had been part of the (i.e., more physical – hormone therapy or push for the development of a Gender Centre, gender reassignment) to someone identifying and was therefore able to firmly conceptualise as gender queer (though not necessarily), oth- what such a service should entail. She saw the ers will again have differing needs depending provision of primary health services (i.e., GPs) on what particular stage they are at their tran- as an integral cornerstone of the facility. In sition, if indeed they have chosen to transition addition, alternative therapists, such as natu- at all, in addition to other factors that Connell ropaths, acupuncturists, physiotherapists, and (2002) considers may intersect with gender counsellors would also play an important role. (e.g., race, class, citizenship, education attain- Sarah also mentioned that it would be useful ment) and potentially further marginalise indi- for the proposed facility to provide legal ser- viduals. vices, crisis services (much of which is cur- rently issued on a gender binary basis) as well The Monash Gender Dysphoria Clinic has for as links with employment bodies. many years been a key point of contact for In the absence of such a service provider, she Melbourne’s transgender population, with indi- recognised an increased need for 'trans knowl- viduals wishing to pursue gender reassign- edgeable and trans sensitive professionals',

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MCLEAN: A ‘GENDER CENTRE’ FOR MELBOURNE?

but also a need to ensure that every health In addition to the core medical and healthcare professional is aware of the appropriate inves- aspects of the proposed centre, case manage- tigative channels when seeking information ment and accommodation assistance were concerning transgender clientele. Although also recognised as being fundamental. Fur- certain texts exist which aim to serve as re- ther, it could serve to assist transgender clien- source manuals and guides for professionals tele to find work appropriate to their aspira- when dealing with transgender service users tions by periodically co-locating staff from job (e.g., Brown & Rounsley, 1996; Greene & service agencies as is practised at some ser- Croome, 2000; May 2005), there is no set vices such as the Salvation Army Crisis Con- ‘guide’ as such available for use by health and tact Centre in St Kilda. Staff from empathetic other service providers in Victoria. The Mel- legal, housing and income support agencies bourne centre would, ideally, be able to pre- could also conceivably play a role. However, scribe and provide information to those wish- none of the participants mentioned the crucial ing to undertake hormone therapy. As men- role that the centre could potentially play in tioned, hormone therapy is, for a number of heightening the employment prospects of transgender persons, considered a major step S&GD people, with research indicating that in solidifying and accepting one’s gender iden- workplace discrimination and diminished pro- tity, integral to the process of transitioning. fessional opportunity 6 is not an uncommon However, there is apparently much misinfor- experience for many individuals (Irwin 1999; mation and ignorance on the behalf of health- Perkins et al, 1994). What was instead high- care professionals that can ultimately thwart lighted was the need to provide assistance one’s path to transitioning: with what Verity termed ‘life skills’ – perhaps a reflection of her experience with and exposure Cherry: [With] hormone therapy… I have to the volatile lifestyle that may accompany known lots of people that when they start, sex work: they listen to people say ‘take that and take that and this is a magic pill’, but that is not Verity: They need to learn how to live in so- the right information. ciety, how to cope with every day stresses. Life skills, really. Like filling out forms, like Gary: There’s lots of things that I would be applications to apply for a place in real es- investigating in regards to taking T tate. Job applications – anything to do with [testosterone] – I’ll probably be doing that that kind of stuff. It’s like once people be- with mainstream doctors, which kind of terri- come transgender, it’s like they forget who fies me, because it’s like I have to educate they are, their old life. And that’s stupid, people and explain everything along the way because it’s still them, and just because – you know, ‘why do you want to do that for’ they’ve changed sex doesn’t mean they have and the rest. Yeah so it’s quite a scary pros- to change who they are. pect…you go to a service provider batting for yourself, but it can be so crushing when you Yet what was most apparent was the general go to provider and get misunderstanding, opposition – it sort of infantilises you. consensus that the community really just needed somewhere to go in terms of a fixed Another key function of the facility could be its location to meet other transgender people, to ability to communicate with the wider commu- combat the sense of isolation that many trans- nity and media through education and training gender people experience regularly: programs. Kylie also spoke of the important role the centre could play in training and liais- ————————————————————————— ing with other service providers, and assisting 6 This has led some commentators to note the prevalence of transgender persons’ involvement in with what were seen as ‘simple things, like the sex industry as a result of these limited employ- how to deal with [such] things such as chang- ment options (e.g. Connell 2002, Perkins et al ing names and genders on their computer sys- 1994, Perkins 1983, Hounsfield et al 2007, McLean tems’. 2009).

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MCLEAN: A ‘GENDER CENTRE’ FOR MELBOURNE?

Cherry: I think other people need more help the Gay and lesbian Organisation of Business than I did... It’s a step towards accepting, and Enterprise (GLOBE) to generate capital for and making it more normal. A Gender Centre the proposed Gender Centre, at present, ZBGC will be really good for anyone who is more is more of an idea rather than established depressive and lost, or don’t have a tranny premises (Shaw 2010). However, the launch friend, or doesn’t know where to go for help. Because when you don’t have a helping hand of a new ZBGC website in August of 2010 with around you, those centres [such as the one in a national resources directory featuring trans- Sydney] are really good. friendly service providers is evidently a very valuable tool for this group, better able to as- Celeste: It should be a place where trannies sist individuals in avoiding negative experi- can go for support, where other trannies can ences such as those described above. As meet each other – in the trans community we noted, in contrast to other marginalised call them tranny mums – like someone who groups, there has been little in terms of re- leads the way. search and advocacy on behalf of transgender

groups and their needs. Consequently, noth- Finally, it was important for one participant to ing has been formally published 7 that articu- outline what the centre should not be. Verity lates that there is: a) a legitimate demand for was most concerned that the needs of the sex such a centre in Melbourne, and b) the types working side of the transgender subculture of services that transgender people feel will be would be over represented, and serve to en- useful to incorporate in a centre (i.e., in the force a type of transgender sex worker he- way that this research intends). gemony – indicative of her willingness to dis- sociate herself from the industry: This researcher would like to offer a few sug-

gestions as to how we may realise this rev- Verity: [It shouldn’t be] tarnished by any- thing too much to do with drugs, or prostitu- erie. Firstly, more fundraising activities and tion, like a big needle exchange. Keep it lobbying are currently being pursued through separate. Because there are a lot of trans- the ZBGC working group, in order to acquire genders out there that have never thought some of the necessary capital and build the about doing this kind of work. Lots of people group’s capacity – however, limited resources starting out need some support away from are an issue for ZBGC, and a broader solicita- their family or friends. tion of funds within the GLBTIQ community could prove successful for the group. Sec- The Way Ahead ondly, more research is needed, particularly in the realm of service provision, which goes be- While the idea of a Gender Centre is far from yond the scope of this research project. For new (having been on the transgender advo- instance, a comprehensive state-wide quanti- cacy agenda for some time), a lack of re- tative and qualitative study would be ideal, sources within the transgender and trans preferably conducted by someone heavily in- friendly community has inhibited any signifi- volved in the community to increase the likeli- cant developments. Following the tragic sui- hood of attracting the largest sample possible cide of Zoe Belle (a prominent Melbourne – this is also a possibility for ZBGC, although based transgender advocacy figure) in 2008, once again given the group’s limited re- The Zoe Belle Gender Centre working group (ZBGC) was established. Belle had been heav- ily involved in transgender and queer activism ————————————————————————— for some time, in addition to anti-violence 7 In 2007, however, in the very early stages of ZBGC’s development, a community consultation campaigning and advocating for the rights of was held and a survey conducted with 82 partici- those with disabilities. While small fundraisers pants in order to gauge interest in the centre – have been held on occasion, along with the 82.2% of respondents said they would use the ser- receipt of small grants from such groups as vices of a Gender Centre.

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sources, this may be where local academics References and research institutions such as ARCSHS may be of assistance. However, more state based Bacon, W. (2004). The politics of transgender research in the vein of Tranznation is also re- identity. Paper presented 15 th April at the quired to determine level of need in other annual meeting of The Midwest Political parts of the country. Ultimately, as recognized Science Association, Palmer House Hilton, by ZBGC, it is the responsibility of the Victo- Chicago. Retrieved January 15, 2011, from rian government to ensure the physiological http://www.allacademic.com/meta/ and psychological wellbeing of members of p84015_index.html the state’s S&GD population –and the govern- Brown, M., & Rounsley, C. (1996). True mental body, the Department of Human Ser- selves: Understanding transsexualism – A vices (DHS), must be lobbied consistently and guide for families, friends, co-workers and directly to provide this funding for the Gender helping professionals. San Francisco: Centre. Jossey Bass Publishers. Couch, C. Pitts, M. Mulcare, H. Croy, S. Conclusion Mitchell, A., & Patel, S. (2007). TranZna- tion: A report on the health and wellbeing To date, this research heralds the only qualita- of transgender people in Australia and New tive data available to articulate that there is Zealand. Melbourne: Australian Research indeed a need for a ‘Gender Centre’ in the city Centre in Sex Health and Society. of Melbourne, Victoria - a centre that could Connell, R.W. (2002). Gender. Cambridge: potentially be modelled on the facility based in Polity. Sydney. Although the data herein is based Hounsfield, VL, Freedman, E, McNulty, A., & upon a relatively small sample of seven, the Bourne, C. (2007). Transgender people experiences, both positive and negative, are attending a Sydney sexual health service rich in detail and demonstrate the difficulty over a 16-year period. Sexual Health , 4, that a significant proportion of individuals in 189–193. the S&GD population face when attempting to Irwin, J. (1999). The pink ceiling is too low: access mainstream services. When presented Workplace experiences of lesbians, gays with the opportunity to articulate their vision and transgender people. Sydney: University of what services a Gender Centre may encom- of Sydney. pass, participants were all enthused about the May, L. (2005). and intersexu- prospect of such a facility and were eager to als: Everything you wanted to know but see an array of services, however most were couldn’t think of the question. Adelaide: primarily concerned with having a fixed, cen- Fast Lane. tral location for people to go to. While local McLean, A. (2009). Transgender lives: To- community efforts are commendable and in- wards an inclusive employment and service spiring, they are currently hindered by re- delivery model. Unpublished honours the- source scarcity, with further research and sis, RMIT University. funding required for the proposed Gender Greene, B., & Croom, G.L. (2000). Education, Centre. research and practise in lesbian, gay, bi- sexual and trans Psychology: A resource Author Note manual. California: Sage. Perkins, R. (1983). The drag queen scene: Andrew McLean is a PhD candidate at RMIT Transsexuals in King’s Cross . Sydney: University. Email: George Allen & Unwin. [email protected] Perkins, R.Griffin, A., & Jakobsen, J. (1994). Transgender lifestyles and HIV/AIDS risk: National transgender HIV/AIDS needs as- sessment project. Sydney: University of

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NSW. Roen, K. (2002). ‘Either/or’ and ‘both/neither’: Discursive tensions in transgender politics. Signs , 27 , 501-522. Rowe, J. (2006). Streetwalking blues: St Kilda, sex work and the street . Melbourne: RMIT Publishing. Shaw, A. (2010). The long way home. MCV Magazine , 15 th March 2010. Retrieved 15 May, 2010, from http:// www.mcv.gaynewsnetwork.com.au/ features/the-long-way-home-007137.html

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Gay & Lesbian Issues and Psychology Review, Vol. 7, No. 1, 2011

TRANS DIGITAL STORYTELLING: EVERYDAY ACTIVISM, MUTABLE IDENTITY AND THE PROBLEM OF VISIBILITY

SONJA VIVIENNE

Abstract Trans Digital Storytelling

Mainstream representations of trans people typically run the gamut from victim to men- While the terms ‘transgender’, ‘transsexual’, tally ill, and are almost always articulated by ‘cross-dressing’, ‘’ and ‘gender diverse’ non-trans voices. The era of user-generated are all used in different contexts and by differ- digital content and participatory culture has ent people to mean slightly different things, I heralded unprecedented opportunities for use ‘trans’ as an expression that encapsulates trans people who wish to speak their own sto- all of these categories; it is also the contrac- ries in public spaces. Digital Storytelling, is an tion that was most often used by the storytell- easy accessible autobiographic audio-visual ers I worked with (which is not to say that all form, offers scope to play with multi- the people that I include under this umbrella dimensional and ambiguous representations of would necessarily embrace the term them- identity that contest mainstream assumptions selves). Transgender theorist Susan Stryker of what it is to be ‘male’ or ‘female’. Also, (2006) believes ‘transgender’ is commonly unlike some media forms, online and viral dis- used “as a term that refers to all identities or tribution of Digital Stories offer potential to practices that cross over, cut across, move reach a wide range of audiences, which is ap- between, or otherwise queer socially con- pealing to activist oriented storytellers who structed sex/gender boundaries” (p. 254). wish to confront social prejudices. However, Trans Digital Stories are particularly interest- with these newfound possibilities come con- ing narratives of self because they problema- cerns regarding visibility and privacy, espe- tise the categories that attempt to define cially for storytellers who are all too aware of them. the risks of being ‘out’ as trans. This paper explores these issues from the perspective of Digital Storytelling (DST) generally refers to a three trans storytellers, with reference to the workshop-based practice in which ordinary Digital Stories they have created and shared people, mostly unskilled in media production, online and on DVD. These examplars are con- are guided through the process of creating a textualised with some popular and scholarly short (two to three minute) autobiographical perspectives on trans representation, in par- video. In this field ‘digital’ frequently refers to 1 2 3 ticular embodied and performed identity. It is the software , hardware and digital assets contended that trans Digital Stories, while ap- pearing in some ways to be quite conven- ______tional, actually challenge common notions of gender identity in ways that are both radical 1 Non-linear editing programmes ranging from and transformative. freely available (iMovie; MovieMaker) to profes- sional (Final Cut Pro; Adobe Premiere) 2 Computer; sound recording equipment; digital Keywords: Digital storytelling, activism, stills camera or video camera; scanner etc. transgender, identity, self-representation 3 ‘Assets’ refers to the constitutive parts of a digital story, that is photographs, narration, music etc.

ISSN 1833-4512 © 2011 Australian Psychological Society

VIVIENNE: TRANS DIGITAL STORYTELLING

that are utilised in the creation of a story and are protected by anti-vilification laws, in many the online spaces 4 in which stories can be countries overt prejudice against gender di- shared. DST initiatives are often hosted by verse people is still endorsed by social policy institutions and (from the perspective of both and practices that are discriminatory. As a host institution and individual participants) are consequence, trans people have both much to undertaken for a variety of objectives. These gain and much to lose by using their personal can be divided up into broad categories of stories to unsettle social values. purpose including personal empowerment; archiving social history; community develop- Like many Digital Storytellers the people rep- ment; education and social advocacy (for a resented in this paper don’t regard themselves global survey of DST programmes with an as ‘special’ but rather ‘ordinary’; similarly they online presence see McWillliam, 2009). In don’t regard themselves as paint-throwing, many regards, Digital Storytelling and You- capital ‘A’ activists, but rather as more Tube vlogs (video blogs/journals) offer similar ‘everyday’ activists – people who Mansbridge opportunities for self-representation. Both al- and Flaster (2007) describe as individuals who low the ‘average’ user to participate in public “may not interact with the formal world of spaces as creators of their own self- politics, but they take actions in their own representative media. There are, however, lives to redress injustices...” (p. 630). They also many differences between vlogs and DST, are the type of people who, when asked by a and advocates for Digital Storytelling draw child at the checkout ‘Are you a boy or a girl?’ attention to the significance of the workshop may just, if the mood strikes them, give a story circle as a time and space where partici- complex answer. While many trans people are pants develop affinity with one another and drawn to modes of social advocacy that find confidence in the telling of their stories. While them speaking on educative panels and at the stories themselves may eventually circu- communi ty forums, the Digital Story form and late in contexts that enhance feelings of social online distribution affords extende d audience connectedness, it is the Digital Storytelling reach and longevity which is very appealing workshop process that affords a sense of par- for victims of ‘activist fatigue’. Sharing per- ticipating collectively and creatively in a cul- sonal stories in online spaces also addresses tural space that is greater than the individual. the social and geographic isolation experi- enced by so many trans people. One of the Importantly, however, while Digital Storytel- trans storytellers included in this paper, Sean, ling has enabled a greater number of formerly points out that: excluded individuals to participate in the shap- ing of culture through their Digital Stories, The trans community is about the same size critics of the claim ‘anyone can do it’ have out- as the Indigenous community in Australia... lined a number of problems, including uneven around three per cent - however it’s so hard access to both information and communication to find one another. So many of us are invisi- ble or living stealth... the internet is a really technologies (ICTs) and workshop practice. useful tool for facilitating connections... Problems such as these are further exacer- reaching one another though storytelling is bated in the context of Digital Stories made by essential... it’s like we’ve all been separated trans people whose contestations of simplistic from our family at birth. We have to find one gender binaries is often experienced as a high another somehow and the only thing, apart risk activity. Unlike marginalised groups who from very limited social services, is the inter- net... ————————————————————————— 4 Online spaces vary in sophistication and complex- However, trans storytellers who aspire to ity, from simple hyperlinks to YouTube clips ‘normal lives’ in which they ‘pass’ in their gen- through to DST specific websites that provide fo- der of belief, are torn between the desire to rum discussions, downloadable ‘how-to guides’ and ‘blend in’ and the desire to see the world be- case studies on DST practice.

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come a more hospitable and tolerant place. feedback from audiences. At the theatrical The cost of increased exposure is reduced launch one storyteller, Sean, was delighted to privacy – and not just for the storytellers observe that, not only did his family get to themselves, but also for the friends and family ‘see other identity stuff’ but they ‘got to meet members who may be part of their story or the parents of a very young trans person and linked to them by association. In creating a (see) how different it is now for parents...’ Digital Story that is singular, brief and static, Sean saw the whole experience as one of give trans storytellers need to reconcile many dif- and take in which ‘...hearing other people’s ferent versions of personal history (versions stories and how they develop their identities that are frequently at odds with those held by and what shapes their identities, and then friends and family members). These renditions how they interpret different labels and all that attempt congruence with past, present and sort of thing... it helps you to understand your unknown future articulations of identity and identity better as well...’. there is invariably much distillation of com- plexity required to arrive at a three minute Trans storytellers offer nuanced personal in- ‘summary’. Some stories focus on physical sights into gender identity construction, transformation, others explore the reconstruc- thereby expanding both popular and scholarly tion of friends and family networks post transi- understanding, yet these contributions are tion. Some storytellers utilise before and after disputed by individuals and institutions that snapshots; others use metaphor and illustra- many trans people refer to as ‘the gender po- tions as a means of both performing identity lice’. As such, and as David Valentine (2007) and maintaining anonymity. While identity- argues, transgender, “rather than being an construction narratives are not unique to trans index of marginality... is in fact a central cul- Digital Storytellers, traversing the boundaries tural site where meanings about gender and of gender binaries inevitably focuses attention sexuality are being worked out” (p. 14). The on changes in appearance and self-definition; three stories that I discuss below, then, serve shifts that are certainly more socially maligned to highlight both the radical potential inherent than, for example, the changes we all undergo in trans Digital Stories, but also the regulatory in the transformation from child to teenager to regimes that they render visible. Before exam- adult. Deciding which part of a whole life story ining these stories, however, I first consider to tell (and how) is part of the creative proc- some key points in relation to trans represen- ess for every Digital Storyteller, but for many tation. trans storytellers these decisions have to be weighed alongside choices about personal risk The Contested Landscape of over safety and exposure over anonymity. Trans-Identity

However, unlike more spontaneous storytel- While examples of transphobia, violence and ling forms, the highly constructed Digital Story discrimination are not hard to find in the affords control over both the story creation mainstream media and are represented with process and the manner in which identity and varying degrees of accuracy in films like ‘Boys experience is articulated; in voiceover narra- Don’t Cry’ (Hart, Kolodner, Sharp, Vachon, tion; in choice of soundtrack; and in visual Peirce & Bienen, 1999), it is difficult to com- representations, ranging from family photos to prehend how profoundly bigotry and igno- artwork and visual effects. In the case studies rance flows across all sectors of society includ- I refer to, sharing personal (and often vulner- ing queer communities and scholarly environs. able) stories in a workshop context was gen- erally regarded as empowering. This empow- Susan Stryker (2006), in a well known piece erment was later amplified by sharing these on ‘Performing Transgender Rage’ de- stories on cinema screens and online and scribes,and attempts to understand, hostility most storytellers were affirmed by positive from within the gay and lesbian community:

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The attribution of monstrosity remains a pal- ‘transgender’ or were resistant to its use to pable characteristic of most lesbian and gay describe them (p. 21)”. representations of transsexuality, displaying in unnerving detail the anxious, fearful un- Butler (2006), while often accused of theoreti- derside of the current cultural fascination cal and linguistic abstraction (Benhabib, But- with transgenderism. Because transsexuality more than any other transgender practice or ler, Cornell & Fraser, 1995; Speer & Potter, identity represents the prospect of destabiliz- 2002; Bordo, 1993), offers an interesting ing the foundational presupposition of fixed analysis of how essentialist perspectives on genders upon which a politics of personal gender may be deeply internalised and recon- identity depends, people who have invested stituted in a performance of trans-identity. their aspirations for social justice in identi- tarian movements say things about us out of ...it is for the most part the gender essential- sheer panic that, if said of other minorities, ist position that must be voiced for transsex- would see print only in the most hate-riddled, ual surgery to take place, and... someone white supremacist, Christian fascist rags (p. who comes in with a sense of gender as 245). changeable will have a more difficult time convincing psychiatrists and doctors to per- Much of the literature in the field of trans form the surgery. In San Francisco female-to- scholarship centers on the degree to which male candidates actually practice the narra- transgenderism or transsexuality is deemed to tive of gender essentialism that they are re- reinforce binary and/or stereotypical under- quired to perform before they go in to see standings of gender. In an effort to avoid ac- the doctors... (p. 191). cusations of essentialism, many feminist au- thors focus upon the constructed or per- She uses the famous case of David Reimer, a formed qualities of gender while critiquing the male embodied child born with XY chromo- medicalisation of embodied gender. Some of somes who, damaged by circumcision at eight this work, while intending to complicate read- months old, was raised as a girl under the ings of gender identity, uses emotive language supervision of psychologist John Money. As a that is hostile to transpeople. twin, Joan/John (the pseudonym by which David was known for many years) was an Janice Raymond’s ‘The Transsexual Empire’ is ideal test case for Money’s theories on the perhaps the best-known example of the development of gender identity through social trans-bashing that has taken place in feminist learning. Despite Money’s accounts of the suc- literature. Raymond’s book, published in cess of the case, John/Joan experienced ongo- 1979, likened male-to-female sex change to ing difficulties with gender identity and de- , claiming that it was yet another appro- pression and at 14 he decided to assume a priation by men of women’s bodies and male identity, calling himself David. Using ex- women’s spaces (Love, 2004, p. 93). cerpts from interviews with David (John) con- ducted by Milton Diamond (an endocrinologist Of course, while not all feminist accounts of who supported Reimer in undertaking his sec- gender are critical of trans-identities, it can be ond gender transition), Butler (2006) argues argued that the epistemological investigation that our story of self is heavily mediated by of gender abstracts lived experience to the social context and gender stereotypes. extent that many gender diverse people are alienated from the very identity categories What was the problem with Joan, that people that are intended to describe them. In writing were always asking to see her naked, asking an ethnographic account of divergent gender her questions about what she was, how she felt, whether this was or was not the same as diverse communities in New York, David Val- what was normatively true? Is that self- entine (2007) notes “I was struck by the ob- seeing distinct from the way s/he is seen? servation that a large number of the people I John seems to understand clearly that the met and talked to did not know the term norms are external to him, but what if the

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norms have become the means by which he tent opinions, beliefs or articulations of self, sees, the frame for his own seeing, his way how do trans individuals fare? Perhaps trans of seeing himself? (p. 190). identity highlights the instability and inconsis- tency of all identity? Roz Kaveney (1999) puts Far from providing evidence for either the it like this: ‘nature’ or ‘nurture’ camps, Butler (2006) uses the case to illustrate how surveillance and ...we are prone to vary across time. Often, to comparison with gender ‘norms’ may contrib- describe oneself is simply to describe a par- ute to, but by no means delineate, the com- ticular moment, to say who we were in a plex internal amalgamation of genetics, hor- particular year. It is a matter of prudence not mones and social contexts that she believes to burn bridges that we may, as individuals, are synthesized in performing identity. Unfor- find ourselves in need of sooner or later (p. tunately Reimer’s journey, like that of too 149). many trans people, ended tragically in 2004 with his suicide. 5 Does this cautionary prudence, in acknowledg- ing different incarnations of self across time, While Butler (2006) focuses on gender and influence what a trans storyteller may include identity as performance, Giddens (1991) holds or exclude from their story? Green (2006) that: develops this issue of fluid unfolding identity, highlighting the fact that actually owning or The existential question of self-identity is declaring a trans-identity (especially in a pub- bound up with the fragile nature of the biog- lic space as an activist) is at odds with the raphy which the individual ‘supplies’ about normative goals of medical and psychological herself. A person’s identity is not to be found treatment for transsexual people: in behaviour, nor - important though this is - in the reactions of others, but in the capacity to keep a particular narrative going. The indi- We are supposed to pretend we never spent vidual’s biography, if she is to maintain regu- 15, 20, 30, 40 or more years in female bod- lar interaction with others in the day-to-day ies, pretend that the vestigial female parts world, cannot be wholly fictive. It must con- some of us never lose were never there. In tinually integrate events which occur in the short, in order to be a good - or successful - external world, and sort them into the ongo- transsexual person, one is not supposed to ing ‘story’ about the self (p. 54). be a transsexual person at all. This puts a massive burden of secrecy on the transsexual individual: the most intimate and human as- Clearly narratives of self are not only shaped pects of our lives are constantly at risk of for personal consumption but for those people disclosure (p. 501). surrounding us; audiences composed of both intimate and unknown publics. What ramifica- Green (2006) argues that, in order to confront tions do these various theories of identity bigotry and social ignorance around gender have for trans individuals with biographies diversity, it is desirable for trans individuals to that, while not fictive, may nevertheless alter be visible and to publicly declare their history, dramatically over the course of several years? despite the significant personal risks this en- In an environment where everyone from ce- tails. While both Green (2006) and Kaveney lebrities to politicians to facebook users are (1999) accept that these risks are likely to frequently maligned for presenting inconsis- cause some trans people to choose ————————————————————————— ‘stealth’ (living exclusively in one’s gender of 5 Sean, whose work and advocacy is centred in belief, negating trans identity), they both em- mental health, was quick to cite recent research phasise the positive consequences of ‘being that asserts the rate of attempted suicides in the out’: trans community is 17% higher than in the general population ...the campaign for personal invisibility has

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always struck me as entirely perverse and thentically in the moment. In her review of self-hating... It is less important to pass than recent writing on trans-identities, Love (2004) to be accepted. If being transgendered is speculates: valued as a human variation, then many problems disappear. And it is more likely to ...in part it is because of the visibility and the be valued if we value it ourselves - being out supposed immutability of gender that such and proud and prepared to defend ourselves changes encounter such widespread resis- is probably less risky than being in the closet, tance. Valerio claims the right to change – to ashamed of our pasts and relying on a piece change oneself materially and with finality – of paper (Green, 2006, p. 149). and then to change again beyond that very finality. While such subjective flux tends to be So far these discussions of fluid, evolving stigmatized in transsexuals as either mental identity have focussed upon what Kaveney illness or lack of political commitment, Valerio presents it as a crucial aspect of human sub- (1999) calls ‘conversion narratives’, where jectivity (p. 99). transition occurs from one clearly defined gen- der category to the other and, having arrived at the destination, stays fixed: “I once was It is also worth noting that embracing a right lost, who now am found/Was bound, who now to rediscover and reinvent articulations of self am free (Kaveney, 1999, p. 149). Here Kave- may also include embracing identities that ney (1999) utilises a lyric from the hymn defy categorisation. In this regard, ‘Amazing Grace’, which of course emphasises ‘genderqueer’ is a term gaining in popularity not just transition from one state to another as a catch-all descriptor of gender identities but cathartic and conclusive religious redemp- that fall outside the binary categories of male tion achieved in the process. What prospects or female, and is often claimed by individuals are there for those whose ‘biographies of self’ who are androgynous in appearance and di- continue to evolve? Are they forever prone to verse in their sexual identity. Driver (2007) accusations of inconsistency or disparaging reflects upon her research into an online “birl” comments along the lines of ‘I guess it was community (boyish girls or girls who identify just a phase you were going through?’ In an as boys). essay published online, FTM Max Wolf Valerio (2003) writes: ...the community provides a collective place to dialogue publicly about identity, to share I celebrate the human capacity and right to with others alternative ways of inhabiting in- change, rediscover, reinvent and continu- between genders. A youth introduces himself ously experience revelation; to re-evaluate in the following ways: “I am a boyish girl and to renounce any aspect of myself that is (and a girlish boy) because I fluctuate be- no longer authentic; to live beyond my own tween feminine and masculine... I love to fears and preconceived notions as well as wear skirts, but I also love to bind, pack and those of the people around me. Without a wear ties. I am comfortable being called she doubt, anything can be revealed at any mo- most of the time, but other times I prefer ment. Without a doubt, anything usually is . . he.” Gender ambiguity becomes a source of I claim the right to change my mind. pleasure and bonding between these youth... At times, the very concept of gender is up for grabs, boldly theorized by youth beyond het- Valerio (2003) suggests, like Giddens (1991), erogendered frameworks (p. 188). that one’s biography should be under constant review, but is unconcerned that radical altera- tions that repeatedly traverse gender catego- Given their capacity to describe themselves on ries may leave him prone to personal criticism. their own terms in a text based space, one In fact he accepts that his identity journey can only speculate what impact these “birls” may be difficult to understand, but neverthe- might have if they were to share their un- less proclaims a moral obligation to live au- apologetic stories and self-representations in

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multi-media Digital Story form with a wider Sean is a 29 year old female to male (F2M) community. individual who has been living full time in his gender of belief for several years. He has an Overview of the Honours Degree in Social Work and his thesis Rainbow Family Tree Project canvassed a wide range of perspectives on gender transition. He currently works as a During 2009, a series of Digital Storytelling Community Rehabilitation worker in the men- workshops were auspiced by SHine SA (an SA tal health field and has taken a lead advocacy based government funded sexual health edu- role in educating both his fellow workers and cation and information network). As principal employers about trans issues. He generally facilitator I acknowledged my multiple roles as refers to himself as a trans-man with pan- Queer Digital Storyteller, filmmaker and re- sexual preferences and notes that he modifies searcher. Some of the workshops took place these self-descriptors according to who he is face to face and others were facilitated almost speaking to. He believes many of his clients entirely online. The initiative was known as assume he is a gay man. His Digital Story is a ‘the Rainbow Family Tree’ project and had short journey through his happy childhood and several stated objectives, being GLBTQIS 6 tumultuous teenage years followed by learn- community engagement and production of an ing about transgenderism and deciding to educational resource. Participants were re- ‘become male’ (Sean’s words). His focus is cruited via info posters placed in social service positive and self-accepting and acknowledges agencies and distributed via e:lists and in the significance of the two families (“my trans some cases through word of mouth. They brothers and sisters” and “my family who were aware that their finished Digital Stories raised me”) who love and support him. would be launched at a theatrical screening, appear online and be a part of a DVD compila- Sarah is an older transsexual woman (male to tion (to be packaged with a facilitators guide female or M2F) who is currently undertaking a as an ‘anti-homophobia‘ resource, distributed higher research degree. She had an unhappy by SHine SA). Issues of privacy and publicity childhood in England, much of it spent in abu- were discussed with all participants and, in sive foster homes or state institutions, and left fact, many were keen to engage in the initia- the UK when she was 21. She has adult chil- tive out of a desire to ‘get our stories out dren, one of whom she is reconciled with after there’. There was a general perception and initially having lost contact at the time of tran- underpinning assumption that sharing per- sitioning. She is a leader and vocal advocate sonal insights and anecdotes is an effective for the South Australian Transsexual Support means of raising awareness of diverse sexual Group (SATS) and, while she often speaks at and gender identities and confronting social community events, she regards herself as an prejudices. Sarah and Karen were involved in intensely private ‘almost reclusive’ person. Her the face to face workshop (but had met prior) story is illustrated with her own drawings of a and Sean followed in the online workshop. I caterpillar’s transformation into a butterfly and give a thumbnail description (approved by her narration is poetic and allusive, accompa- each storyteller) as a means of briefly outlin- nied by reflective cello music. ing their motivations, aspirations and chal- lenges in creating and sharing their Digital Karen is a transgender woman (M2F) who Stories. made her story in the early days of her transi- tion. She has worked for many years as an ————————————————————-- administrative officer in a Women’s Health 6 The acronym used by SHine (and in various other Service. Her story starts with her childhood in forms by many others) to connote Gay, Lesbian, a ‘typically conservative and idyllic’ family in Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, Intersex, Same-sex England and travels through her realisation attracted that she wanted to be like her sister: ‘a little

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girl’. Years later, having decided to acknowl- background music and visual style heralds the edge her inner truth, Karen describes the ac- next phase in the narrator’s existence, includ- ceptance she unexpectedly received from her ing online research and meeting “my first sister. She focusses on this positive relation- transgendered person”. He states: “I realised I ship and the hope that it inspires, while griev- was the cliché of being male trapped inside a ing the loss of relationships with her partner, female body... but at last I found how I could children and parents. finally become happy again. I decided to tran- sition to become male”. The rest of the story While the storytellers in this paper have much summarises the experience of ‘becoming male’ in common, the ways in which they have ma- in a few short sentences and skips over the nipulated the multimedia tropes of Digital Sto- accompanying tumultuous social changes with rytelling are divergent and complicated. While the gloriously understated, “after a period of all three were familiar and relatively comfort- adjustment my family and friends were very able with sharing their personal stories as a supportive too”. The narrator speaks positively mode of social advocacy they all considered about having two families who can now see that their engagement with the Rainbow Fam- the “confident and happy person I am once ily Tree project would probably take them out more”. He includes photographs of a birthday of their comfort zones. None of them regarded celebrated with a little niece and nephew themselves as especially tech savvy and they alongside photos of friends in the trans com- all had trepidations about their capacity to munity resplendent in black ties and frocks. master the editing software as well as engage in the online community. The desire to The positive self-acceptance that emanates ‘conquer the technology’ actually proved to be from Sean’s digital story is reflected in an in- a useful focus by diverting anxiety away from terview in which he describes the process of more creative storytelling concerns. There was making it. His father did not wish to be identi- also an accompanying emotional roller coaster fiable in the story and Sean debated whether as they each braved many levels of anxieties; or not to blur his image in a family snapshot first, sharing their stories in a small group he wished to use. workshop (both face to face and the online equivalent); frequently confronting well buried That seemed to imply shame and I didn’t memories; then consulting with friends and think Dad was ashamed, more that he was family members as to whether they were simply paranoid about the internet... and at happy to be included in their stories. the end of the day he has the right to have control over how and where he is repre-

sented just as I do... Analysis of Trans Digital Stories

In ‘Back to Happiness’, the narrator – Sean – Sean’s empowered choice in representing his describes a ‘happy, adventurous and confident families as he sees them (loving and diverse) childhood’; racing matchbox cars, dressing as while simultaneously respecting their right of a superhero, climbing trees and riding a BMX self-representation demonstrates a sophisti- bike. The accompanying photos show what cated understanding of both identity and com- appears to be a cheeky blonde boy. The next munity. It seems unlikely that an outsider part of the story reveals the impact of social ‘looking in’ could create this kind of nuanced and media messages about ‘how to be a girl... and ethical story and for this reason alone it is not a boy’ and the onset of female hormones, a radical example of trans storytelling. accompanied by images of a shy/sullen teen- age girl. The narrator states: “I rarely wore ‘I am Sarah’ is told almost entirely with hand dresses because they made me feel like I was drawn images of a slightly cartoonish pair of in drag”, and “I lived with anxiety and depres- caterpillars, one brown and plain, the other sion for nearly two decades”. A change in attractive and with long eyelashes. The narra-

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tion starts with, “I was different; not how open, you know? But what putting that photo other people wanted me to be... my body at the end does, is it shows that people can alien to my inner self”, and becomes increas- get past that. And I hope that with people ingly poetic and slightly abstract. As the cater- who want to transition, or people who are in transition and struggling, I'm hoping that that pillars become chrysalises we hear “fear can- final frame takes them by surprise, and they not deny truth any longer, nor hold sway... all go, 'Oh, that's what you look like!' That final that was wrong has finally become right”. Fi- image just validates the message, and says, nally we see first one beautiful butterfly, then 'Look, here I am. Um, I'd rather not be here. a flock, accompanied by, “Into such a diverse But here I am. So if I can do it, why can't world I am not unique... different perhaps, you? depending upon your perspective... but I know who I am”. Sarah’s decision to maintain a sense of privacy through poetic abstraction while taking a Much of Sarah’s story comments implicitly on stand in support of other trans people treads a gender norms as measured by physical repre- fine line typical of the everyday activist. She sentations of beauty. However by using sym- has a similarly courageous attitude when it bolic images of caterpillars and butterflies she comes to sharing her story with audiences. both maintains her privacy (through not using before and after shots or images that might identify place, family or friends) and avoids I'd rather walk into a room full of hostiles affirming the very gender stereotypes she than walk into a room where everybody’s on wishes to deconstruct. Sarah describes herself side. To me, that's no value, you know? What's the point of talking to people that as a private person and in a perfect world she have some understanding, when you should would choose to ‘blend in’. She also recog- be talking to people that have got no bloody nises this impulse in other M2F friends. understanding, could be totally intolerant? ... yet you can walk out of there knowing that you've got a couple of them thinking. The majority of girls that I see, while they may not be as reclusive... as socially isolated as me, by choice, um... they tend to want to ‘Sisterhood: a path less travelled (a tribute)’ be invisible. Now, as I am, I can't be invisi- follows one of the shared generic tropes of ble, unfortunately. Not without, um [makes both Digital Storytelling and many trans narra- noise], a road closure, or a scaffold, and a tives by ‘starting at the beginning’ with photo- building team, reconstruction papers, and graphs and a description of childhood. The certificates, whatever. I joke about it. storyteller – Karen – describes an early reali- sation, at age seven, that she was jealous of Towards the end of the story Sarah breaks her sister because, “I wanted to be a little with the visual style she has established by girl... just like my sister...” Grainy black and showing herself in a head and shoulders pho- white photographs chart the sister’s develop- tograph, dressed and beautifully made up, ment into a beautiful young woman and the half smiling against a neutral background. The narrator’s parallel journey into masculinity, narration states: “I am Sarah, not part of a marriage and fatherhood, described as “to clique”. Sarah reflects upon the inclusion of play a role and hide my truth, both for my this photograph: safety and their ease, seemed easier... This strategy clearly didn’t work… constantly I changed my mind on that about 10 times I flowing beneath the surface was a stream of think... 'cause I'm not photogenic. I never unhappiness, confusion, silent yearning, pain, have been. The camera does not like me. I always look about 500 years older... The suffering and unfulfillment...”. In a later pas- idea was to get people to see that I'm not sage, precisely composed and narrated with comfortable with being upfront and in your great calm and control: “When my uninvited face, and exploring my entire life history in dilemma became too powerful and I felt like I

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was dying inside... I had to speak out loud... ently but it was true to the writer of that his- Those nearest and dearest to me couldn’t tory... Also, you know that story didn’t finish cope... I lost them all... all, that is, except my at that point, in fact that was the beginning sister”. The image of a family gathered to- of a journey in many ways... the journey has taken another direction that was perhaps gether on the lounge for a family portrait unexpected? But I guess the potential, the (several faces obscured by blurring) becomes awareness... you could say had always been high contrast black and white then shatters there because that’s what the journey is into many tiny squares. about... it’s about discovery...

Karen struggled with finding a creative way to represent her current relationship with her Karen’s Digital Story was unique and compel- sister. She had very few photographs of them ling in its original context; however the post- together, and we talked about trying to reen- script, far from undermining the original, act and photograph some ritual that they brings new insight into the transient nature of shared. Something ‘female’? Something identity and the unexpected paths that all our ‘sisterly’? She decided on a series of photo- lives take. Karen also highlights the arbitrary graphs (taken in a bathroom by an invisible nature of choosing any one point as the be- third party) of she and her sister putting on ginning, middle or end of a Digital Story. make- up together; a ritual of ‘feminisation’ While at the time of interview she felt that she that Karen had watched and envied many “couldn’t see the wood for the trees”, she times as she grew up. In this way Karen con- thought it possible that at some point in the structed and performed a present embodied future she might undertake an update to her self and placed clear parameters around the story, perhaps in the form of a new Digital aspects of the relationship that she wished to Story or as an online post/blog entry. This represent. ‘Sisterhood’ is essentially a story of capacity to update or modify the context of a acceptance set against the concomitant and Digital Story goes some way towards address- understated theme of rejection. While it was ing the problem of its immutable form. How- made with the desire to communicate to a ever it is the underpinning acknowledgment of wide audience it addresses one person specifi- fluid and amorphous identity that is celebrated cally - her sister. by these storytellers and trans activists like Green (2006), Kaveney (1999) and Valerio There is a postscript to ‘Sisterhood’ that illumi- (2003), that is perhaps most challenging for nates the problematic issue of fluid, evolving mainstream audiences. identity and the difficulty of foreshadowing further change in a permanent digital docu- Digital Stories: Embodied, ment. In an interview with Karen over a year Constructed, Distributed after the making of ‘Sisterhood’, she revealed that “Karen’s days are numbered”. For a num- Trans storytellers articulate their journeys in ber of complex reasons, Karen has decided to many different ways. Theories on gender ‘revert’ to her male identity. While much of the identity are similarly divergent, ranging from language used in describing this journey was social constructionist perspectives that focus oriented around ‘success’ and ‘failure’, Karen on performances of gender through essential- was also keen to state that this new incarna- ism and debates about embodiment and ge- tion of identity would reflect aspects of all pre- netic/biological origins. While Digital Stories vious selves. are authentic first person accounts, they are nevertheless highly constructed and mediated I believe that it’s a little bit like a history re- by social context (including the circumstances cord... history comes from the perspective of of the workshop in which they are created). the writer... you ask different people about The choice of images, music and particular that history and they’ll see that history differ- words reflect a conscious construction of iden-

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tity just as the intonation of narration reflects trans storytellers the tenacity to live and speak a performance of self. Unlike the written word, as exemplars of everyday activism? Rendering photographs represent identity incarnate , a slice of life in permanent Digital Story form, hence in some ways these stories are both then distributing it widely, while no doubt up- embodied and performed. As contrived digital ping the stakes, nevertheless evokes the same documents they provide opportunity to reflect conflict between privacy and publicity that is upon and control self-representation in a way wrangled on a daily basis. that is difficult when just ‘being myself in the moment’ (a process that further distinguishes While Digital Storytelling affords greater them from the typical verbatim YouTube autonomy in constructing and distributing sto- vlog). Influencing distribution by limiting ries of self than comparable well-meaning screenings to a handful of friends or by strate- documentaries created about self they are gically targeting audiences, both intimate and nevertheless representations of identity that unknown, affords storytellers additional con- are mediated by social circumstances. This trol over how they share their identities. It is does not negate their authenticity; neither my contention that Digital Storytelling, as an does an acknowledgment that our current per- accessible audio/visual multimedia form that formed and embodied selves are influenced by easily populates online spaces, offers profound parenting and a myriad of social institutions and far-reaching potential for trans storytellers (schools, hospitals, courts) alongside genetic as everyday activists. factors. Trans Digital Stories are radical offer- ings in part because they report the existence Conclusion of these multitudinous influences and, despite this, claim a space to describe personal and The city in which these stories were created, heartfelt truths. Additionally, far from voicing Adelaide, feels like a small country town for the marginalised concerns of ‘other’, they offer many trans people. There are limited medical everyone, regardless of their gender identity, and psychological services dealing with gender an opportunity to better understand the nu- identity issues. Trans support and social ances of human existence and the inspira- groups are few and often combine people tional potential of living beyond gender stereo- from very different backgrounds and with very types. different ideas about what it means to be ‘trans’. Each of the trans storytellers in the Author Note Rainbow Family Tree case study has made a series of tough decisions, first in deciding to Sonja Vivienne is a PhD candidate in the Crea- transition and second in making a Digital Story tive Industries Faculty at Queensland Univer- as an ‘out’ trans person. Sean argues that sity of Technology, Australia. She undertakes developing a thick skin is crucial. research in Digital Storytelling as a tool for everyday activism, particularly focusing on the ...from the very beginning of my transition I’d problems of voice, identity and online commu- decided that I was no longer going to care nication. Her background is as a writer/ what people think about me... If I continued director/producer of drama and documenta- to care about what people thought of me, ries, tackling subjects as diverse as youth sui- including my family, I would have just gone cide, drug culture in Vietnamese communities, crazy because there’s so many different per- spectives about gender transition... I just Indigenous languages and cultures, and les- dealt with my parents’ reaction as though, bian personal columns. Sonja is involved in a you know, they’d get it eventually, and I did- range of community Digital Storytelling pro- n’t take anything they said to heart... and jects. Email: [email protected] that was the key really.

Perhaps ‘not caring what people think’ affords

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References rainbowfamilytree.com Speer, S. A., & Potter, J. (2002). From perfor- Benhabib, B., Butler, J., Cornell, D. & Fraser, matives to practices: Judith Butler, discur- N. (1995). Feminist contentions: A philoso- sive psychology and the management of phical exchange . New York: Routledge. heterosexist talk. In P. McIlvenny (Ed.), Bordo, S. (1993). Unbearable Weight: Femi- Talking Gender and Sexuality, (pp. 151- nism, western culture, and the body . 180). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benja- Berkeley: University of California Press. mins Publishing Company. Butler, J. (2006). Doing justice to someone: Stryker, S. (2006). My words to Victor Frank- Sex reassignment and allegories of trans- enstein above the village of Chamounix: sexuality. In S. Stryker & S. Whittle (Eds.), Performing transgender rage. In S. Stryker The Transgender Studies Reader (pp. 183- & S. Whittle (Eds.), The Transgender Stud- 193). New York: Routledge. ies Reader (pp. 244-256). New York: Driver, S. (2007). Queer girls and popular cul- Routledge. ture: Reading, resisting and creating me- Valentine, D. (2007). Imagining transgender: dia . In S. Mazzarella (Ed.), Mediated Youth , An ethnography of a category . Durham: (Vol.1). New York: Peter Lang. Duke University Press. Green, J. (2006). Look! no, don't!: The visibil- Valerio, M. W. (2003). The joker is wild. Re- ity dilemma for transsexual men. In S. trieved July 16, 2003 f rom http:// Stryker & S. Whittle (Eds.), The Trans- www.anythingthatmoves.co/ish17/jokers- gender Studies Reader (pp. 499-508). New wild.html York: Routledge. Giddens, A. (1991). Modernity and self- Identity: Self and society in the late mod- ern age . Cambridge: Polity. Hart, J., Kolodner, E., Sharp, J., & Vachon, C. (Producers), & Peirce, K., (Writer & Direc- tor), & Bienen, A. (Writer) (1999). Boys Don’t Cry [Motion picture]. United States: Fox Searchlight. Kaveney, R. (1999). Talking transgender poli- tics. In K. More & S. Whittle (Eds.), Re- claiming genders: Transsexual grammars at the Fin de Siècle, (pp. 146-158). London: Cassell. Love, H. (2004). 'The right to change my mind': New work in trans studies. Feminist Theory 5 (1):91-100. McWilliam, K. (2009). The global diffusion of a community media practice: Digital storytel- ling online. In J. Hartley & K. McWilliam (Eds.), Story Circle: Digital Storytelling Around the World (pp. 37-76). West Sus- sex, UK: Wiley-Blackwell. Mansbridge, J., & Flaster, K. (2007). The cul- tural politics of everyday discourse: The case of “male chauvinist”. Critical Sociol- ogy, 33, 627-660. Rainbow Family Tree. (2010). Retrieved No- vember 24, 2010 from http://

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Gay & Lesbian Issues and Psychology Review, Vol. 7, No. 1, 2011

CONTRIBUTIONS OF BIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY TO UNDERSTANDING THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF GENDER IDENTITIES

JESSICA CHOPLIN Abstract 1995; Kruijver et al., 2000), sex-steroid or hormone related genes (Henningsson et al., Research on the biology of gender has to date 2005), or pre- or post-natal exposure to hor- investigated factors (such as anatomical brain mones (Schneider, Pickel, and Stalla, 2006; structures, genes, and hormones) that are Phoenix et al., 1959; Goy, Bercovitch, and thought to correlate with discrete gender be- McBrair, 1988; Gorski, 1991; Short, 1979). haviours. By contrast, the present paper ar- The assumption underlying this research pro- gues that this research program is misguided, gram is that if researchers can find an essen- and moreover that its sole focus on biological tial attribute that is shared by all people who explanations can serve to essentialise and best fit a male role (whether they were as- pathologise non-normative gender identities. signed to play that role at birth or not) and As a corrective to this, the present paper sug- another such essential attribute that is shared gests that the relationship between social in- by all people who best fit a female gender fluences and biology is reciprocal such that role, then non-normative gender identities can social influences often affect behaviors that be easily absorbed into a normative binary are interpreted as gendered through the lens understanding of gender. This outcome may of biology. The paper then proposes a pre- potentially be appealing to some non-gender liminary list of situations where the gendered normative people (such as transsexuals), social roles that western culture has con- partly at least on the basis of the fact that it structed do not accommodate variability be- appears that non-trans people who believe tween individuals including: stressful situa- biological explanations of non-normative gen- tions, friendships, situations requiring empa- der identities are more accepting of trans peo- thy, expected emotionality, and situations that ple (Tee & Hegarty, 2006). One implication of require or prohibit aggression and assertive- establishing a biological basis to non- ness. This alternative approach allows us to normative gender identities, then, would be glean insights from biological psychology to the extension of civil rights for trans people on better understand the social construction of the basis of this greater acceptance. Whilst gendered identities without implying gender this support for biological explanations ap- essentialism. pears logical, however, it is far from clear that it would function in this way in the United Key words : biological psychology, social con- States, for example, as it is not automatic that struction, gender identity, non-normative gen- a suspect class status would follow from proof der of biological immutability (see Hegarty, 1997).

Introduction This search for biological ‘proof’ of the veracity of non-normative gender identities is also Research investigating the aetiology of non- problematic for the ways that it has the ten- normative gender identities continues to dency to locate such identities within a search for biological factors that are dichoto- pathologising model (at least to the extent mously associated with such identities, includ- that some sort of medical ‘problem’ is taken to ing: anatomical brain structures (Zhou et al., have produced the apparent incongruity be-

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CHOPLIN: CONTRIBUTIONS OF BIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY

tween gender identity and anatomical sex; see opposite-sex attraction (e.g., Freud, McKitrick, 2007). This approach is further 1962/1905), so any psychological theory of pathologising for any non-gender normative why some people are uncomfortable or feel person who ‘lacks’ the proposed essential at- distress in their assigned gender roles should tribute (the diversity of intersex conditions also explain why others are comfortable, am- suggests that there would almost certainly be bivalent, or indifferent (i.e., the entire spec- a large variety of possible variations; see trum). Blackless et al., 2000). A biological approach can also be problematic from a political point Also, and from a traditional scientific stand- of view in that it can be used to defend gen- point, any approach that assumes that biology dered social hierarchies wherein male- is the cause, and social roles are the effect, is assigned people 1 are given higher status than problematic in that it would assume that biol- female-assigned people, which would mean ogy is fixed, which would fail to capture the that even after transitioning non-gender nor- complex, dynamic, and reciprocal relationships mative people would be expected to conform between biology and the social and physical to dominant gender hierarchies (see Peters, environment in which individuals develop 2005, for a personal account of a trans (e.g., Batalha, 2006; Fausto-Sterling, 1985). woman who experienced these dominance Recent research has demonstrated, for exam- hierarchies; see also Bem, 1993; Parlee, ple, that levels of sex hormones such as an- 1996). drogens and progesterone vary due to social influences such as recent victories and de- Of course the problems with the search for feats, physical health, and social support and solely biological explanations of gender are closeness (Brown et al., 2009; Schultheiss et not only limited to their application to non- al., 2005). The model in which biology is gender normative people; such explanations thought to be the cause and social roles and also fail to capture the entire spectrum of gen- behaviors are thought to be the effect is, der identities amongst gender-normative peo- therefore, at least partially incorrect; social ple (i.e., those whose gender identity matches roles and other ecological contingencies are up, more or less, with their assigned sex). For deeply involved in attenuating, amplifying, and example, survey research has consistently in some cases creating biological realities documented varying degrees of discomfort in (Parlee, 1996). In other words, we might assigned gender roles amongst a range of think of biology as one medium through which ‘biological’ men and women (Gillespie & Eisler, society and culture often construct social reali- 1992; Pleck, 1995; Eisler & Skidmore, 1987). ties, rather than being the root or cause of Furthermore, just as any psychological theory social realities as assumed by conventional of same-sex attraction also needs to explain biological explanations (Ahmed, 2008). The goal of this article is to explore this suggestion ______by examining some areas where biological psychology might provide insights into why 1 I use the terms “male-assigned” and “female- social roles as they have been constructed in assigned” to refer to the expectations that are contemporary western cultures fit some peo- placed on individuals. The category “male- ple better than others. assigned” includes cisgender men, trans men after they have transitioned and are expected to act like Problematic Situations or cisgender men, and trans women prior to transition when they are still expected to act like cisgender Opportunities to Thrive men. The category “female-assigned” includes cis- gender women, trans women after they have tran- Due to the constructed and arbitrary nature sitioned and are expected to act like cisgender of gendered social roles within western cul- women, and trans men prior to transition when tures, there will always likely be differences they are still expected to act like cisgender women. in the degree to which they fit individuals

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(see Mead, 1935/2001, for a classic analysis purported gender difference, wherein male- of how cultures construct arbitrary gendered assigned people cope by isolating them- social roles and why some individuals may selves and female-assigned people cope by not fit these roles). Some situations will affiliating with others, is due to biological create difficulties or distress in the daily differences between male-bodied and fe- lives of some people. Other situations will male-bodied people (Taylor et al., 2000), create opportunities for individuals to thrive but there are reasons to question whether if only they were allowed to adopt a gender biology is purely a cause and the different role that does not ‘match’ with the sex they responses to stress are purely effects. Tradi- were assigned at birth. I hypothosise that tionally, responses to stress have been char- some of these situations include: stressful acterised as fight-or-flight responses situations, friendships, situations requiring (Cannon, 1932), but oxytocin is a hormone empathy, expected emotionality, and situa- that reduces fight-or-flight responses tions that require or prohibit aggression and (Carter, Lederhendler, & Kirkpatrick, 1999; assertiveness. No two individuals will be Insel, 1997; but see Taylor et al., 2006). alike in the degree to which they find these Along with endogenous opioids, this hor- situations easy or difficult or the degree to mone is thought to encourage people to which they would have an opportunity to befriend others, trust them, spend time with thrive in these situations to the extent that them, and disclose problems to them in re- the people around them and the legal sys- sponse to stress by providing endogenous tem allowed them to adopt their preferred rewards for positive social affiliations gender identity. It is important to note that (Heinrichs et al., 2003; Kosfeld et al., 2005) my goal is only to present some examples and possibly punishment for failing to estab- and this list is not complete. Listening to lish positive social affiliation (Taylor, 2006). each individual’s personal story is critical in Taylor et al. (2000) argue that because an- understanding their idiosyncratic challenges drogens inhibit oxytocin release (Jezova et and opportunities (Lysenko, 2009). al., 1996), and estrogen enhances the anxi- ety reducing properties of oxytocin Stressful Situations (McCarthy, 1995; McCarthy et al., 1996), affiliation ought to be more characteristic of I hypothosise that in contemporary western female than male-bodied people’s responses cultures, individuals’ idiosyncratic strategies to stress (Taylor et al., 2000; Taylor, 2002). for coping with stress might be one of the There are reasons to be skeptical of such an most important issues affecting the degree essentialist account, however. Both male to which gender roles fit them. Some peo- and female-bodied people have fight-or- ple cope by discussing their problems with flight responses as well as oxytocin; andro- friends, while others prefer physical exer- gens do not eliminate oxytocin release; and cise, and still others prefer to be alone oxytocin still reduces anxiety without estro- (Tamres, Janicki, & Helgeson, 2002). That gen. Most importantly, the levels of these is, individuals have their own idiosyncratic hormones vary due to the social environ- strategies for dealing with stress. Neverthe- ment and factors such as recent victories less, western cultures typically expect male- and defeats, physical health, and social con- assigned people to cope by engaging in text (Schultheiss et al., 2005). In other physical activity or socially isolating them- words, biology is not purely a cause but selves (Jourard, 1971; McKenna, Green, & rather is also an effect, as can be seen by Gleason, 2002), and conversely expect fe- the fact that social roles and other ecologi- male-assigned people to cope by affiliating cal contingencies shape biology (see also with others (Taylor, 2002). Rosario et al., 1988, for a discussion of how social roles might create some of the ob- Some researchers have argued that this served gender differences in response to

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stress). It follows that individuals will have to others are thought to be better adjusted idiosyncratic ways of dealing with stress and than female-assigned people who do not, these idiosyncracies will operate through a male-assigned people who disclose their reciprocal relationship between biology and problems are thought to be more poorly social and environmental factors. adjusted (Chelune, 1976; Derlega & Chaikin, 1976; Petronio, 2002). While disclosure So this point about biology, context and usually increases how much female- stress begs the question of what happens to assigned people are liked, depending on the individuals whose coping strategies do not situation, disclosure often decreases how fit these expectations? Female-assigned much male-assigned people are liked people whose natural instinct is to cope by (Collins & Miller, 1994; Chelune, 1976). The spending time alone to regroup and who, end result is that a male-assigned person therefore, do not disclose their problems to experiencing stress who needs emotional others might find themselves disliked support to cope will have difficulty receiving (Chelune, 1976; Collins & Miller, 1994), this emotional support and might find him- judged more masculine, and judged to have self disliked and judged to have poor psy- poor psychological adjustment (Derlega & chological adjustment. Chaikin, 1976; Shaffer, Pegalis, & Cornell, 1991). Male-assigned people who act the Friendship same way are not vulnerable to the same types of social rejection (Chelune, 1976) The types of friendships people prefer could and are judged to be well-adjusted (Derlega also affect the degree to which gender roles & Chaikin, 1976; Petronio, 2002). Perhaps fit them. In contemporary western cultures, we should not be surprised if some of these many people’s most intimate, non-romantic female-assigned people feel as if their as- friendships are same-gender (Bukowski, signed gender roles do not fit them. Simi- Newcomb, & Hartup, 1996) and female and larly, contemporary western cultures do not male-assigned people typically have very expect male-assigned people to cope by different types of friendships available to affiliating with others (Jourard, 1971; them. Female same-gender friendships as McKenna, Green, & Gleason, 2002), so they have been constructed in contempo- those male-assigned people for whom affili- rary western cultures tend to emphasise ating with others is their preferred strategy emotional intimacy, sharing, and conversa- for coping (Tamres, Janicki, & Helgeson, tion, while male same-gender friendships 2002) may face enormous difficulties. First, tend to emphasise shared activities they might have more difficulty getting the (Caldwell & Peplau, 1982; Parker & deVries, emotional support they need (Eagly & Crow- 1993; Sheets & Lugar, 2005; Veniegas & ley, 1986), so their preferred strategy for Peplau, 1997; Vigil, 2007; Tiger, 1969). coping might not be as available as it would However, perhaps due in part to biological have been if they had been assigned female variations in stress reactivity (Gottman & roles. The difficulty of finding emotional Levenson, 1987; Markman & Kraft, 1989; support might be compounded if they are Kiecolt-Glaser et al., 1994; Reis, 1998) also shy or withdrawn, another personal which are shaped to a large degree by social attribute that has been investigated by bio- factors (Meaney, 2001; Uchino, Cacioppo, & logical psychologists (see Kagan, Reznick, & Kiecolt-Glaser, 1996), individuals have idio- Snidman, 1987; Kagan & Snidman, 1991; syncratic preferences for various types of Kagan, Snidman, & Arcus, 1998, for re- friendships. Some female-assigned people search investigating biological correlates of prefer friendships that emphasise shared shy or withdrawn behavior). Furthermore, activities and some male-assigned people research has found that while female- prefer friendships that emphasise emotional assigned people who disclose their problems intimacy, sharing, and conversation

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(Zarbatany, Conley, & Pepper, 2004). How- tions within western cultures naturally fit ever, because contemporary Western cul- them, while others will not. ture has constructed same-sex friendships as it has, some people will have difficulty In addition, contemporary western cultures establishing their preferred types of friend- assign different types of helping tasks to ships or find their friendships less rewarding people it has assigned to play female or than they otherwise could be (Zarbatany, male roles (Eagly, 2009). Female-assigned Conley, & Pepper, 2004; Kupersmidt et al., people are expected to help others, espe- 1999). The desire for friendships that em- cially their family members, in long-term, phasise emotional intimacy, sharing, and non-emergency situations; while male- conversation might be one reason why trans assigned people are expected to help others women are more likely than others to re- in emergency situations and other situations quest friendship in personal advertisements that conform to male- norms than others are (Child et al., 1996; see also (e.g., lifting heavy things, Eagly & Crowley, Sakamoto et al., 2009, for a discussion of 1986). People’s levels of empathy might social support among homeless trans affect their willingness and sometimes their women). In other words, difficulties in es- ability to help in these situations (Eisenberg tablishing rewarding friendships could be a et al., 1988; Skoe et al., 2002). major reason why some people might feel as if their assigned gender roles do not fit Expected Emotionality them (Peplau & Perlman, 1982). Emotionality and emotional expression Situations Requiring Empathy might also affect how well gender roles fit individuals (Lippa, 2001). Due to reciprocal Western cultures expect female-assigned causal relationships between social context people to be more empathetic and to feel and biology (Ekman, Levenson, & Friesen, more sympathy and compassion than male- 1983; Ax, 1953; Graham, 1962; Roberts & assigned people (Skoe et al., 2002). De- Weerts, 1982; Schwartz, Weinberger, & spite this expectation, there may be no ac- Singer, 1981), some people are more emo- tual gender difference in empathy. Re- tional or are more likely to express emotions search has found differences primarily when than are others (LaFrance & Banaji, 1992; these differences are measured by self- Sprecher & Sedikides, 1993; Larson & Pleck, report, but rarely when other measures are 1999). For example, idiosyncratic social used (Eisenberg & Lennon, 1983). Never- factors such as environmental stress, num- theless, due in part to social factors that in ber and quality of care-givers, and parental turn affect biology (Meaney, 2001), some touching can affect the hypothalamic– individuals are more empathic than others pituitary–adrenal (HPA) axis and neurotrans- (Eisenberg et al., 1991; Eisenberg & Miller, mitters that regulate how emotions are ex- 1987). Reciprocal causal relationships be- pressed (Cirulli et al., 2010). Despite the tween social context and biology are impli- fact that this reciprocal relationship is not cated in these individual differences (Decety directly related to gender, female-assigned & Jackson, 2006; Roys, 1997). There is evi- people in contemporary Western culture are dence, for example, that the quality of care expected to experience and express emo- one receives, which is affected by environ- tions such as happiness, sadness, fear, guilt, mental stressors on care-givers, affects oxy- and shame while male-assigned people are tocin receptor gene expression (which in often strongly discouraged from expressing turn affects the type of care one gives; such emotions (Brody & Hall, 1993). Like- Meaney, 2001). Due to such environmental wise, male-assigned people are expected to influences that, in turn, affect biology, some experience and sometimes express emotions individuals will find that gendered expecta- such as anger, pride, contempt, and so

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forth, while female-assigned people are of- ough discussion of this complex, reciprocal ten strongly discouraged from expressing relationship). Nevertheless, the cultural them (Fehr et al., 1999; Biaggio, 1989). As delegation of tasks often requires male- a result, some people will be expected to assigned people to be aggressive and often express emotions or will have emotions at- requires female-assigned people not to be, tributed to them that they are not experi- even if these requirements are contrary to encing. Others will be expected to suppress an individual’s idiosyncratic level of aggres- or will not be acknowledged as having emo- sion. tions that they are experiencing. These so- cial prescriptions could create a situation For example, Western culture expects al- wherein some people may feel as if their most all male-assigned people to play ag- assigned gender roles do not fit them gressive sports and play them well (Sabo & (Lippa, 2001; Quartana & Burns, 2007). Panepinto, 1990); and it expects that fewer female-assigned children will play such Situations that Require or Prohibit sports and that if they do play, they will play Aggression and Assertiveness them to a lower standard than do male- assigned people (Landers & Fine, 1996). Aggression and assertiveness are often use- Female-assigned people who wish to play ful in performing tasks that western cultures sports might become dissatisfied with their delegate to male-assigned people, but these assigned-gender role, because they are of- traits can sometimes interfere with tasks ten discouraged, given fewer opportunities, that are delegated to female-assigned peo- and ignored (Huffman, Tuggle, & Rosen- ple (Eagly & Steffen, 1984). 2 Due to this gard, 2004; Pottker & Fishel, 1976; Burns & cultural delegation of tasks, there is a statis- Ross, 1986). In addition, since western cul- tical difference wherein male-assigned peo- tures expect male-assigned, but not female- ple in contemporary western cultures are on assigned, individuals to be aggressive, iden- average more likely to be physically aggres- tical behaviors might be judged more ag- sive than female-assigned people. Never- gressive if performed by a female-assigned theless, approximately one third of female- person than if performed by a male- assigned people are more physically aggres- assigned person (Condry & Ross, 1985). sive than the median male-assigned person, Being judged overly aggressive might cause and approximately one third of male- some female-assigned people to feel as if assigned people are less physically aggres- their assigned gender role does not fit them. sive than the median female-assigned per- Likewise, because success in aggressive son (Hyde, 1984; Eagly & Steffen, 1986; sports is such an important feature of mas- Archer, 2004). Research suggests that an culinity in some parts of Western culture, individual’s idiosyncratic level of aggression male-assigned children who are not physi- is due to complex, reciprocal relationships cally aggressive might feel as if their as- between social influences (Lightdale & Pren- signed gender role does not fit them. Fail- tice, 1994; Eagly & Steffen, 1986; Bandura, ure can lead to social isolation, name call- 1973) and biology (e.g., Rhee & Waldmann, ing, and bullying (Soulliere, 2006; Plummer, 2002; see Stoff & Susman, 2005, for a thor- 2006).

______Likewise, assertiveness is often useful in the performance of tasks that are culturally 2 There are exceptions to this rule. In particular, delegated to male-assigned people, but aggression and assertiveness can be useful in per- sometimes interferes with the performance forming tasks given to female-assigned people in of tasks that are culturally delegated to fe- contemporary Western culture, if used for the male-assigned people. Because of this cul- benefit of children or other family members (Babcock & Laschever, 2003). tural delegation of tasks, male-assigned

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people are on average more assertive than tressed other. Such cues might also be par- female-assigned people (Anderson & ticularly likely when gender is salient and Leaper, 1998; Romaine, 1999; Kalbfleisch & people are thinking about gender (Deaux & Herold, 2005). Nevertheless, individuals Major, 1987) such as after a sexist television have their own idiosyncratic levels of asser- show, for example, or when the vast major- tiveness, so the cultural delegation of gen- ity of people in a room are one gender and dered tasks associated with assertiveness there are only a few token members of the will be more difficult for some individuals other gender (Gutek & Morasch, 1982). than for others. A person’s idiosyncratic level of assertiveness is likely to be due to Conclusion complex, reciprocal relationships between social influences (Romaine, 1999) and biol- Biological gender essentialism is the view that ogy (Kagan, Reznick, & Snidman, 1987; Ka- due to factors such as hormones, sensitivity to gan & Snidman, 1991; Kagan, Snidman, & hormones, chromosomes, differences in ana- Arcus, 1998; see Kagan, 1994, for a thor- tomical brain structures and genitalia, what ough discussion of these complex, reciprocal are seen as two distinct sexes are essentially relationships). One conclusion to be drawn different and this difference is immutable. from these examples is that research on the Such an understanding of sex assumes that biology of gender identity might be well ad- people can be categorised as female or male vised to concentrate on these reciprocal re- based upon whether or not they possess these lationships, rather than on anatomical brain characteristics, and that the gendered roles structures, sex-steroid or hormone related and tasks that are assigned to each sex are a genes, or pre- or post-natal exposure to natural result of these biological differences hormones. (see Bem, 1993, for a critique). Researchers who have investigated the biological origins of The difficulties that people encounter in non-normative gender identities have typically these situations are often compounded be- looked for essential traits (Zhou et al., 1995; cause people commonly use subtle social Kruijver et al., 2000, Henningsson et al., 2005, signals to elicit expected behaviors from Schneider, Pickel, & Stalla, 2006; Phoenix et those with whom they interact (Snyder & al., 1959; Goy, Bercovitch, & McBrair, 1988; Swann, 1978; Snyder, Tanke, & Berscheid, Gorski, 1991; Short, 1979). By contrast, the 1977). Telling a person to “act like a lady” approach presented here offers an alternative or to “take it like a man” is an unambiguous to these essentialist theories (in fact, no cate- instruction that one is expected to follow gories have such essences, Medin, 1989; Witt- gendered expectations, but in some social genstein, 1953; but there are cognitive and contexts a nod of the head towards a male- social reasons why people falsely believe that assigned person, especially a friend, might they do, Haslam, Rothschild, & Ernst, 2000; more subtly signal the expectation that he Medin & Ortony, 1989; Prentice & Miller, will help move boxes or a glance into a fe- 2007; see also Bem, 1993; Diamond, 2006; male-assigned person’s eyes might signal Hale, 1996; McKitrick, 2007; Martin & Parker, understanding, an offer of emotional sup- 1995). It considers the female and male roles port, or request for help (Valentine & Ehr- that our culture has created to be like any lichman, 1979; Deaux & Major, 1987). Such other culturally defined tasks, and the ease social cues might cause people to behave as with which people can perform these tasks will others expect (Skrypnek & Snyder, 1982), depend upon a reciprocal relationship between even if this behavior is contrary to how they social influences and biology. Biology is, there- wish to act. A female-assigned person who fore, not simply a cause but is also an effect, is not particularly empathetic might never- and social influences are deeply involved in theless find herself soothing someone in attenuating, amplifying, and in some cases distress after receiving a glance from a dis- creating biological realities (e.g., Schultheiss

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et al., 2005). Understanding these complex, Psychosomatic Medicine , 15, 433-442. reciprocal relationships will help clarify why Babcock, L., & Laschever, S. (2003). Women there is such enormous diversity among ex- don’t ask. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univer- periences of gender identities, and why simply sity Press. choosing to conform to social expectations is Bandura, A. (1973). Aggression: A social typically not an option, and thus why there learning analysis . Englewood Cliffs, NJ: can never be biological markers of ‘true’ gen- Prentice-Hall. der. Batalha, L. (2006). The construction of gen- dered identities through personality traits: Author Note A post-structuralist critique. Gay & Lesbian Issues and Psychology Review , 2, 3-11. Jessica M. Choplin, Ph.D., is an Assistant Pro- Bem, S.L. (1993). The lenses of gender: fessor of Experimental Psychology at DePaul Transforming the debate on sexual inequal- University in Chicago, Illinois. She teaches ity . New Haven, CT: Yale. psychology of women and serves on the advi- Biaggio, M.K. (1989). Sex differences in be- sory board of the Women’s and Gender Stud- havioral reactions to provocation of anger. ies Program. Contact: DePaul University; De- Psychological Reports , 64, 23-26. partment of Psychology; 2219 North Kenmore Blackless, M., Charuvastra, A., Derryck, A., Avenue; Chicago, IL USA 60614-3504; e-mail: Fausto-Sterling, A., Lauzanne, K., & Lee, E. [email protected] (2000). How sexually dimorphic are we? Review and synthesis. American Journal of Human Biology, 12 , 151-166. Acknowledgements Brody, L.R., & Hall, J.A. (1993). Gender and emotion. In Handbook of emotions , ed. M. I would like to thank Damien Riggs, L. Anne Lewis and J. M. Haviland. New York: Guil- Peplau, Emilia Lombardi, Talia Bettcher, Razi ford Press. Zarchy, Midge Wilson, Joe Ferrari, Tina Brown, S.L., Fredriskson, B.L., Wirth, M.M., Chanter, Arlen Ring, and—most of all—my Poulin, M.J., Meier, E.A., Heaphy, E.D., partner, Debra Pogrund Stark, for helpful con- Cohen, M.D., Schultheiss, O.C. (2009). So- versations, insights, and encouragement in cial closeness increases salivary progester- writing this paper. one in humans. Hormones and Behavior , 56, 108-111. References Bukowski, W.M., Newcomb, A.F., & Hartup, W.W. (1996). The company they keep: Ahmed, S. (2008). Open forum imaginary Friendships in childhood and adolescence . prohibitions: Some preliminary remarks on New York:Cambridge University Press. the founding gestures of the ‘new materil- Burns, A. & Ross, H. (1986). Sex role satisfac- ism.’ European Journal of Women’s Stud- tion among Australian children: Some sex, ies , 15, 23-39. age, and cultural group comparisons. Psy- Anderson, K.J. & Leaper, C. (1998). Meta- chology of Women Quarterly , 10, 285-296. analyses of gender effects on conversa- Caldwell, M.A. & Peplau, L.A. (1982). Sex dif- tional interruptions: Who, what, when, ferences in same-sex friendships. Sex where, and how. Sex Roles , 39, 225-252. Roles , 8, 721-732. Archer, J. (2004). Sex differences in aggres- Cannon, W.B. (1932). The wisdom of the sion in real-world settings: A meta-analytic body . New York: Norton. review. Review of General Psychology , 8, Carter, C.S., Lederhendler, I.I. & Kirkpatrick, 291-322. B. (1999). The integrative neurobiology of Ax, A.A. (1953). The physiological differentia- affiliation . Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. tion between fear and anger in humans. Chelune, G.J. (1976). Reactions to male and female disclosure at two levels. Journal of

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Gay & Lesbian Issues and Psychology Review, Vol. 7, No. 1, 2011

THE EVOLUTION OF A GENDER AGENDA : THE PSYCHOLOGY OF HOW CANBERRA’S SEX AND GENDER DIVERSE INDIVIDUALS ARE GROWING A COMMUNITY ORGANISATION

GABRIELLE HITCH, HEIDI YATES AND JENNIE YATES

Abstract On 21 January 2011, AGA launched its 2011 Social Inclusion Project funded by the ACT Growing a successful community organisation Health Promotion Fund. Across the ACT, from a group of individuals who share their brightly coloured posters invite trans and in- diversity as a common link is no mean feat. tersex people, along with partners and fami- Canberra-based community organisation A lies, to participate in a year full of 44 activities Gender Agenda has been working toward this which include: discussion groups; skill share goal for more than a decade, but the last few sessions; leisure activities; art therapy; and an years have seen a marked growth in the or- Exploring Gender intensive course. At the ganisation’s membership and more particularly launch, held at a local swimming centre in the breadth of its achievements. A discus- booked exclusively for AGA’s use, two trans sion of the framework which has facilitated women, aged 43 and 69 years, who were in- this growth, followed by an examination of the dependently attending their first SGD event five key strands which comprise AGA’s core ever, were overheard to say strength, provides insight into how this work has been achieved and how AGA has moved Who would have thought that it was this easy, if along the continuum of achievement toward I’d known it was like this I’d have had more success. courage to take some steps years ago.

Introduction Another person confided that due to their in- tersex condition, it was the first time that they

had swum in a public pool since the onset of This article provides an overview of the com- puberty. One week after the Project launch, munity organisation A Gender Agenda (AGA), 1 AGA opened its first premises comprising of- a Canberra-based organisation providing infor- fice, meeting room, kitchen facilities, counsel- mation, community education, counselling, 2 ling room and a backyard just waiting for a support and advocacy services in relation to fire pit. Where did this organisation come from issues affecting transgender and intersex com- and how has it harnessed such energy, drive munities, referred to in this article as Can- and commitment to achieve so much in a rela- berra’s sex and gender diverse (SGD) commu- tively short time frame? nity. AGA is committed to achieving legal and social recognition and protection of human While much of the progress outlined above rights for all people regardless of their legal or has been achieved within the last three years, biological sex, or their gender identity or ex- it is the result of a carefully thought out strat- pression. egy developed over the preceding decade. ______The psychology behind this strategy was de- veloped in direct response to the obstacles 1 For more information please see : experienced by many marginalised groups in http://www.genderrights.org.au/ trying to develop a significant community 2 AGA currently provides counselling on an infor- presence. mal, voluntary basis.

ISSN 1833-4512 © 2011 Australian Psychological Society

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This paper examines the underlying frame- isltive constraint, nor a reason for increased work and assumption adopted by AGA, it iden- experiences of bullying, harassment or dis- tifies the population AGA comprises and repre- crimination. sents, and also provides an account of AGA’s core strength, an interweaving of five key The ongoing development of AGA’s framework strands: broad based community support; in- and associated assumption has been critical to clusive management structure; effective com- members who deserve the assurance that munication strategies with the SGD commu- their biological sex, gender identity and gen- nity and the broader community; crafting op- der expression are all represented in the or- portunities for social interaction; and political ganisation’s work for legislative change and activity focussed on direct lobbying and indi- human rights protection. vidual discrimination complaints. Together, these strands provide a strategy which is able Who Does AGA Give Voice To? to focus on supporting and enriching members of the SGD community and also the relation- While there is a distinct lack of Australian- ship between SGD members and the wider based research on issues affecting the trans community of Canberra. population, the few studies that have been done consistently confirm that there are sig- Framework for Understanding Gen- nificant gaps between the health and well- der in a Way that Allows for all Pres- being of trans people and the general popula- entations tion. There is essentially no intersex-specific research available (though we do know that In the process of giving a voice to the SGD between two and four percent of the popula- community’s needs in both legislative and hu- tion are born with an intersex condition, man rights arenas, AGA is working hard to Wilhelm; Palmer; & Koopman: 2007). develop a framework that will allow all possi- bilities of sex and gender identities and pres- Sex and gender diverse people, despite being entations to be considered. A workable frame- more highly educated than the general popu- work eschews the binary notion of male and lation, are over represented in the unemploy- female based on anatomy. Something else ment statistics and in those living below the needs to fill this space, and AGA believes that poverty line. They suffer exceptionally high perhaps the concept of a continuum of sex levels of discrimination, extremely high inci- and/or gender identity may better reflect the dences of depression and suicide, high rates natural order and lived experience of the hu- of homelessness, and poor interactions with man condition. A continuum framework imme- health services. They experience violence at diately removes the pressure for surgery, a far greater rates than the general population potentially life threatening and expensive re- and more often that violence is extreme. The quirement that should remain a choice, not a majority of the SGD population report modify- necessity. It also allows already marginalised ing their behaviour in certain settings due to citizens to fully express themselves without fear of stigma and discrimination, behaviour further trauma through the imposition of arbi- that inevitably results in low rates of social trary constructs. inclusion and participation (Couch; Pitts; Mul- care; Croy; Mitchell; & Patel: 2007; Riley: In addition to the continuum framework 2011; Perkins: 1994). (relating to biological sex and gender identity ), of critical import is the assumption that indi- These are the people who AGA gives a voice viduals should be free to express their gender to, these are the people who, with their part- in whatever way they choose. This should not ners and allies, participate in the management rightly be a matter for public policy or leg- of the organisation, the community education and training, the networking, the social

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events, and the political activities. At times, have members of that community among their when there are short falls in the required skill clients. This position stands AGA apart from set among the SGD membership, the organi- those organisations within the SGD community sation works with members who are non-trans that aim to derive support almost exclusively allies to achieve the necessary resources and from others who have ‘lived’ the particular input. experience they primarily represent.

Core Strength: An Interweaving of AGA developed this broader base from late Five Key Strands 2008, when a deliberate strategy was put in place to understand how transgender and in- AGA’s strength has in large part come from tersex issues intersected with the work of the need to bring together an extraordinarily each potentially supporting organisation. Or- diverse, isolated and marginalised population ganisations, such as sexual assault services, in ways that allow individuals to engage in a community health services and gender-specific manner, and at a rate, that is right for them service providers were then approached with as individuals. that intersection in mind. AGA began to de- velop and offer education and support to or- In many ways the AGA is doing what the les- ganisations to train their staff so that they bian and gay population did in the ‘70s and were better able to attract and provide for ‘80s. Essentially, it is about: speaking into ex- their SGD clients. istence the experiences lived daily by a mar- ginalised group; taking up physical space; and This approach is fundamentally solution fo- being able to hear the existence of trans- cused. It positions AGA among other commu- gender and intersex individuals acknowledged nity organisations that have service provision positively in the everyday discourse of the as their focus. This ultimately results in a general population. In the same way that spe- situation where service providers across the cialist gay and lesbian community centres, territory are well informed about SGD issues, counselling services and health services were to the point that their organisations’ policies, a significant focus for building individual and procedures and training reflect appropriate community strength several decades ago (but considerations and processes. At the same for some are now no longer as imperative), time, their staff members generally feel signifi- AGA envisages that in the foreseeable future cantly more comfortable than they have previ- SGD community members will have the same ously when working with members of the SGD experience. AGA anticipates quality service community, because they are better educated delivery in mainstream settings, automatic and know how to readily access further infor- consideration of SGD issues in policy and leg- mation and support should that be required. islative decision making, and a celebration of the increased diversity of ‘mainstream’ society. After a recent training session with a Tertiary The following five key strands work together Counsellors network, a psychologist was heard to bring this about. to say that she really liked the continuum framework, that it could be applied not just to Building a Broad Base of Wider gender but to life in general, and that ‘boxes’ Community Support were generally very unhelpful things! Another said that she had worked with two trans- Perhaps the most critical key strand contribut- gender clients in recent years and had no idea ing to AGA’s current standing is the decision to where to go to get support/education for her- seek support from a broad base of community self or which services were trans friendly and organisations, which are not primarily focused therefore appropriate when making referrals on SGD issues, but which nonetheless will for her clients. SGD community members who use the ser-

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vices of organisations that have developed knowledged for that. relationships with AGA report finding more informed and respectful service provision. This There is a general mindfulness within AGA is crucial in attending to the needs of this tra- that even a very small contribution from ditionally under-serviced population as it is someone may equate to a large investment of likely to allay fears and concerns experienced resources for them and should be so appreci- during numerous previous encounters with ated. There is also an on-going struggle to be unsympathetic or misguided service providers. inclusive in every sense of that word, sitting In turn, word spreads that specific service pro- alongside an open and honest acknowledg- viders are ‘doing a good or reasonable job’ ment that there are many areas where AGA and more SGD people will feel inclined to seek needs to do more work and a commitment to necessary support that they may hitherto have inviting participation from the people who can been reluctant to access. The ultimate result is help to do that work. quality service provision to the SGD commu- nity within a broader community framework The vehicle for this process, confirmed in the that can only be richer for its diversity. AGA 2009 End of Year Report, was the com- mitment to hold members meetings six times An Inclusive Management Structure a year. The results of this practice have been evidenced directly in the number of people The second strand to the AGA core is its man- who are choosing to take up space, be recog- agement structure. Founding AGA members nised for their contribution, and go on to not noticed that in other jurisdictions management only contribute further themselves but encour- committees often held all the cards, with the age others to take the risk of ‘owning’ too. membership being left to like it or leave. In Clearly the organisation and the individual others, while the language was based on the both benefit from this process. concept of actions ‘by and for’ the member- ship, the reality was harder to achieve. This Effective Communication Strategies process of concentrating power in the hands of a few mimics SGD community members’ A key part of AGA’s visibility is due to its in- experiences of disenfranchisement in other creasing media presence. This increased me- parts of society and it was important to de- dia presence attends to a range of ethical di- velop a management structure that actively lemmas associated with developing a public encouraged members to feel they had agency profile of a community that has been histori- within the organisation. cally much maligned. The AGA management committee utilises a recognisable, 'branded', Consequently, AGA’s structure has consciously image and tone to associate with AGA com- evolved to enable members to have ownership munications and advertising. This tone is de- of particular aspects of the organisation. This signed to suit the current and emerging trends has often provided management with some within social media and also emphasise the challenging moments, requiring of them the value of SGD lives without risking harm to in- wisdom and courage to ‘let go’ some posi- dividuals. AGA works to democratise the mod- tional power. But this commitment is bigger ern media relationship by using Facebook, than just acquiescing to those who wish to publicising its media releases, and encourag- take more ownership of certain areas. The ing members to dialogue about potential me- ‘real meat’ of this choice is in actively creating dia topics. opportunities for people to engage in ways that are meaningful to them, orchestrating The organisation is keenly aware of the need events so that people who may feel like they to develop positive relationships with mem- are not entitled to ‘own’ anything can do so bers of the public and media representatives. within their own limits and be genuinely ac- However, there is a tension to be considered

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between two competing contexts. On the one stitute the circus attraction that some individu- hand, public interest in SGD issues is an area als associate with their mental image of the that AGA seeks to cultivate and to do so by SGD community. In the past, this spokesper- utilising media and appearances at public son didn’t disclose whether or not she identi- events in order to hopefully bring about posi- fied as trans, with the political understanding tive change in community attitudes. Simulta- that this identification should not matter neously, spokespersons for the organisation within a broader discussion of injustices, dis- are mindful of a distracting and damaging ten- crimination, or community values. However, it dency towards voyeurism, which feeds the quickly became self-evident that some audi- stigma and marginalisation that AGA seeks to ences were simply waiting to hear the specif- redress. The difference between these two ics of a personal, embodied, gender journey contexts can be difficult to identify, and still and were therefore not absorbing the ab- harder to remedy from a media perspective. stracted information the spokesperson was attempting to convey. One strategy that has It is important to the values of AGA that the proved beneficial is to use this sense of vo- strategy for media representation is not one yeurism as an example to illuminate AGA’s which erases or ignores the real and tangible larger concerns. For example, when a conver- differences between trans and non-trans ex- sation is diverted by the audience away from periences. That is to say that AGA does not sociological concerns towards "so...have you employ the discourse of 'we're just like you'. A had sex-change surgery?", it can be helpful to key aspect of any 'pride' model of media dis- answer by challenging the audience to ask course is an active effort to emphasise the themselves why they feel entitled to such per- unique positives present within that group (in sonal, private information about a stranger. this case, trans and intersex groups). More specific to AGA’s agenda is the attention to- Difficulties remain for a positive relationship wards a practical embracing of diversity. This between AGA and the media. It is clear at this means that, unlike some more mainstream point that mainstream culture upholds a par- rights’ campaigns, AGA will not participate in ticular idea of what an 'authentic' trans iden- hierarchical attempts to create a culturally tity is, and that identities which exist outside palatable imagery and visual association for of those parameters can sometimes be dis- their work. missed in a search for more salacious exam- ples. The organisation recognises that some of However, some audiences can make it clear these instances can have more serious psy- through somatic interactions that they have cho-social consequences. This cultural ideation particular expectations of what an appropriate of ‘trans’ness as abject, a correlation fre- 'trans speaker' is. Do they look 'strange' quently found in media coverage of SGD com- enough? Can you 'just tell' that they're 'really munities, can suggest a sense of compulsory a man/woman'? Is the person enough of a self-loathing, as if a person is only truly trans visual oddity to adequately capture and hold if they hate themselves entirely. This ignores the public interest? This is ethically and politi- and de-legitimises the happiness and vibrancy cally unworkable, and is the primary challenge present in many trans lives. Acting as a coun- that is encountered by AGA in engagements terbalance to stigmatising mainstream dis- with the media. courses is the primary desired outcome of me- dia interactions within AGA. One of the organisation’s non-trans spokes- persons notes that when she stands up to ad- In addition to their focus on communicating dress a group of people about gender issues with people outside AGA, the question of how and mention that she identifies as a 'non-trans best to keep in touch with members of the person', there can be a sense of disappoint- SGD community is also one that has focused ment, because she does not adequately con- the attention of the organisation. Many people

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within the SGD community want to be anony- means that many places are not safe spaces mous or feel socially isolated. If an organisa- for people to be out. But AGA also acknowl- tion aims to give voice to these particular edges that the fear of stigma and discrimina- populations then the ubiquitous web, with its tion incapacitates some trans and intersex gift of anonymity, is surely a crucial tool. So it people at least as much, if not more than, the is no surprise that this third strand was devel- actuality of harassment or violence perpe- oped at a time when social networking was trated against them. One response, in order to increasing in popularity and web access was allay some of these legitimate fears associated more available than ever to those marginal- with getting together in a safe physical space, ised economically, physically and socially. has been the acquisition of premises owned Members are encouraged to be engaged in a by the organisation. Now there is a safe place variety of different ways (e.g., an email list where SGD people can meet for support, for where all anyone knows about anyone else is discussion and just for fun. their email address). This provides a forum for people to provide input in an essentially The recent move into AGA’s own premises anonymous way. also bears testament to the benefits of ‘working alongside’ friends to get a job done. In 2009, AGA launched its revitalised website Members upped tools during a sunny Saturday and established a series of email lists for to assemble furniture, hang pictures, unpack members, families and their supporters. The the library and construct the BBQ, whilst kids lists include one for: members; events; MTF worked on decorating the backyard with chalk spectrum people of all gender-expressions and pictures. Those present shared lunch out the sexualities; FTM spectrum people of all gen- back under the AGA marquee, heralding the ders-expressions and sexualities; under 30s - first of many informal gatherings planned for a mix of trans girls, trans boys, genderqueers, the space. Below, members share their recol- partners, allies, friends and queer-family; part- lections of the move into the new premises: ners of people who are transgender, intersex, gender non-conforming, genderqueer, cross- One of the most exciting things about the day dressers, are transitioning, have transitioned, for me was watching people turn up, and wan- or are considering transitioning. Importantly, der around a little bit aimlessly – not knowing the specificity reflected in the names given to where to start. And when someone said “oh, you could put those posters up” and they were these particular lists provides a safe space to given permission to start to “own” the space, ask questions of, share information with and they leapt at the opportunity. seek advice from people in similar situations. A trans woman in her sixties said to me “I can’t At the same time, AGA made its presence felt believe this is real – having our own space. I on the ACT-wide ACTQueer email list. This has really didn’t think I’d see it in my lifetime. I had established AGA in the broader LGBTIQ com- to come along today – just to make sure it was munity as a visible organisation dedicated, not true. only to providing and building support among individuals, but also for taking political actions Already, the existence of AGA’s own premises that highlight the need for changes to relevant has made a difference to one Canberra family. legislation. While a tradesman stood waiting at the prem- ise’s front door, he watched the AGA project Crafting Opportunities for officer (a trans woman) walk down the drive- Social Interaction way toward him, wearing a dress and high heels. He asked the project officer what AGA

stood for and during the ensuing two hour In crafting opportunities for social interaction, conversation, focussed on transgender issues, it is important to recognise that violence, dis- he said that her approach had brought him an crimination and stigma are real, and that this

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extreme sense of relief. Relief because his 9 clusion project underway, a decision was year old child has always identified as the made to hold a more positively-focussed gender that was “opposite” to their birth sex event. The new format would serve not only and he hadn’t known where to go for support, to remember all those who had suffered inex- who to talk to, or where to turn for insight cusably, but to celebrate the growing commu- into how best to support his child and wife. nity, and recognise the strength that members This is a graphic example of the two-way draw not just from each other but from their benefits of the SGD population taking up broader community base. More than 60 peo- physical space. Being visible is not just about ple attended (at least six times previous atten- benefits for those who identify as SGD, but dance numbers), including members, family, about increasing the well-being of the broader friends, representatives of supporting commu- community. nity organisations and a supportive ACT politi- cian. Attendees left with a potted marigold to Another key social event is the AGA commu- be planted in a garden of their choice: a re- nity picnic which has been held for a number minder of the continuing strength and growth of years. In 2009, at the first picnic to be held of the Trans and Intersex community. The after the email list began, the desire for online politician arranged for his marigold to be friendships to become concrete became evi- planted in the gardens of the ACT Legislative dent. The event was attended by in excess of Assembly - a golden reminder of the law re- 80 people. It was an event that attracted form work yet to be done to obtain equality members, their partners, other family mem- for the SGD community. The transition of this bers and the local television news who were event from remembrance, to a combination of advised the event was being held via an AGA remembrance and celebration, clearly evi- press release. This was also an opportunity for denced a community need to come together AGA to engage with the press, as much as not just to commemorate loss, but to cele- possible, on their terms. brate the hope found in community strength.

The accounts of this picnic also point to the As mentioned in the introduction, this year has value of providing unstructured and informal seen the launch of the Social Inclusion pro- opportunities to get together. Another insight ject, 3 the largest project ever undertaken by into the power of this community came from a AGA. At the time of writing, the first skill share transwoman who attended her first members’ event Container Gardening had been a huge meeting in 2010. She commented to a friend success and the first discussion group Doing it over coffee some weeks later: Differently to be run this week already has a waiting list as long as the attendees list. Some “You know, I’ve had more social contact in the of the events scheduled for May and June are three months since I joined AGA than I had in already full, and almost all the other events the preceding 10 years”. have registrations for more than half their ca- pacity and it is still only February. This above quote highlights the level of social isolation experienced by some members of the SGD community and speaks to the importance of the social activities fostered by AGA. ______

For a number of years, AGA has also organ- 3 The link to the calendar of events can be found ised a Trans Day of Remembrance event. at: http://www.genderrights.org.au/images/stories/ files/AGA_Social_Inclusion_events_2011.pdf These have been quite sombre events attract- The Social Inclusion project is funded by the ACT ing a small number of SGD people. In 2010, Health Promotion Fund. with the email lists in full flight, training in progress and planning for the 2011 Social In-

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Political Activity: State and Federal ture. AGA has found this to be an empowering Lobbying process, where the sharing of stories, with one another, better prepares us to communi- The fifth and final strand to this core strength cate them more effectively to politicians and is one that is grounded in the very nature of the broader community. Whilst members do the SGD community. Fundamental to AGA’s not always agree, there are many issues on political lobbying strategy is a particular style which AGA can speak with a unified voice, on of thinking about one of its most available behalf of a marginalised community that is assets – diversity. Given the political currency demanding a better response from govern- of diversity, readily recognised by the broader ment. As one AGA member said at a recent population in multicultural and sexuality con- law reform meeting: texts among others, AGA has chosen to em- brace that diversity and talk about it, while at I feel like talking and writing to politicians the same time working tirelessly to draw out means we are making a difference, I’m trying to change the system to make my life better, the common threads. but at the same time, I’m making sure other people don’t have such a rough trot. At a lobbying level this translates to acknowl- edgement that members don’t all agree about As well as facilitating opportunities for discus- everything, which in turn adds weight to what sion, AGA seeks to build the capacity of indi- can be said that everyone does in fact agree viduals to take action. For example, AGA has about. This was evident in the consultation built connections with several legal experts— process in 2008 leading up to the Australian from outside the SGD community—who can Human Rights Commission’s (AHRC) Sex Files provide advice and support in the formulation report. It was noted that Canberra was the of lobbying strategies, submissions, letters only session they came to where, even though and individual complaints. everyone had a different personal story, there was unanimous broad agreement about the Direct Lobbying basics; about what laws needed to be changed and how they needed to be changed. In recent years, AGA has built good working Finding a way to acknowledge diversity while relationships with members of the ACT Legis- speaking as a unified group is a ‘rare find’ to lative Assembly and the Australian and ACT be valued and protected. Human Rights Commissions, with a view to invoking legislative change. Back in 2004, the Overall, AGA’s political activity is aimed at ACT Government hosted a number of small achieving systemic change through ‘big pic- workshops to hear from the Transgender and ture’ lobbying and strategic individual discrimi- Intersex communities about what needed to nation complaints. AGA recognises that there be done to attain legal equality. Over the next is a big communication gap between the SGD 5 years, AGA members worked intensively community and our elected representatives. with the broader LGB community—specifically This means the SGD community’s needs are the lobby group ‘Good Process’—to remove rarely taken into account in the making of the discrimination on the basis of gender. In this laws and policy decisions that affect their period, lobbying and media work focused on lives, such as when a person can get a pass- ensuring that each individual’s rights would be port or change their legal sex. protected regardless of their gender, not be- cause of it. This involved shifting the main- AGA aims to provide safe opportunities for stream discourse from discussion of ‘same- members to discuss their experiences of mis- sex’ and ‘opposite-sex’ couples. In 2008, the treatment and discrimination. Out of these Stanhope Government courageously provided discussions come action plans, to ensure that for Civil Partnerships that could ‘be entered others don’t face the same barriers in the fu-

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into by any two adults, regardless of their Individual Discrimination Complaints sex’. AGA has also discovered the benefits of mak- Nonetheless, when the AHRC consulted the ing strategic individual discrimination com- SGD Community in the lead up to its ‘Sex plaints to highlight specific, problematic, policy Files’ report in 2008, the issues highlighted in issues. Whilst individuals may talk with a 2004 remained on the agenda. The Canberra friend or counsellor about experiences of dis- AHRC consultation played a crucial role in crimination, AGA is committed to giving people identifying AGA’s law reform priorities, and information about what the type of formal or inspiring those present towards action. Thanks informal complaints processes may be avail- to the input of many members, AGA’s submis- able to redress this discrimination, if the indi- sion to this inquiry included a large number of vidual is interested in doing so. Information case studies, each detailing an aspect of the about legal processes and possible outcomes discrimination and hardship experienced by can assist people to decide what action (if AGA members in their day-to-day lives. These any) is right for them. de-identified case studies have since become invaluable educative tools, bridging the gap As in most jurisdictions, the resolution of dis- between theoretical understandings of mar- crimination complaints in the ACT involves a ginalisation and disadvantage and the lived conciliation process. Generally, conciliations experiences ‘on the ground’ in the SGD com- result in a negotiated solution which applies munity. directly to the individual’s grievance. However, because the conciliation process is open Galvanised by the recommendations of the ended, AGA has been able to use this process ‘Sex Files’ Report, AGA has continued to lobby to seek broader policy-based solutions. For for (amongst other things) a human-rights example, individuals have been able to en- compliant process for individuals to obtain gage high-level bureaucrats in face-to-face identity documents that are consistent with discussions about relevant issues. This strat- their gender identity. Whilst the ACT does al- egy has aided us to build constructive working low individuals to change their legal sex, it relationships with particular key individuals, as first requires them to undertake unnecessary, well as affecting smaller scale, but nonethe- expensive and often inaccessible sterilisation less significant, change on a day-to-day level. surgery. AGA continues to argue that this is a In this sense, complaints can be a strategy to breach of the human rights of the individual engage others in constructive, ongoing dia- concerned. logue, rather than being an end in them- selves. AGA is broadening the base of this After multiple meetings with members of the strategy and aims to use it in relation to a Legislative Assembly, AGA were very pleased number of Commonwealth-based law reform when the ACT Attorney-General announced issues over the coming year. his intention to refer this issue to his Law Re- form Advisory Council for advice. Importantly, Conclusion the Council’s work will be informed by advice from the ACT Human Rights and Discrimina- So far, the AGA story has been one of hard tion Commissioner. work, creativity and cooperation. Diverse ele- ments of the community have chosen to come As the first jurisdiction to implement a Human together in a broad range of forums, accept- Rights Act, AGA believes the ACT has a unique ing opportunities for face-to-face and/or elec- opportunity, and responsibility, to lead the tronic engagement. This engagement has mo- country in removing legislative discrimination tivated a growing number of individuals to against the SGD Community. contribute to AGA’s activities, with people sharing their skills and expertise with others or

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devoting their time to the administrative jobs mussen; Faculty of Education, Monash Univer- that are crucial to AGA’s ongoing presence. sity, for her time and effort in revision of this article and her ongoing support of the work of Perhaps the organisation’s greatest strengths AGA. are its commitment to inclusivity and commu- nity, its capacity to adapt to the changing con- Author notes text in which it exists and its ability to adopt a number of different strategies working in con- Gabrielle Hitch is a management committee junction towards a common goal. member of AGA, managing youth and media issues. She is an advocate and activist for In addition to providing its members with SGD and GLBTIQ visibility and rights, and practical opportunities to access social, emo- works within the community sector. tional and political support, AGA has continued to build relationships with established commu- Heidi Yates is an AGA member and community nity organisations, bureaucrats and politicians. law reform advocate who also works as a Hu- This work promises to improve access to ser- man Rights solicitor at the Women's Legal vices for existing members but also, and per- Centre (ACT & region). haps more importantly, to change the policies and practices of service providers in a way Jennie Yates is an AGA member, a teacher that better respects the needs and experience and a registered psychologist who works in of the SGD community. the Counselling and Equity Unit, Canberra In- stitute of Technology. Collaborating with established organisations not only increases AGA’s resources (for exam- References ple, several organisations have paid for AGA members to attend conferences, donated Couch, C., Pitts, M., Mulcare, H., Croy, S., equipment and other resources), but also gen- Mitchell, A., & Patel, S. (2007). Tranzna- erates opportunities for ongoing dialogue tion: about how best to address prejudice related to A report on the health and wellbeing of trans- gender diversity, and invent better ways of gender people in Australia and New getting things done. Through formal training Zealand . Melbourne: Australian Research Cen- as well as open discussion, AGA is offerings its tre in Sex Health and Society. members and others the chance to build a Perkins R. (1994) Transgender Lifestyles and social understanding of gender and sexual HIV/AIDS Risk. National Transgender HIV/ diversity as an inclusive continuum. AIDS Needs Assessment Project . Sydney: School of Sociology, The University of New All this said, AGA is excited to see how it will South Wales. further evolve in 2011 (and beyond), as rela- Wilhelm, D., Palmer, S. & Koopman, P. tionships between members, and with the (2007). Sex determination and gonadal broader community, continue to inspire new development in mammals. Physiology Re- challenges and adventures. view, 87, 1–28.

Acknowledgements

AGA would like to thank Peter Hyndal, a founding member of AGA and current member of the executive committee, for his input into this article.

AGA would like to thank Dr Mary Louise Ras-

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Gay & Lesbian Issues and Psychology Review, Vol. 7, No. 1, 2011

BOOK REVIEW

PETER B. TODD

Davis, Mark and Squire, Corinne. (2010). HIV and such conspicuous bodily changes as Treatment and Prevention Technologies: An lipidystrophy due to the long term use of anti- International Perspective. London: Palgrave retroviral medications. Flowers, while noting Macmillan, pp 210, ISBN:9780230238190. the tendency to minimize psychosocial issues due to the medicalisation and normalization of This edited collection of chapters explores the HIV infection, notes empirical evidence for the biomedical and social technologies which have frequency of major depressive disorder in been used to control the HIV/AIDS pandemic. seropositive persons to be twice that observed Through such qualitative research methods as in seronegative individuals. case studies and critical commentaries within a distinct sociopolitical and cross cultural Todd (2009) has argued that psychosocial and framework, the volume engages treatment unconscious mental factors are significant de- access in both the developed and developing terminants of HIV progression and mortality worlds while examining the apparent tension via their impact upon the neuroendocrine and which has existed historically between the immune systems. The authors of the book objectives of prevention of HIV transmission claim to have brought the psychosocial fea- and treatment with antiretroviral drugs. tures of HIV “back into relationship with an ascendant biotechnological” focus in which One of the strengths of the book is its empha- the salience of such factors has tended to be sis upon the tendency for complacency in- disregarded (p. 201). In so doing they high- duced by the belief that HIV/AIDS is a chronic light well the ethical, political and cultural di- manageable disease, and the role of this in mensions of HIV/AIDS in what they refer to as minimising the importance of adopting behav- the “treatment possibility era”. However, ap- iours to prevent HIV transmission. It could parently missing is any comprehensive review indeed be argued that this is a manifestation of quantitative research into the role of psy- of defensive denial of the implications of pro- chosocial factors in either prevention or treat- digious mutation in HIV and the phenomenon ment. of multiple drug resistance in an era of highly active antiretroviral therapies. Kane Race’s The need for ongoing quantitative research in chapter on the culture of barebacking the HIV/AIDS field is important due to serious (whereby seropositive persons negotiate un- Kuhnian anomalies including rapid HIV muta- protected sexual encounters in disregard of tion and multiple drug resistance as well as the risk of reinfection with another strain of difficulties with vaccine development. Immu- HIV) might well be a case in point. nologist Ted Steele (2009) has also pointed out that the continued use of anti-reverse Perhaps the most insightful and illuminating transcriptase drugs may not only inhibit HIV chapter is Paul Flower’s contribution concern- replication, but also the generation of anti- ing “HIV Transitions: Consequences for the body diversity which requires reverse tran- Self in an era of Medicalization”. This chapter scription. This implies the need for more not examines the impact on self-definition of the less research into fundamental physiology and stigma associated with HIV seropositive status molecular mechanisms as well as the predic-

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TODD: BOOK REVIEW

tive significance of psychosocial factors im- tors in HIV infection. Mind and Matter, 6 pacting upon immunological and psychic self (2), 193-206. integration.

In conclusion, the book contains many impor- tant insights into the cross-cultural experience of living with HIV/AIDS. However, its ambiva- lence towards quantitative research is I be- lieve misguided given the unresolved anoma- lies and gaps in our present understanding.

Author Note

Peter B. Todd BA (Hons, Psychology) MAPS graduated from Sydney University in 1968. He started work as a postgraduate research psy- chologist at the School of Surgery, St George Hospital (University of ). This research was essentially a psychoanalytic study of quantified unconscious ego-defences and affects as predictors of behavior and out- come in women with symptoms of breast can- cer. This was among the first successful at- tempts in the world to quantify unconscious mental processes. Research was published in the British Journal of Medical Psychology, 1978.

Subsequently, Peter held a position as re- search psychologist at the Neuropsychiatric Institute, Prince Henry Hospital, Sydney, be- came a member of the biopsychosocial AIDS Project at the University of California in San Francisco, consultant at the department of immunology at St. Vincent’s Hospital, and re- search psychologist at the Albion Street AIDS Clinic Sydney. He has published numerous peer-reviewed papers, his most recent being in the interdisciplinary journal ‘Mind and Mat- ter’, 2009. Currently he works as a registered psychoanalytically oriented psychologist and psychotherapist in private practice in Sydney.

References

Steele, E.J. (2009). Lamarck and immunity: Somatic and germline evolution of anti- body Genes. Journal of the Royal Society of Western Australia , 92, 427-446. Todd, P.B. (2009). Unconscious mental fac-

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Gay & Lesbian Issues and Psychology Review, Vol. 7, No. 1, 2011

BOOK REVIEW

PRATHIBA NAGABHUSHAN

Alan Berman & Robinson, Shirleene, (2010) The statistical information about the abuse Speaking Out: Stopping Homophobic and and harassment of LGBTIQ participants in the Transphobic Abuse in Queensland. Bowen study is wide ranging and draws the attention Hills: Australian Academic Press. ISBN 978-1- of the reader to probe into this crucial issue. 9215-1360-2, pp.260. The focus of the third chapter is much more This important book draws attention to the specific, in terms of the experiences of the social problems all too often faced by mem- survey respondents in homophobic and tran- bers of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, sphobic violence and harassment within the intersex and queer (LGBTIQ) communities. past two years. By limiting its focus to the Based on the largest survey of LGBTIQ reac- past 2 years, it is able to make observations tions to violence and harassment in Australia, about the relatively recent prevalence of ho- Speaking Out gives voice to the many victims mophobic and transphobic harassment and who have suffered in the State of Queensland, violence to be drawn. The psychological, once recognised as Australia’s most homopho- physical and other impacts of such abuse are bic. This book aims to explore the ways in meticulously captured in this chapter. which homophobic and transphobic abuse im- pact upon the lives of LGBTIQ people in While the experience that LGBTIQ people Queensland and to provide information that have of abuse and harassment in society is a may assist individuals currently experiencing major concern, understanding who is most homophobic or transphobic abuse, harassment likely to perpetrate homophobic or transphobic and violence. abuse is also an essential question that re- quires much exploration. The results reported The book begins with a detailed description of in the next chapter illuminate Joseph Harry’s the population demographics that have in- (1990) findings that males constitute a major- formed the study. The authors managed to ity of the perpetrators who are in their late attract a solid sample of LGBTIQ respondents teens or 20s, strangers to the victim(s) in from different ages. Interestingly, the regional groups, and not engaged in violence for profit. locations of respondents tend to reflect the This raises questions about the links between broader population distribution of the State of homophobic and transphobic abuse and con- Queensland. The sample size and the geo- structions of masculinity on the part of offend- graphical, gender and age diversity of the re- ers. spondents form a strong foundation for mak- ing pertinent observations about the way that Another important question considered by the homophobic and transphobic violence impact book is the degree to which LGBTIQ people in upon Queensland’s LGBTIQ population. the study sought help and what was the effec- tiveness of help that they received. The au- The second chapter provides a comprehensive thors claim that “the overwhelming majority of overview of the way homophobic and tran- respondents did not report the incidents of sphobic abuse has shaped and affected re- abuse, harassment and/or violence to law en- spondents over the course of their lifetimes. forcement or seek assistance from a commu-

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NAGABHUSHAN: BOOK REVIEW

nity or other support mechanism, including overall impressions that respondents had of family, partners and friends” (p.120). Berman the judicial system. One of the remarkable & Robinson (2010) refer to findings of a Brit- characteristics of the book is its approach to- ish study which proposed that respondents wards strengthening LGBTIQ agency and resil- based their decisions on reporting on a much ience by presenting not only the quantitative broader social and political context (Peel, data but also the real life experiences and sto- 1999). From their own study, Berman & Rob- ries of members of our community who con- inson (2010) report that many respondents tinue to feel impacted upon by the legacy of felt that their reports would not be taken seri- an era in which bias inspired harassment and ously or treated fairly and that they felt mar- violence against the community, and which ginalised within society. They suggest that was perpetrated by the state rather than pro- reporting a homophobic or transphobic crime hibited by the institutions of government. “can involve victims exposing themselves to secondary homophobia or transphobia (p. The authors have also explored the extent to 135). In considering the experiences that which homophobia and transphobia cause members of the LGBTIQ community have had respondents to engage in behaviour modifica- with the police in the aftermath of homopho- tion. It considers the perceptions respondents bic and transphobic harassment and violence, have about homophobic and transphobic it is evident that only 16% of incidents of ho- abuse and the steps they take to modify their mophobic abuse, harassment and violence to behaviour in the hope of avoiding such abuse. the police and liaison officers were reported. This clearly provides a strong and further indi- This appalling statistic plainly reveals that cation of the extent to which members of the LGBTIQ community’s engagement with the LGBTIQ community are affected by these police service is low, and even lower with liai- prejudices. son officers. This definitely calls for further interrogation as it holds significant potential to The last chapter of the book contributes to make a detrimental effect on LGBTIQ people promoting sexual diversity and social equality who experience violence. and justice as well as reducing homophobic and transphobic harassment and violence. It Some instances of homophobic and transpho- sets out recommendations for legal, educa- bic harassment and violence, however, have tional, and social reforms that can be taken to proceeded to the judicial system. Yet despite address the serious problem of homophobic this, there seems to be negative attitudes to- and transphobic harassment and violence. It ward reporting incidents to the police which also reiterates the fact that the capacity to live may be due to real life personal experiences a life free from discrimination, harassment and of respondents. The authors have suggested abuse is a basic human right. governmental initiatives “to help shape social attitudes in Queensland so that the principles Undoubtedly, Speaking Out is an eye-opener of sexual diversity, inclusiveness, personal to the treatment that LGBTIQ communities dignity, autonomy and privacy are celebrated receive in society. It addresses one of the as values which will serve to further the goals most important issues that needs urgent at- of all societies for greater social cohesion” (p. tention to maintain social justice and equilib- 170). These suggestions will hopefully inform rium. Berman & Robinson (2010) deserve ac- the drafting and implementation of policies to colades for their significant contribution, not establish social fairness and integrity. only from the LGBTIQ community, but also from all readers who have a strong faith in The eighth chapter maps the experiences of fairness that all humans should have to lead a respondents who have moved within the judi- peaceful life in a society. This book is a valu- cial system, considering police responses able resource for officials in the area of com- within a legal context, the court system and munity services, students and researchers.

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Author Note

Prathiba Nagabhushan teaches Psychology and Sociology at St. Mary MacKillop College, Canberra, Australia. Currently, she is doing her Doctorate in Clinical Psychology at the Australian National University with a focus on the exploratory and longitudinal perspective of motivation, student engagement and wellbe- ing of senior secondary students.

References

Harry, J. (1990). Conceptualizing anti-gay vio- lence. Journal of Interpersonal Violence . Vol. 5, 350-358.

Peel, E. (1999). Violence against lesbians and gay men: Decision making in reporting and not reporting crime. Feminism Psychology. Vol. 9. 165.

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PINNACLE FOUNDATION

Preparation, submission and publication guidelines

Types of articles that we typically consider:

A) Empirical articles (6000 word max) Research in brief: Reviews of a favourite or trouble- Theoretical pieces some article/book chapter that you have read Commentary on LGBTI issues and psychology and would like to comment on

B) Conference reports/conference abstracts Book reviews (please contact the Editor for a list Practitioner’s reports/field notes of books available & review guidelines) Political/media style reports of relevant issues Promotional material for LGBT relevant issues

The Review also welcomes proposals for special issues and guest Editors.

Each submission in section A should be prepared for blind peer-review if the author wishes. If not, submissions will still be reviewed, but the identity of the author may be known to the reviewer. Submissions for blind review should contain a title page that has all of the author(s) information, along with the title of the submission, a short author note (50 words or less), a word count and up to 5 key words. The remainder of the submission should not identify the author in any way, and should start on a new page with the submission title followed by an abstract and then the body of the text. Authors who do not require blind review should submit papers as per the above instructions, the difference being that the body text may start directly after the key words.

Each submission in section B should contain the author(s) information, title of submission (if relevant), a short author note (50 words or less) and a word count, but need not be prepared for blind review.

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Journal Articles : Riggs, D.W. (2004). The politics of scientific knowledge: Constructions of sexuality and ethics in the conversion therapy literature. Lesbian & Gay Psychology Review , 5, 16-24. Books : Kitzinger, C. (1987). The social construction of lesbianism. London: Sage. Edited Books : Coyle, A. & Kitzinger, C. (Eds.) (2002). Lesbian & gay psychology . Oxford: BPS Blackwell. Book Chapters : MacBride-Stewart, S. (2004). Dental dams: A parody of straight expectations in the promotion of ‘safer’ lesbian sex. In D.W. Riggs & G.A. Walker (Eds.), Out in the antipodes: Australian and New Zealand perspectives on gay and lesbian issue in psychology (pp.393-416). Perth: Brightfire Press.

References within the text should be listed in alphabetical order separated by a semi-colon, page numbers fol- lowing year. For example:

(Clarke, 2001; Peel, 2001; Riggs & Walker, 2004) (Clarke, 2002a; b) (MacBride-Stewart, 2004, p. 398)

Authors should avoid the use of sexist, racist and heterosexist language. Authors should follow the guidelines for the use of non-sexist language provided by the American Psychological Society.

Papers should be submitted in Word format: title bold 14 points all caps left aligned, author 12 points all caps left aligned, abstract 10 points italics justified , article text 10 points justified, footnotes 9 points justified.

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