INTRODUCTION Page 2 Homeward Bound

Homeward Bound Page 1

n 1993, a UCLA research team published with individual needs in securing an ad- a comprehensive study of the food sys equate diet, while the lack of food security Item, Seeds of Change: Strategies for referred to community and ownership is- Food Security for the Inner City. The study sues: access, availability, resources, price, included a detailed case study evaluating quality, environmental considerations, in- the ability of the food system to meet the come levels, and other community-related needs of the residents of one South Central factors. Food security strategies might in- Los Angeles neighborhood. As part of that clude direct grower-to-consumer programs evaluation, the study documented a wide like farmers’ markets, urban agriculture range of food insecurity indicators: opportunities such as community gardens, or community food production facilities • 27% of area residents reported they went such as bakeries or tortillerias. Programs hungry an average of five days every designed to address supermarket location month; and transportation access needs also represented possible food security initiatives. • The absence of nearby supermarkets was These could include joint venture operations compounded by lower than average ve- to attract supermarkets in low income areas hicle ownership. Further, bus lines did as well as to create community benefits such not correspond to market location. As a as new paratransit services for residents result, the lack of transportation for food without cars, or other innovative transpor- buying purposes was defined by resi- tation programs for increased food access. dents as a major community problem; Thus the concept of food security, particularly in the context of food access, empha- • Food prices for residents of the case sizes the importance of location or place in study area — who spent 36% of their regional, municipal, and neighborhood- annual income on food — averaged $275 level (e.g., community) settings. more per year than residents of a selected suburban area who spent 12% of their Among the range of food insecurity indica- income on food; tors, the issues of access stand out as a primary problem area in which several other • The lack of fresh quality produce illus- factors such as price, nutritional quality, or trated the issue of nutritional deficien- storage capability are significantly related. cies and related health and learning Yet despite the prominence of access needs problems that are endemic in low income in urban food systems, research by food sys- areas.1 tem analysts regarding transportation issues has been relatively sparse. Transportation In response to such pronounced food secu- planners, meanwhile, have undertaken spe- rity needs, the Seeds of Change study also cific research involving equity consider- analyzed a number of recent, largely explor- ations in transportation planning, including atory strategies designed to empower com- the limits of transportation systems address- munities and shift the focus of intervention ing the needs of low income communities from “hunger” to “food security”, a concept and the problems associated with low ve- that had up to then been used primarily in hicle ownership in car-dependent commu- the international development literature. nities like Los Angeles.2 Only a few studies, The study pointed out that the concept of however, have explored the connection be- hunger had been predominantly associated tween access and availability of fresh, high Homeward Bound Page 3 quality, competitively priced food in such proach to customer transportation needs communities, even as surveys have indi- and the dearth of transportation planning cated that the access/availability link re- initiatives that incorporate food access, there mains a powerful concern in low income have nevertheless been recent attempts by communities.3 community organizations, food market managers, and government agencies to ad- The most common focus, both of research dress this issue. Out of these efforts, a vari- and advocacy work on those subjects, has ety of transportation/food access programs been the relationship between vehicle own- are currently in operation, at a development ership and supermarket location.4 As de- stage, or represent concepts still needing to scribed in this Report, the trend towards be implemented. And while these programs supermarket abandonment of low income do suggest that opportunities for a food ac- neighborhoods that significantly escalated cess approach do exist, they remain sepa- during the 1960s and 1970s exacerbated an rate from any more integrated transporta- already existing problem tion strategies on the part of transportation access. of either retailers, trans- Even with the renewed portation planning agen- interest of food chains in Even with the renewed cies, or various service relocating to certain low interest of food chains in providers. For food ac- income urban communi- relocating to certain low cess to be more success- ties, supermarkets have income urban communi- fully addressed as a com- failed to directly address ties, supermarkets have munity food security ap- the transportation ques- proach it needs to become tion. In analyzing retail failed to directly address part of a transportation industry approaches, for the transportation ques- planning as well as food example, project team re- tion. system planning process. searchers have noted the nearly complete absence Homeward Bound is di- of any discrete transportation policy of the vided into five Sections. Section I, Food major supermarket chains. This situation Access and The Transit Dependent, identi- prevails despite the clear (and often recog- fies a range of issues concerning the lack of nized) benefits of such a policy, such as an food access in low income communities. It increased customer base or the possible re- elaborates the specific contributions to the duction in the replacement cost of shopping problems of food insecurity associated with carts (which represent a considerable, access needs, such as supermarket location though hidden, cost associated with transit or nutritional deficiencies. It includes a lit- dependency and the lack of food access). erature review on access issues from both a Where food retail managers have sought to food systems and transportation planning develop transportation programs for their perspective. Section II, Current Policies, stores, they have been influenced primarily reviews and analyzes the nature of the pro- by “goodwill” and “community service” grams and policies that have been estab- considerations, rather than an evaluation of lished regarding food access by both public transportation/access factors in the context and private sector groups. These include of store performance. 5 local and federal food and transportation programs, and the approach of the food re- Despite the absence of a supermarket ap- tail industry. Section III, Exploratory Pro- Page 4 Homeward Bound grams — Case Studies, describes various exploratory and innovative programs that have emerged in recent years, representing opportunities available for improving food access in low income communities. These programs are primarily, though not exclusively associated with paratransit services. While many of these programs have been successful in terms of their (often loosely defined) objectives (as well as certain unan- ticipated benefits), they remain discrete, distinctive examples, not linked to any broader policy or planning approaches.

Section IV, New Models for Greater Food Access, in seeking to build on the potential applicability of the kinds of programs described in Section III, identifies three types of models for developing new policy and programmatic approaches in the food access area. These include a private, joint venture (public/private partnership), and non-profit approach. Finally, a concluding section details the Report’s policy and programmatic recommendations for expanding food access.

Food access, we have concluded, is an issue that has yet to fully locate its own policy and programmatic niche. Yet, in an era of transit dependencies and growing food insecurity indicators, food access has become a growing topic for both anti-hunger activists, the food industry, and policymakers. By integrating food security and transportation planning and policy development, policymakers, transit officials, the food industry (including most crucially the food retail sector), and community groups have the capacity to establish more expansive food access strategies beyond the limited, ad hoc measures that exist today. The opportunities, our Report makes clear, are available, even if programs and policies still need to be nourished and systematized. Homeward Bound Page 5

ENDNOTES: INTRODUCTION

1. Seeds of Change: Strategies for Food Se- curity for the Inner City, Linda Ashman et al., Department of Urban Planning, Univer- sity of California, Los Angeles, June 1993

2. See for example “Social Impacts of Urban Transportation Decisions: Equity Issues”, David Hodge, in The Geography of Urban Transportation, Edited by Susan Hanson, New York: The Guilford Press, 1995; The Car and the City: The Automobile, the Built En- vironment, and Daily Urban Life, edited by Martin Wachs and Margaret Crawford, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992

3. See for example Community Retail Needs Assessment, A Market Research Report Pre- pared for RLA, ConsumerQuest, Los Ange- les, May 3, 1995; see also The Relationship Between Transportation Services and Urban Activities: The Food Retail Distribution Case, Youngbin Lee Yim, University of Cali- fornia, Berkeley: Institute of Transportation Studies, June 1990.

4. See, for example, Public Voice for Food and Health Policy, No Place to Shop: Chal- lenges and Opportunities Facing the Devel- opment of Supermarkets in Urban America, Washington D.C.: Public Voice, February 1996

5. Seeds of Change, p.133 In one interview for this Report, a supermarket executive actually defined shopping cost losses as consti- tuting their transportation policy; that is, since stolen carts provided a means to transport the bags of groceries to the home, that, in effect, created a transportation “service”. Page 6 Homeward Bound

SECTION I:

FOOD ACCESS AND THE TRANSIT DEPENDENT: WHERE TO GET FOOD AND HOW TO GET THERE

Food Access and Community Food Security Homeward Bound Page 7

crucial beginning point in evaluat nities, such as supermarket location, that are ing community food security is the access-based or have food access implica- A relationship question of food access tions; b) the absence or availability of fresh and transit dependency. Food access can be or high quality produce in different commu- defined as the ability of people to obtain the nities, such as through farmers’ markets, and food items they need from the food outlets the health or nutritional implications of lack available in a given area, within the limits of access to such fresh produce; and c) the of their ability to get there and get back, nature of the transportation issues associ- among other factors. Any part of that rela- ated with food access in low income com- tionship — the nature of the food items and munities, including equity considerations, outlets available, the means and availabil- and the focus or lack of focus on intra-neigh- ity of transit, and the distance between resi- borhood needs, such as food shopping, in dence and outlet — contributes to the mea- relation to some of the current transit plan- sure of food access for the residents of a par- ning approaches. ticular community. Put another way, the measure of access is one crucial yardstick of how much food insecurity exists within that FOOD INSECURITY INDICATORS community. 1 Supermarket Location and Food Access Transit dependent areas, in turn, can be defined as communities with a lower than av- Low income urban areas across the country erage vehicle ownership within a given re- are disproportionately underserved by the gion, defined for the purposes of this study supermarket industry. In one analysis of 21 as less than 80 percent. This definition re- medium to large sized cities sampled, su- flects the dominant role of the automobile permarkets in 19 of those cities were shown in both transportation planning and the to be inequitably distributed.2 Of those 19 transportation infrastructure that has been cities, there were 30% fewer stores per capita established in relation to that dominance. in the lowest income zip codes than in the The problem of transit dependency is par- highest income zip codes. Similarly, those ticularly exacerbated with respect to food zip codes with the greatest number of per- access concerns, given the problems of loca- sons on public assistance had 20% fewer tion, pricing, and quality of both food and supermarkets than the zip codes that have transportation services available. Indications a low percentage of persons receiving pub- of food insecurity then also underline the lic assistance.3 Studies in cities such as problems associated with transit depen- Cleveland, St Paul, East St Louis, IL, San dency. Francisco, Los Angeles, and Austin, Texas, underscore these statistics, painting a more This section describes access-related prob- detailed picture of the lack of food access in lems in transit dependent communities in- specific neighborhoods. 4 volving two types of food outlets: full service food markets (e.g., supermarket chains) In Austin, Texas, for example, only one su- and direct marketing arrangements (e.g., permarket serves every 3,910 households in farmers’ markets). Several different dimen- the primarily Latino low income neighbor- sions of those food access/transit depen- hood of the Eastside as compared to one per dency relationships are explored: a) food 3,170 households in Travis County as a insecurity indicators in low income commu- whole. An analysis of the supermarket in- Page 8 Homeward Bound dustry reveals that increasing levels of con- son, in 1990, there was one full service food centration and centralization resulted in the store for every 26,400 people in what is loss to Texas communities of 500 supermar- broadly defined as inner city Los Angeles, kets from 1982 to 1987. Within the past year, versus one store per 15,200 people in the three stores serving low income communi- suburban San Fernando Valley area. In eco- ties in Austin have closed while another nomic development terms, this deficit can three have opened up in suburban commu- be viewed in light of its potential for sup- nities. According to Kate Fitzgerald, direc- porting new stores. In the 52 square mile tor of Austin’s Sustainable Food Center, the “impacted area,” there exists $412 million sponsoring organization of “Access De- of unmet annual demand for groceries, nied,” a report detailing food insecurity on which translates into 750,000 square feet of the Eastside, “Each of these supermarket selling space, or the equivalent of about 20 relocations show how affluent neighbor- average size supermarkets. 6 hoods gain food resources at the expense of lower income areas.”5 The absence of supermarkets in core urban areas has not always been the case. The shift Fitzgerald’s comments raise the issue of su- from urban core locations has its roots in the permarket redlining and abandonment of 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s, when supermarket inner city areas. Los Angeles represents an industry restructuring and the migration of excellent case study of how the industry re- the middle class to the suburbs led to what structured over the past two decades, dis- has been identified by some analysts as an proportionately affecting low income resi- “abandonment” of inner city neighbor- dents. The issue of food access became hoods. Supermarket flight during this pe- highly visible as a result of the 1992 civil dis- riod has been documented in multiple loca- turbances, and subsequent public commit- tions across the country. In Los Angeles, the ments by virtually every supermarket chain number of chain supermarkets within an to rebuild in the “impacted areas.” In what area broadly defined as part of the inner city is generally considered one of the most com- or urban core shrunk from 44 in 1975 to 31 petitive food retailing markets in the nation, in 1991.7 Also, in 1975, one study found that our research has documented how food low income communities in eight cities (Bir- store location patterns in Los Angeles mingham, Boston, Chicago, Detroit, LA, evolved so that large areas came to be dra- Newark, St Louis, and San Antonio) had on matically underserved by the food retailing the average 32.7% fewer supermarkets than industry. higher income areas within those same cities.8 Similarly, in 1984, a Hartford, Connecti- Computer mapping of supermarket loca- cut report found that 11 of 13 supermarkets tions overlaid with census data reveals that within city limits had closed their doors.9 over one million persons in Los Angeles County reside in areas where access to su- As described in several studies, the shift of permarkets may be problematic. These “su- supermarket locations outside the urban permarket deficient areas” (see Map 1) are core coincided and ultimately converged defined as places without a supermarket with parallel trends regarding population within walking distance (.5 mile radius), and shifts and new transportation corridors.10 with a transit dependent population ( The move made sense from a development >17.7% of households, or the 80th percen- perspective. Further, it was easier to build tile in the 1990 Census). By way of compari- larger stores in the suburbs because large Homeward Bound Page 9

MAP 1 Page 10 Homeward Bound tracts of land were still available. This en- kets. Inner city stores tend to have higher abled stores to stock more non-food items operating costs than suburban stores. Secu- with higher profit margins, increasing their rity costs, greater “shrink” (loss of product cash flow and profits. Supermarkets also due to employee theft, shoplifting, etc.), had an easier time extracting concessions greater numbers of bad checks, and high la- from expanding suburbs in need of a tax bor costs, due to frequent turnover and more base and services for their residents. Demo- inexperienced employees, account for a graphics, development forces, shifts in trans- large percentage of the difference in operat- portation patterns and the pressures of the ing expenses. Other factors include higher market all pushed the supermarkets to tar- real estate taxes, insurance, repair and main- get their efforts toward the suburbs. tenance to older stores, depreciation, and shopping cart loss. 11 Intra-firm logistics While the industry focused its resources on make it more expensive and labor-intensive building new stores in suburban locales, it to operate older inner city stores. Smaller, simultaneously began to less mechanized loading sell or close down urban docks make for more core markets located in or Inner city residents not complicated delivery adjacent to low income schedules and higher la- neighborhoods. This fur- only have fewer super- bor costs. The demand for ther reinforced the trend markets in their neigh- culture specific foods also toward increasing con- borhoods, but less food can be problematic for centration of the super- access due to restricted standardized product market industry. In mixes. 12 Finally, monthly Southern California, our transportation options. food shopping patterns research indicates that are uneven with pur- from 1963 to 1991, the chases concentrated to- number of chains with ward the beginning of the four or more stores decreased from 34 to 14, month (when government benefits are dis- while the average number of stores operated tributed), resulting in greater labor sched- by each chain rose by 283%. The top four uling costs and difficulties. chains controlled 73% of the stores in 1991 as compared to 43% in 1963. The acquisition Inner city stores typically experience lower of entire chains in this process fueled the sales and profits. Because of customers’ drive toward concentration in ownership, modest disposable incomes and large eld- leaving the remaining companies with erly populations which often inhabit inner heavy debt burdens. In order to generate city areas, per customer expenditures are fre- needed capital, heavily indebted chains sold quently lower than average, affecting total off smaller, less profitable stores, many of sales volume. Older, smaller stores have less which were located in or adjacent to low shelf space to stock non-food and luxury income neighborhoods. items with high profit margins. As a result, profit as a percentage of sales (and on a per Location and Equity: square foot basis) tends to be substantially Issues Facing Urban Supermarkets lower than for suburban markets.13

The problem of location is exacerbated by Despite an increasing concentration in own- the operating conditions of inner city mar- ership, the supermarket industry remains a Homeward Bound Page 11 highly competitive business with razor thin For those households without access to a profit margins that are as low as 1%. Com- vehicle and at a lengthy distance (e.g.> 3-5 petition results in lower prices, and is most miles) to a full service food market, trans- prevalent between chains in the same trade portation options are both limited and prob- areas (the geographical confines from which lematic. Transport via taxis and/or buses or markets draw their clientele), typically lim- paying for a ride can be costly, reducing a ited to a few square miles. In inner city com- family’s food budget by up to $400 per munities however, the absence of supermar- year.17 Moreover, bus lines rarely are de- kets often translates into a lack of competi- signed to serve intra-neighborhood food tion, as a single store may dominate a given shopping patterns, as described elsewhere trade area. Little competition combined in this Report. Instead, as in the case of one with high operating costs and low sales vol- South Central Los Angeles community, they ume often results in higher prices for inner are planned around commuter routes, feed- city shoppers.14 This problem is exacerbated ing into downtown. 18 The recent examples for supermarkets in areas with low vehicle described in Section III of the Austin circu- ownership rates, which are likely to face lator route and the K-Trans route extension even less competition, as patron immobility in Knoxville are especially significant as ex- shrinks the trade area. ceptions to the rule.

Transportation Barriers for Urban Because of the high cost of door to door Supermarkets transportation (taxis) and the inconvenience of mass transit (long waits, multiple trans- Inner city residents not only have fewer su- fers, long walks to bus stops), carrying gro- permarkets in their neighborhoods, but less ceries home becomes a frequent occurrence food access due to restricted transportation despite its problematic nature. In one low options. Automobile ownership is less com- income neighborhood in South Central Los mon among the poor than among the non- Angeles, one third of the residents surveyed poor. Only 22% of food stamp recipients reported difficulties carrying their groceries drove their own car to purchase groceries home, roughly the same number of persons as compared to 96% of non-food stamp re- without access to a vehicle.19 On a more cipients according to a USDA study.15 In the anecdotal level, a 1995 Los Angeles Times ar- majority of the 21 cities studied by the Uni- ticle profiled a young woman with two chil- versity of Connecticut’s Food Policy Market- dren riding the bus back from the supermar- ing Center, those zip codes with the fewest ket, descriptive of one of the numerous daily supermarkets per capita also had the low- obstacles confronting transit dependent ur- est percentage of vehicle ownership. In some ban residents. The article specifically cases, such as New York City, the poorest chronicled the woman’s struggles getting zip codes as defined by percentage of house- home while carrying several bags of grocer- holds receiving public assistance, had car ies. At the same time, shopping choices be- ownership rates of less than 40%. In the other came constrained (e.g., she had to choose cities, it hovered between 60% to 80%. By between purchasing a gallon of milk and a comparison, wealthier neighborhoods in jug of laundry detergent, given her inabil- these cities have vehicle ownership rates ity to carry both home). 20 generally in excess of 95% (with the noted exception of New York). 16 As a result of the difficulties in carrying several bags of groceries long distances, many Page 12 Homeward Bound inner city residents opt to “borrow” grocery In both cases, the ensuing result of reduced carts. In some neighborhoods, removal of the purchasing power from an individual stand- carts from the premises may be so endemic point is increased hunger and reduced abil- that it results in cart shortages. Shopping cart ity to purchase non-staples with greater loss has proven to be such a problem at one price elasticity such as fruits and vegetables. East St Louis store that they are locked up Up to one billion dollars in food stamp pur- and patrons charged a quarter deposit. 21 chasing power may be lost due to higher Waits of up to 20-30 minutes for a shopping prices in inner city markets. 24 A price com- cart are not uncommon in another Austin parison in Los Angeles found that a market market. 22 (Section II provides a more de- basket containing items necessary for a mini- tailed discussion of the shopping cart/food mally nutritionally adequate diet would cost access link). a family of three $285 more per year when purchased in inner city supermarkets than In sum, transportation obstacles prevent in- in comparable suburban markets. 25 While ner city residents from shopping where they supermarkets in low income neighborhoods would like. For those households without may charge high prices (for the reasons de- access to a vehicle, distance, not price or se- scribed in the previous section), corner mom lection, is the primary factor determining and pop stores’ prices are often astronomi- choice of food store.23 Food shopping be- cal. With their lack of an economy of scale, comes a question of not what one would like small stores often purchase their items at to buy, but what is available, given mobility near retail prices at “cash and carry” out- restrictions. In this context, the development lets, and must charge substantial margins on of a centralized supermarket-based food their goods. Prices at mom and pop stores distribution system, as facilitated by the have been reported to be 42%-64% higher growth in popular ownership of the auto- than at surrounding supermarkets. 26 mobile, and in conjunction with the unre- sponsiveness of the mass transit sector to the Just as mom and pop stores must charge food shopping-related transportation needs high margins to be economically viable, they of the poor, has substantially diminished the must stock goods with high profit margins. food security of many inner city communi- Limited shelf and cooler space combined ties. with the costs of spoilage preclude them from carrying a full line of healthy foods and produce. Surveys of mom and pop stores HEALTH AND NUTRITIONAL have found little in the way of produce, IMPLICATIONS which, when present, includes an abun- dance of packaged processed foods, is often The Small Store Syndrome of poor quality and aged, and often provides little selection of low-fat products, such as Poor food access negatively affects the health skim milk. Research of Los Angeles “mom of inner city consumers through three fun- and pops” found it impossible to purchase damental avenues. As shown above, transit a nutritionally adequate diet as defined by dependent residents often must dedicate the USDA’s Thrifty Food Plan in any one or substantial resources to obtain transporta- combination of these stores. By way of ex- tion to and from the store, reducing funds ample, in another low income community, available for food purchases. Similarly, high only five of 38 convenience stores stocked prices reduce the buying power of the poor. the ingredients for a balanced meal. Of these Homeward Bound Page 13 stores, only half carried milk, while all sold typical measure of maternal nutrition. Child- alcohol.27 hood anemia, due to poor nutrition, is found in 20-33% of all black children. Heart dis- Diet and Health Consequences ease (related to saturated fat intake among other factors) is twice as common among Af- The lack of availability of healthy foods can rican Americans as among whites. African aggravate high rates of diet-related diseases Americans tend to suffer from obesity at to which Latinos and African Americans greater rates than among whites. Blacks also (who often are the primary demographic have higher rates of diabetes and stomach groups in inner cities) are most vulnerable. cancer than whites. 30 One of the most important outcomes of poor nutrition is increased incidence of chronic Latinos suffer from higher rates of a variety disease; studies show that 35-60% of all can- of diet related diseases than whites. Latinos cers in the US are diet-related. 28 According have three times the likelihood of contract- to a leading expert on the relationship being diabetes than whites. Latinos also suffer tween disease and diet among minorities: from excess incidence of cancers of the stomach, pancreas, esophagus, gallbladder, and Dietary factors are epidemiologically cervix, and lower rates of breast and colon linked to chronic diseases, include cancer. Obesity and higher prevalence of overconsumption of kilocalories, and cardiovascular diseases are also common fat, leading to diabetes mellitus, obe- among Latinos. 31 sity, cardiovascular disease and certain cancers, excess intakes of sodium or Farmers Markets: Unrealized Opportuni- salt- cured or pickled foods-, leading ties to hypertension or stomach cancer and inadequate consumption of foods or Farmers markets can play an important role nutrients that may protect against car- in providing access to healthy foods in in- diovascular disease, cancer, or os- ner city communities. Farmers’ markets teoporosis, (e.g. vitamin A, carry fresh, high-quality produce, often caretenoids, vitamin C, picked the very day of potassium, calcium, fi- sale. They are relatively ber, and complex car- Food shopping becomes easy to establish, requir- bohydrates, fruits and a question of not what ing only a few thousand vegetables, cruciferous one would like to buy, dollars in start up costs vegetables, or beta but what is available, and perhaps 6 months to carotene rich fruits and one year lead time, as vegetables). 29 given mobility restric- compared to a new super- tions market which may re- Latinos and African- quire 2-5 years and mil- Americans in the US suf- lions of dollars in capital fer from higher than average rates of chronic outlays. Produce is usually priced competi- disease. Poverty, lack of education, and ac- tively with or below supermarket prices, cess to health care may influence dispropor- depending upon the season and loss lead- tionate morbidity levels for many minori- ers. 32 ties. African-Americans have a 110% higher rate of low birth weight infants, which is a However, farmers’ markets have not Page 14 Homeward Bound emerged as a option for improving inner city bind from food system analysts, most of the food access to high quality foods. Farmers’ analysis of the nature of transportation ser- markets, to begin with, carry only a finite vices for low income communities has been selection of goods, such as produce, eggs, limited to the discussion of concerns about nuts, honey, fish, juices and jams, and equity — particularly pricing — and only breads. Canned and dried goods, or other tangentially to the question of access to com- manufactured foods are normally prohibited munity services, such as food shopping. from sale. They are also limited in time and space, open only once a week for a few hours Equity issues have primarily been examined a day, when many people are at work or by evaluating the net distributional effects have other access constraints. Moreover, of benefits and costs of transit subsidies efforts to establish farmers’ markets in low among different income and racial/ethnic income neighborhoods have been few and groups.33 Benefits are typically defined as not universally successful. In Los Angeles, including the level and quality of service, while there are eight farmers markets access to transit services, and types of in the relatively compact middle service (e.g., bus, rail, subway). and upper income Westside Costs are defined as including neighborhoods, there are revenue sources such as only two serving the geo- Ultimately, inner city taxes, and fares charged graphically more expan- transit services have per customer. Equity con- sive supermarket deficient not been oriented to- siderations also address areas of the city. These pat- ward intra-neighbor- the allocation as well as terns have been repeated hood needs such as the types of benefits and in other urban communi- food shopping. costs. While a few studies ties as well. have pointed to certain favorable distributional impacts on the poor, other stud- TRANSPORTATION BIASES ies that have focused on allocation decisions have clearly suggested that Equity Issues federal policies, including subsidy payments, create powerful inequities in transit Low income/transit dependent communi- resource allocations which ultimately en- ties almost invariably face a double bind re- courage regressive fare pricing approaches garding food access issues. On the one hand, which most heavily impact lower-income as described above, low income communi- transit riders. 34 ties have fewer full service food markets, fewer farmers’ markets, higher priced food Among such inequities, the most prominent items, and health and nutritional problems form of transit subsidy, above and beyond exacerbated by the lack of food outlets. At the historic funding of automobile-oriented the same time, low income communities infrastructure such as the federal highway have fewer automobiles per capita and ulti- system, has been the federal focus on com- mately rely on transportation services that muter rail, which in turn has been the mode are often not only inconvenient but also in- used by the most affluent transit users. By equitable in their pricing and in the way subsidizing longer distance commutes be- transportation routes are established. While tween home and work (primarily designed some attention has been paid to this double to accommodate central business districts as Homeward Bound Page 15 opposed to neighborhood locations), other a dynamic effect on both the size and loca- transit operations such as inner city bus tion of food retail outlets during the post- routes tend to cross-subsidize the longer war period, most notably in the decades of trips. As a consequence, low income and/ the 1970s and 1980s. One study, which fo- or minority riders receive fewer subsidy cused on the interaction between transpor- benefits than their more affluent, primarily tation systems and food retail distribution Anglo counterparts. This problem of un- systems in the Seattle metropolitan area, equal subsidies is further exacerbated in emphasized that supermarket trends in lo- periods of fiscal retrenchment among pub- cation and size had become most heavily lic agencies, including the federal govern- influenced by freeway location in that re- ment. When there is decreasing federal rev- gion. Thus the development of a postwar enue support for transit, combined with freeway system, the trends towards such factors as declining farebox revenues suburbanization, and the shift towards and/or falling transit patronage, transit op- larger food stores requiring longer trips for erators, such as the Los Angeles Metropoli- routine food shopping became the dominant tan Transit Authority (MTA), have raised the pattern in the food retail/transit relation- fares impacting low income transit users, ships.36 reinforcing rather than reversing the bias toward longer as opposed to shorter trips. The current concerns regarding food access, In the case of the MTA, this longer distance/ however, have coincided with the modest higher fares for the poor transit bias ulti- though nevertheless significant reorienta- mately became the basis of a class action suit tion of the food retail sector toward urban based on Title VI of the 1994 Civil Rights inner city sites and variations in store size, Act.35 particularly in regions such as southern Cali- fornia where the availability of favorable Food Access Implications suburban sites has decreased. While freeway travel and high rates of automobile owner- The long distance/commute bias in transit ship favored suburban locations and the operations has significant consequences in development of food stores (including the terms of food access. Food outlets within superstores) of 50,000 square feet and urban areas are primarily residential based; greater, the problems of scarce (and expen- that is, locations are determined in relation sive) land, lower rates of automobile own- to such factors as housing density, neighbor- ership and a transit system favoring longer hood demographics, and land availability distance/commute rather than community for such considerations as store and park- needs have created significant barriers for ing lot size. Where transportation factors the development of full service food mar- come into play are those areas of lower den- kets in the inner city while increasing the sity offset by more favorable demographics problems of food access. Even in areas where (e.g., suburban locations which were respon- inner city transit systems such as bus ser- sible for much of the growth in the food re- vice have been operational, the issues of tail sector during the 1970s and 1980s). But quality of service, the routing of the bus ser- the transportation focus in these instances vice, and fare/equity considerations have has been associated with auto use factors compounded food access concerns. Ulti- such as proximity to a freeway exit and park- mately, inner city transit services have not ing lot size. Along these lines, the extension been oriented toward intra-neighborhood of the freeways into suburban areas has had needs such as food shopping. Page 16 Homeward Bound

The Promise and Limits of Paratransit and communities. A term coined in the 1970s to describe the “full spectrum of transpor- The conceptual failure in transportation tation options that fell between the private planning to link transit development with automobile and the conventional bus,”38 community services has been most directly paratransit has come to be seen by transpor- associated with the lack of services for spe- tation planners as a more flexible, service- cific constituencies, including commuters as oriented approach that is capable of connect- well as special needs populations, such as ing multiple places with multiple publics, seniors, the disabled, and others who are not including potentially for food access consid- capable of using (as opposed to owning) an erations. By way of example, the Nationwide automobile. New paratransit services Personal Transportation Survey (NPTS), emerged in recent years in part to fill that which evaluates travel patterns from ran- vacuum. Two of the groups that became tar- domly sampled households, indicated, in its geted constituencies for such services were 1990-1991 survey, that passenger vans ac- AIDS victims and seniors. During the 1980s counted for 4.7% of all motorized shopping and 1990s, when the debilitating effects of trips, compared to less than 1% (0.8%) by the AIDS pandemic started to become bus transit. (The survey did not account for clearer, it also became apparent that those walk-in traffic, which other estimates have with AIDS were a prime food access/tran- placed as high as 1/4th to 1/3rd of shop- sit dependent constituency. Many AIDS vic- ping trips at inner city food markets).39 tims, for example, were no longer able to drive and had major dietary concerns. AIDS Despite its promise as a flexible transit strat- service organizations in turn established a egy, and the strong indications that existing range of paratransit services to address those paratransit programs, such as van and jit- needs and consequently emerged as a sig- ney services, have been substantially used nificant advocate for food security and for shopping purposes, the development of greater food access.37 At the same time, a “shopping” focus for paratransit has re- paratransit programs for seniors oriented mained minimal. Moreover, the concept of towards such needs as shopping, food paratransit has yet to establish a specific preparation and delivery, and health care, food access dimension (that is, transporta- were developed and expanded in this same tion strategies designed to facilitate access period. Aside from these efforts, paratransit to food markets). Ultimately, the intersect- options also became linked, during the 1980s ing problems of food access and transit de- and 1990s, with the increased focus on work pendency continue to reside at the margins related automobile trip reductions as a con- of or distinct from the domains of food and sequence of increased air quality regula- transportation planning. tions. Paratransit services were specifically initiated through employer-based commute programs, such as ride sharing or van commute programs, in response to such air quality regulations as the South Coast Air Qual- ity Management District’s Regulation XV.

These trends began to elevate paratransit as a promising transportation strategy, particularly for transit-dependent constituencies Homeward Bound Page 17

ENDNOTES: SECTION 1

1. Food access is sometimes used as a term Advocates, January 1996; Ashman, Linda et. that serves as a surrogate for food security al. Seeds of Change: Strategies for Food Se- itself. For example, one USDA study defines curity for the Inner City. Los Angeles: UCLA access as “the availability of a variety of Department of Urban Planning, 1993; Sus- nutritious and affordable food from places tainable Food Center, “Access Denied: An that are well maintained and offer products Analysis of Problems Facing East Austin reflecting the cultural makeup of the com- Residents in Their Attempts to Obtain Af- munity. Underserved areas are those in fordable Nutritious Food.” Austin, Texas, which residents face barriers to access, such 1995; A Status Report on Hunger and as high prices, limited food choices, poor Homelessness in America’s Cities, Washing- quality products or long distances to stores ton D.C.: U.S. Conference of Mayors, Decem- or markets. This latter factor — distance to ber, 1992. a food outlet — is the key determinant (as used in this report) linking food access to 5. Access Denied, p. 11 transit dependency. See “Study Fact Sheet”, Study of Access to Nutritious and Afford- 6. See Grocery Store Market Potential Study, able Food, United States Department of Ag- pp. 2-3 riculture, Food and Nutrition Service, Con- ducted by CRP Inc., FY 1995-1996. 7. Seeds of Change, p. 86

2. Data from the 21 SMSAs reviewed were 8. “Toward Revitalizing Inner-City Food organized by zip code. Sources included Retailing”, Donald Marion, USDA/Eco- census data and the 1995 database from Pro- nomic Research Service, National Food Re- gressive Grocer, a food retail industry trade view, Summer 1982, No. 19, pp. 22-25 publication. See, The Urban Grocery Store Gap, Ronald Cotterill and Andrew Franklin, 9. The Poor Pay More: Food Shopping in Food Marketing Policy Center, Storrs, CT: Hartford, Hartford, Ct.: Citizens Research University of Connecticut, April 1995 Education Network, et al., February 1984. p. ii 3. No Place to Shop: Challenges and Oppor- tunities Facing the Development of Super- 10. Shopping Trips and Spatial Distribution markets in Urban America, Washington of Food Stores, Youngbin Yim, University of D.C.: Public Voice for Food and Health California Transportation Center Working Policy, 1996 paper No. 125, Berkeley, CA: UCTC, 1993

4. Grocery Store Market Potential Study. Los 11. “Toward Revitalizing Inner-City Food Angeles: RLA, October 1995; Whetten, Retailing”, p. 23 Michelle. The Development of the East St Louis Farmers’ Market. Winstanley/Indus- 12. Poor Pay More, pp.8-9 try Park Neighborhood Organization, East St Louis, IL May 1994; Improving Access to 13. See Poor Pay More, pp. 6-8; “Toward Food in Low Income Communities: An In- Revitalizing Inner-City Food Retailing”, vestigation of Three Bay Area Neighbor- pp.22-23 hoods. San Francisco: California Food Policy Page 18 Homeward Bound

14. See, for example, price comparisons in 1992. Seeds of Change, pp. 161-166; See also, Poor Pay More, p. 12; No Place to Shop, pp. 34- 29. “Diet and Chronic Disease for Minority 35. populations”, Shiriki Kumanyika, Journal of Nutrition Education, 22(2) as cited in Seeds 15. Store Selection by Food Stamp House- of Change, pp. 31-32 hold, Paul Nelson & James Zellner, National Food Review, Summer, 1980, p. 24, Cited in 30. “Hispanic Health in the United States”, Obtaining Food: Shopping Constraints on Council on Scientific Affairs, JAMA, 265 (2); the Poor, Report of the U.S. Select Commit- “The Slave Health Deficit: Racism and tee on Hunger, U.S. House of Representa- Health Outcomes”, W. Michael Byrd & tives, December 1987, p. 5. Linda Clayton, Health PAC Bulletin, 1991

16. See The Urban Grocery Store Gap 31. “Food Sources, Dietary Behavior, and the Saturated Food Intake of Latino Children”, 17. Access Denied C.E. Basch, S. Shea, and P. Zybert, Ameri- can Journal of Pediatric Health, 82 (6), June 18. Seeds of Change, pp. 155-156 1992; “Hispanic Health in the United States”

19. Seeds of Change, pp. 171-172 32. Interview with Marion Kalb, Southland Farmers’ Market Association, January 1996; 20. “Getting There the Hard Way Every Seeds of Change, pp. 212-213 Day”, Jane Gross, Los Angeles Times, July 16, 1995, p. 1 33. On equity issues in transit resource allocation and financing, see “Equity in transit 21. The Development of the East St. Louis finance: Distribution of transit subsidy ben- Farmers’ Market efits and costs among income classes”, John Pucher, American Planning Association Jour- 22. Access Denied nal, 1981, 47:387-407; “Socioeconomic characteristics of transit riders: Some recent evi- 23. Seeds of Change, p.170 dence”, John Pucher, C. Hendrickson, and S. McNeil, Traffic Quarterly, 1981, 35:461-83; 24. No Place to Shop, p. 10 “Distribution of the Tax Burden of Transit Subsidies in the United States”, John Pucher 25. Seeds of Change, pp. 161-165 and I. Hirschman, 1981, Public Policy, 29:341- 367; Efficiency and Equity Implications of 26. Improving Access to Food in Low Income Alternative Transit Fare Policies, Robert Communities Cervero, M. Wachs, R. Berlin, & R. Gephart, 1980, Washington: Urban Mass Transporta- 27. Seeds of Change; Access Denied tion Administration.

28. “Nutrition and Cancer Prevention 34. “Literature Review: Social Equity in Pub- Knowledge, Beliefs, Attitudes, and Practices: lic Transportation Finance”, Eugene Kim, the 1987 National Health interview Survey”, Working Paper, School of Public Policy and N. Cotugna, A.F. Subar, et. al, Journal of the Social Research, University of California at American Dietetic Association, 92 (8), August Los Angeles, August 1995; see also “Tax Eq- Homeward Bound Page 19 uity and the Finance of Transit”, Robert Cervero, 1983, Transportation Quarterly, 37(3):379-394

35. “Variations in Fare Payment and Public Subsidy by Race and Ethnicity: An Exami- nation of the Los Angeles Metropolitan Tran- sit Authority”, Brian Taylor et al., Working Paper, UCLA Institute of Transportation Studies”, January 1995

36. Shopping Trips and Spatial Distribu- tions of Food Stores, Youngbin Yim, Work- ing Paper UCTC No. 125, Berkeley: Univer- sity of California Transportation Center, 1993; also Travel Distance and Market Size in Food Retailing, Youngbin Yim, Working Paper UCTC No. 124, Berkeley: University of California Transportation Center, July, 1990; The Effects of Transportation Services on the Scale of Food Retailing, Youngbin Yim, Working Paper No. 112, Berkeley: Uni- versity of California Transportation Center, July, 1992

37. Testimony of Marcy Fenton at the Hear- ings on Food Security and Hunger, Los An- geles Voluntary Advisory Council on Hun- ger, April 20, 1995

38. Commercial Paratransit in the United States: Service Options, Markets and Perfor- mance, Robert Cervero, University of Cali- fornia Transportation Center, Working Pa- per No. 299, Berkeley: UCTC, January 1996, p. 11

39. 1990-91 Nationwide Personal Transpor- tation Survey, cited in Commercial Paratransit in the United States, p. 13 Page 20 Homeward Bound

SECTION II:

CURRENT FOOD ACCESS PLANNING AND POLICIES Homeward Bound Page 21

he absence of any well developed cally in the food access area. food access framework for planning The most substantial effort to develop such T or policy activity has meant a rela- an approach was a September 1995 USDA tive dearth of food access legislation as well Food Access conference hosted by the Of- as federal, state, or local agency programs. fice of Analysis and Evaluation. This two Food planning is itself a relatively new con- day meeting brought together anti-hunger cept, often segmented into distinctive and activists, supermarket executives, commu- separate constituent and policy arenas, such nity development practitioners, academics, as the federal food commodity or nutrition representatives from the financial commu- programs. Recent efforts to establish food nity, and government officials from a vari- planning initiatives at the state and local ety of agencies to explore the multi-faceted level, discussed below, are perhaps the most issues associated with food access in low promising forms of government related ac- income communities. The conference prima- tivity with the potential to address food ac- rily focused on the specific dynamics asso- cess needs. These planning initiatives, how- ciated with supermarket development, and ever, are limited in scope, and at best repre- only tangentially explored other community sent the seeds of a new type of planning pro- food security strategies such as farmers’ cess capable of intervening in the food se- markets, urban agriculture, and community- curity and food access arenas. based transportation programs. The goals of the conference included: Federal Initiatives: USDA and the Commu- nity Food Security Act •Present successful strategies for increasing access to food through the development of At the federal level, the Department of Ag- full-line food stores and alternative means riculture is the government agency that most such as farmers’ markets. Transportation directly addresses food system issues, pri- options were also noted as a potential goal; marily in terms of producer/grower related issues. The origins of many of the food pro- •Provide a discussion forum for experts in grams associated with consumer needs, such supermarkets and food-store development, as the food stamp program, were primarily economic development, and food policy; linked to efforts to support farmers through government acquisition of certain surplus •Identify and support continued efforts to commodities rather than efforts designed to link improved food access to local economic increase the food security of program par- development.2 ticipants.1 More recently, the Food and Con- sumer Service (with its focus on consumer While participation in the conference was nutrition issues), the Agricultural Market- below USDA expectations, the conference ing Service (with its interest in direct mar- was nevertheless significant for a number keting strategies such as farmers’ markets), of reasons. First, it gave prominence to the and the Office of Analysis and Evaluation issue of food access within the framework within FCS (which has sponsored research of USDA. While the Office of Analysis and on issues facing low income residents, such Evaluation, the sponsor of the event, had as food stamp recipients) have all touched contracted for a couple of studies related to on food access issues. However, none of food access, including a food security ques- these offices has established programs, tionnaire to be included in a Census Bureau grants activities, or policy initiatives specifi- survey, it had not formally addressed the Page 22 Homeward Bound

issue through any program or policy.3 The local food, farm and nutrition issues. The September 1995 conference represented in- passage of the CFSA within the context of stead a type of surrogate planning effort by massive budget cuts in nutrition and agri- a subagency to frame a complex issue that culture programs proposed by the 104th cuts across subagency and department lines Congress attests to its political appeal. It and has no actual institutional home for any enjoyed the support of a broad range of planning or policy initiative. As such, the stakeholders in the food system, including conference (and related FCS sponsored stud- family farming, anti-hunger, community ies) provided at best tentative first steps to- gardening, food banking, community devel- ward formalizing inter-agency linkages opment, and environmental organizations.4 identified through the conference, with the longer term objective of developing compre- The CFSA is especially significant for the hensive policy responses to food access de- issue of food access through a number of ficiencies. contexts. First, improving access to healthy foods is a core component of community However, the conference also reflected the food security and to the legislative mandate influence of a growing national movement of the Act. A number of the proposals sub- around community food security and food mitted to the USDA under this Act during access, and legitimized food access as a mat- its first funding cycle included programs ter of national policy significance. While designed to improve access to food for low follow-up activity from the conference by income communities.5 Second, as food ac- USDA (and FCS in particular) remains un- cess remains largely a local issue, with local certain, the most likely constituency for pro- causes and local solutions, the CFSA programmatic development in the food access vides a basis for funding community-based area are food stamp recipients, especially in strategies, such as transportation programs, terms of their purchasing power and need farmers’ markets, and community gardens. to access nutritious foods. Another arena for Finally, the CFSA establishes the validity of possible food access activity through USDA multi-sectoral strategies to food access prob- is the Community Food Security Act. This lems. In doing so, it provides a framework legislation, the outcome of an eighteen for the USDA to develop a more coordinated month campaign by a wide range of food inter-agency policy approach to this issue. security advocates, may also come to represent a new policy direction for the USDA State Programs: Proposals for Texas and involving the funding of policy-related Connecticut grassroots projects. At the state level, most food-related pro- Recently enacted as part of the 1996 Farm grams are associated with grower-related Bill, the Community Food Security Act activities, such as technical assistance pro- (CFSA) provides $16 million in competitive grams or agri-chemical use regulations. The grants to non-profit organizations over the state’s role in more “urban”-oriented anti- next seven years for food-related projects in hunger or food assistance related programs low income communities. Its stated goals are is primarily administrative in nature or in- to meet the food needs of low-income volves pass-through activities related to fed- people; increase the self reliance of commu- eral food programs. nities in providing for their own food needs; and promote comprehensive responses to One potential route for state-level food ac- Homeward Bound Page 23 cess planning or policy activity can be found Authority’s bond funds be used to leverage in the model legislation developed in Texas private financing of supermarkets in inner in 1995. The legislation, introduced as an cities across the state. It also called for the amendment to the Human Resources Code, Department of Transportation to create a sought to establish a broad based planning pilot program that would improve food ac- and funding entity called the Texas Food cess through local transportation coordina- Security Council. The bill was passed by the tion. Despite the bill’s failure to be enacted Texas legislature in 1995, but vetoed by Gov- during the 1996 legislative session, the mea- ernor George Bush Jr.. The legislation, sure establishing a Food Security Task Force drafted by the Austin, Texas Sustainable was included in other legislation which was Food Center, provided for the establishment passed and signed into law. According to of a Council composed of representatives of Mark Winne, director of the Hartford Food state agencies and nonprofit organizations System and a likely member of the Task to inventory resources and develop food Force, food access and transportation will security programs, in- continue to figure promi- cluding the development nently in the task force’s 7 of “a coordinated plan to It is noteworthy that future work. create opportunities to increase access to food in municipal and regional Local Initiatives: Food low-income communi- planning departments Policy Councils ties.”6 While transporta- across the U.S. have few tion/food access plan- if any functions associ- At the local level, much of ning mechanisms and/or the interest in food plan- policy initiatives were not ated with food security ning is of recent origin. It specifically identified in or overall food system is noteworthy that mu- the legislation, the Coun- functions. nicipal and regional plan- cil concept intended to ning departments across provide a statewide entry the U.S. have few if any point for stimulating food functions associated with access activity, whether through a planning food security or overall food system func- process, pilot projects, or grants activities. tions. Most of these are handled by other departments, agencies, or through state or fed- Another approach, more elaborate in nature, eral programs, such as food stamp adminis- is the legislative package proposed by the tration. During 1995 and 1996, the absence Ad Hoc Task Force on Food Security of the of municipal food planning functions was Connecticut General Assembly. This legis- further underlined by food program-related lation was passed by the General Assembly changes proposed in the 104th Congress, in 1996, but did not make it to a vote in the based on the devolution to the states and Senate. The legislation called for a number cities of a number of federal anti-hunger of measures, including the formation of a programs. Yet such a transfer of funds and task force to guide the Connecticut Depart- responsibilities was being promoted at a ment of Agriculture in playing a lead role point when the capacity to handle such is- for the development and implementation of sues among local and regional governments a food security policy for the state. In terms continued to be minimal or non-existent. of food access and transportation, it proposed that Connecticut Development The most visible, contemporary forms of Page 24 Homeward Bound local food security planning have involved or administrative home for food security the development of Food Policy Councils planning, including food access and trans- (FPCs), or Food Policy Commissions, that portation initiatives. As described in Section have been established in several different III, a number of food access/food transpor- communities and regions (e.g., Hartford, tation programs have been developed by Knoxville, St. Paul, and Toronto), and FPCs in cities like Knoxville, Tennessee and broadly parallel the type of statewide Coun- Austin, Texas. Such programs have been de- cil established through the Texas legislation signed to meet specific neighborhood con- described above. FPC structures and activi- cerns (e.g., access to a supermarket) rather ties have varied. The two most prevalent than through an overall planning and evalu- models are municipal/government-based ation process. Beyond those programs, the entities and non-profit organizations. FPC efforts to design an FPC in Los Angeles, de- roles also vary, whether in terms of policy scribed in Section IV, identifies one possible development or program implemen- model for food security and food tation, or whether they serve as access planning. catalyst or facilitator. All, however, have sought to TRANSPORTATION construct a comprehen- SERVICES AND PRO- sive approach to agricul- Despite their system-wide GRAMS ture and food related focus, however, Food problems. 8 Policy Councils and com- Federal Programs munity food planning ef- Food Policy Councils forts have tended to remain Within the world of have generally sought marginalized efforts transportation plan- to focus on the multiple ning, the focus on food pathways of the food sys- access has been, at best, tem, including both urban a stepchild to the larger food security concerns such emphasis on commuting as hunger, nutrition, access, and vehicle mobility. Where community development, and ur- available, links between federal ban agriculture opportunities, as well as transportation policies and local programs grower-related considerations such as direct and food access for inner city transit depen- marketing. Despite their system-wide focus, dent residents are primarily found in an ad however, Food Policy Councils and commu- hoc assortment of services which attempt to nity food planning efforts have tended to re- meet the intra-neighborhood needs of com- main marginalized efforts at advocacy and munities. These paratransit services tend to intervention, primarily due to a lack of funds comprise the workhorses of such transit sys- and institutional support. Even organiza- tems. Such programs, which most often in- tions established within municipal govern- clude the use of vans, taxis, carpools, and ments have suffered from limited resources, jitneys, are well suited to enhancing mobil- due to tight government budgets, jurisdic- ity for food shoppers, given their ability to tional issues, and the problem of institu- respond flexibly to variations in travel de- tional autonomy.9 mand as well as route, and their generally low capital and operating costs with respect FPCs, nevertheless, represent a potential re- to conventional transit.10 gion-wide or municipal organizational and/ Homeward Bound Page 25

While no federal transportation policies deal tation Enhancement Act of 1991, a complex explicitly with the issue of food access or of piece of legislation that seeks to take into the servicing of intra-neighborhood needs, account land use considerations and their the 1991 Intermodal Surface Transportation relationship to different transportation Enhancement Act (ISTEA) and the 1990 modes. The legislation authorizes the ex- Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) do penditure of $155 billion over six years for a create certain opportunities for addressing wide range of programs ranging from high- these issues. The ADA, which includes a set way construction and environmental im- of detailed regulations for both private and provements such as stormwater mitigation public entities, specifies, among other pro- to “transportation demand management”, visions, that transportation vehicles and fa- the area in which support for paratransit cilities be made accessible for those who use programs can be located. Within that con- wheelchairs. Creating this legislative focus text of program support, mobility (e.g., re- on access, moreover, has also brought atten- duced congestion) remains ISTEA’s primary tion to the disabled as a transit dependent measurement of success. Transportation population, including this population’s sig- control measures for reducing traffic conges- nificant concerns about food access. Those tion and achieving air quality standards are programs and services that were ultimately also prominent.11 developed as a direct or indirect result of ADA, however, have remained tailored to Metropolitan Planning Organizations (such this specific constituency. as the Metropolitan Transit Authority (MTA) in Los Angeles) are given great flexibility in ISTEA setting funding priorities, within broad categories. For example, in Los Angeles, while Without a direct constituency focus as with the MTA has employed ISTEA funds for rail the ADA, ISTEA nevertheless provides pos- projects, it has also made funding available sible funding for a wide range of urban for the transportation demand management transportation programs, a few of which also (TDM) programs that are the primary route have the potential to address food shopping for food access initiatives. TDM guidelines, needs. The proposed ISTEA legislation in a 1995-96 MTA application package, al- evolved as the National Interstate and De- low for such projects as “innovative shuttle fense Highway Program was winding down services... that serve a variety of needs and in the late 1980s, and the principal transpor- that have new or innovative features. Such tation policy thrust among legislators and projects may serve multi-modal transporta- transportation planners focused on urban tion centers, community based needs, and congestion issues. A strategic planning pro- community based purposes”.12 However, cess, including 65 public forums across the despite its potential applicability, ISTEA country, was initiated through the Transpor- funding for food access planning or pro- tation 2020 Task Force. The Task Force’s fi- grams has yet to be pursued, a function in nal recommendations included more fund- part of the lack of interaction and functional ing for surface transportation and increased separation between food or human service attention to land use and environmental con- and transportation policy. siderations that were also embedded in the 1990 Clean Air Act Amendments. That planning and political process contributed to the drafting of the Intermodal Surface Transpor- Page 26 Homeward Bound

Local Programs: Los Angeles and Cam- as well as planning their routes, developed bridge in consultation with community leaders. In- terestingly, the DASH shuttles are funded In Los Angeles, most of the paratransit ini- with sales tax receipts rather than federal tiatives established through the City of Los monies, because of DOT concern that there Angeles Transportation Department, under are “too many strings attached” associated the heading of the city’s Community Tran- with union approval of expenditures. sit Program, are targeted toward elderly and Okazaki also noted that the DASH shuttles disabled clients, and establish no direct food represent a cost efficient means of transpor- access/transit dependency relationship. tation, receiving a one dollar subsidy per (See Chart 1.) The City’s Dial-a-ride pro- passenger, as compared to over $30 for rail gram, for example, provides shared rides to passengers, and a comparable amount for the elderly and disabled in lift-equipped the city’s dial-a-ride curb to curb service for vans. Fares are subsidized, typically cost- the elderly. ing 2 scrip vouchers (60 vouchers may be purchased quarterly for $12, or $7 for low Recently surveyed Midtown and Crenshaw income individuals). Recent data suggests DASH riders cited price and convenience as moderate usage for an undifferentiated their primary reasons for riding DASH. Rid- “shopping” category and for “nutrition” ers referred to bus stop distances from home purposes. For December, 1995, the “shop- and/or travel destination as well as time ping” category comprises from 0-10% of factors (upwards of 45 minutes or more for total rides in the different geographical ar- short distance trips) on a RTD bus. The eas of the City. Interestingly, trips for “nu- DASH service travel time within each com- trition,” presumably to congregate meals for munity, on the other hand, was estimated at the elderly, comprise up to 41% of total rides less than 20 minutes, while the cost for the during the same period (which is also the service was a dollar less than RTD. Trips highest in the low income South Central were scattered among a variety of purposes, area).13 Shopping is apparently limited by the most common being work or school. space constraints; the service restricts pa- Grocery shopping was cited by 8% and 7% trons to three grocery bags per trip, and does respectively, of the riders.15 not allow shopping carts on the vehicle.14 The development of the “smart shuttle” also For the general public, however, the City represents another possible direction toward does operate DASH shuttles in 16 targeted facilitating food access in Los Angeles. A communities. These circulator routes cost 25 generic term for a wide range of services cents, operate in clockwise and counter- with flexible routes driven by customer de- clockwise directions, and are designed to mand, and advanced technologies such as facilitate non-commuter needs, such as Global Positioning Systems (GPS) and com- medical appointments, shopping trips, etc. puter dispatching, the smart shuttle oper- According to Chief of Transit James Okazaki, ates akin to a taxi, and will be operated pri- the DASH program was established to ad- vately. The City of Los Angeles Transporta- dress concerns about conventional transit’s tion Department has put out requests for high price and inconvenience for local in- proposals on the operation of a two year tra-neighborhood trips. Community resi- demonstration project in the high density, dents from different areas of the city played low income immigrant neighborhood of a crucial role in advocating for these shuttles Westlake. According to MTA planner Scott Homeward Bound Page 27

Green, this service will cost 75 cents, (25 eas within the city’s boundaries without cents for a transfer), and take riders to any proximity to a full service market. In 1991, location of their choice within a defined ser- an advisory “Food Policy Referendum” was vice area, with an approximate 1.5 mile ra- held in the Cambridge Township that called dius. The shuttle will be able to operate on for the city to establish food access as a narrow streets that conventional transit is citywide priority. While the referendum did not capable of entering, increasing accessi- not specifically direct any policy or agency bility for individuals who have limited mo- activity, with 80% of the voters voting in bility. The project will be heavily subsidized support of a food access approach, elected with local funding in its first two years, and officials and municipal agencies quickly el- then will have to operate as an entrepreneur- evated food access, and specifically new ial activity, free of subsidies. Future MTA supermarket development, to the top of the plans incorporate the construction of a new public agenda. supermarket adjacent to the recently constructed Red Line subway station, which the In December 1994, the Community Devel- smart shuttle could help service.16 opment Department issued a Report to the Cambridge City Council that focused on Interestingly, Tom Connor, the deputy gen- how the city itself could become part of a eral manager of the city of Los Angeles’ process of ensuring “adequate access” for Transportation Department was not famil- all Cambridge residents to full-service mar- iar with any food transportation program kets”, as well as identifying alternative involving the use of paratransit services such methods of providing access to food.18 The as vans, by either the city or by food stores.17 Report defined supermarket access in terms However, MTA planner Scott Green did of “walking radius” (identified as one half mention that after the 1992 civil disturbances mile or less) rather than “driving radius” RTD established special routes to help resi- (defined as two miles or less). Cambridge, dents of impacted areas get to supermarkets. like a number of other eastern seaboard cit- Entitled Operation Foodbasket, this project, ies, had a significant percentage of house- no longer in existence, is noteworthy in that holds without vehicle ownership, though it was defined within the context of emer- transit dependency concerns were mediated gency/natural disaster planning. By subse- in part by the fact that Cambridge is a pe- quently eliminating the program, it further destrian-oriented city with an extensive pub- indicated the lack of any food access frame- lic transportation system. Given the high work in the ongoing transportation plan- percentage of walk-in shoppers, the issue of ning and implementation process. Food ac- supermarket proximity was particularly sig- cess became a concern as a result of a large- nificant. scale social upheaval, not as a day-to-day problem. The CDD Report both provided information to inform an access approach while calling In Cambridge, Massachusetts, food access for a series of public initiated activities de- issues have been directly linked to commu- signed to address the access problem. These nity concerns about the lack of nearby su- included: a site analysis of possible super- permarkets in specific Cambridge neighbor- market locations as defined by food access hoods. During the late 1980s and early 1990s, considerations; regulatory interventions, two Cambridge area supermarkets closed such as permitting waivers or zoning ap- down, leaving significant neighborhood ar- proaches to facilitate the siting of supermar- Page 28 Homeward Bound kets; and the development of special grocery market’s customer base; access-sponsored store regulations, transfer of development programs, in turn can enhance a market’s rights, and exemptions regarding store size community good will, a crucial concern for in areas where there were retail limits.19 a customer based industry. Access-related problems may also be reflected in other ad- The Cambridge situation is also of interest ditional costs, notably the loss of shopping insofar as a community-based political ac- carts and the threat of impoundment charges tion (the advisory referendum) in response from municipalities. The ability to address to a food access concern (supermarket de- access concerns for supermarkets (and the parture) resulted in a set of municipal ac- food retail sector as a whole), then, repre- tions, which included a broad-based analy- sents both a business opportunity and a sis and review, a set of recommended ac- competitive advantage. tions, and the beginnings of a public process to support for food access initiatives. Yet, similar to the absence of food access related planning among transportation and Today, transportation planning’s nexus to other public agencies, the food retail indus- food access is often limited to a discussion try has not developed a consistent or sys- of bus stop location and routing in terms of tematic program to meet customer transpor- shopping centers, rather than a more com- tation needs. “There is no organized discus- munity-based approach to helping connect sion within the food retail industry about the transit dependent with food retailers. But transportation approaches”, according to a as the Cambridge situation reveals and staff member of the California Grocer’s As- ISTEA legislation suggests, an integration of sociation, an absence that is also reflected in transportation and food access planning re- trade publications and program initiatives.20 mains a viable option at both the legislative For example, the Food Marketing Institute’s and agency level. “Urban Initiatives Task Force” established in the wake of the Los Angeles civil disorders of May 1992, was specifically charged FOOD RETAIL SECTOR APPROACHES with “recommending ways for the supermarket industry to broaden and strengthen Industry Attitudes its participation in neglected communities while serving the FMI membership”.21 The food retail industry has played a sig- These recommendations included program nificant role in both contributing to and be- initiatives in such areas as education, job ing impacted by access related issues. This training, mentoring, and store development, study has elaborated how supermarket lo- but not specifically access or transportation cation decisions have exacerbated transpor- needs. Other FMI publications listing super- tation concerns of residents in areas with market initiatives in “underserved commu- lower than average vehicle ownership who nities” have failed to include any transpor- need to travel longer distances to use full tation or access-related programs.22 Simi- service food markets. At the same time, the larly, an awards program of FMI and the supermarket industry in particular has come National League of Cities that highlighted to recognize that “inner city” locations to- seventeen different successful collaborative day represent a relatively undeveloped mar- programs between communities and super- ket for a highly competitive industry. Im- markets, listed only one transportation-re- proved access could potentially expand a lated program, a shuttle service sponsored Homeward Bound Page 29 by the Kroger Co. in the city of Savannah, The divorce of “access needs” from “com- Georgia. Even when food retail chains have munity function” is noteworthy for an in- established transportation programs, they dustry that is so heavily place-based and have been employee rather than customer- customer-oriented in its economic or mar- based. In Southern California, for example, ket share considerations. Where a store is the Vons company, influenced in part by lo- located is considered to have direct bearing cal air quality regulations, purchased two on how to attract customers to a store, and vans through CalTrans grant funds to pro- vice versa. At the same time, availability of vide a rideshare/van service program for land (influenced significantly by parking employees. Although the vans were not in requirements which in turn elevates car use during non-commute down times, Vons transport as the primary if not exclusive decided against any customer shuttle pro- transport factor to be considered) represents gram because of possible additional insur- a major barrier to supermarket development ance costs.23 in inner city areas, according to the FMI Ur- ban Initiatives Task Discussions with — and Force.25 At the same time, presentations by — food The divorce of “access the customer focus tends retail industry executives needs” from “commu- to be linked to product reveal a similar lack of nity function” is note- availability and differen- organized response to tiation, often tailored to transportation and access worthy for an industry customer demographics. questions. Former Lucky that is so heavily place- Inner city stores, despite Stores executive vice based and customer-ori- lower than average ve- president John Benner, in ented in its economic or hicle ownership and a a presentation at the 1995 pattern of increased walk- California Grocer’s Asso- market share consider- in traffic, have tended to ciation annual meeting, ations. be focused more on crime detailed a range of food (e.g., by making parking security and anti-hunger lots safer) than access. initiatives that could be undertaken by su- Walk-in customers, in turn, have become the permarkets in recognition of the “commu- prime constituency for the use of shopping nity” role of the industry. Such initiatives carts, given the absence of any defined trans- included product donations to food pantries portation approach at the inner city store. and food banks (e.g., damaged cans, unsold Ultimately, the use and disposal of shopping produce), financial contributions to anti- carts becomes, as one food retail executive hunger organizations through shopper re- put it, a substitution for a store-based trans- ceipts and other charitable donations, and portation program. 26 educational materials made available at store sites. Access and transportation initia- Shopping Cart Loss As A Food Access tives, however, were not included.24 In that Proxy context, a “community” role is defined as the broad social responsibilities of the busi- For the food retail industry, shopping cart ness rather than reorienting or restructuring loss has emerged as a major financial bur- the activities of the business to address com- den and highly sensitive policy question. munity needs. Cart loss in turn has been directly linked to transportation and access issues; i.e., cart Page 30 Homeward Bound losses tend to be greatest at stores located in dependent contractor for a Los Angeles- communities with lower than average based Shopping Cart Service esti- vehicle ownership. The financial mated that he alone retrieved impact of cart losses is clearly about 200 to 250 carts a day, a significant expense for and that as many as one food retailers. The replace- Cart loss and re- fourth of some store’s carts ment cost of a single cart trieval costs could might be taken off site runs between $60 and during a shopping day. $120, depending on cart amount to upwards The City of Inglewood, size. More than a dozen of $67,000 a year in with a population of cities in California also some inner city 114,000 as well as 19 small have shopping cart im- stores. to medium size indepen- poundment laws that con- dent food stores and gen- tribute to the costs and poten- eral merchandise stores, es- tial liabilities for supermarkets. timated that as many as 400-500 Where impoundment laws exist, a shopping carts are removed from food store can be charged for each cart re- Inglewood stores and abandoned on city trieval, with charges in California ranging streets each day, with figures increasing from as low as $4 to as high as $25 a cart. during periods of holiday shopping. As another example, A-State Kart Kleen, a Mesa, Many supermarkets contract with private Arizona-based cart retrieval company, with cart recovery or retrieval services to locate a staff of nine “retrievers”, picks up an av- missing carts, and, in some cases, have es- erage of 900 carts a day in the Phoenix area. tablished their own Shopping Cart Retrieval A-State Kart Kleen’s largest customer, a food Service which in turn pays independent con- chain with 16 stores, many of which oper- tractors to retrieve carts. Payments for re- ate in low income, transit-dependent com- trieved carts also vary, both in terms of the munities, alone loses 700 carts a day. Another cost per load and the cost per cart (depend- Southern California food store executive es- ing on the size of the load), although cumu- timated that the Food-for-Less chain (now lative payments can be substantial in areas merged with Ralphs) made upwards of fif- where the number of carts taken off the store teen cart retrieval trips per day, and that cart premises might run as high as 10% or more loss and retrieval costs could amount to up- of the carts in use. 27 In 1992, FMI estimated wards of $67,000 a year in some inner city that the grocery industry lost 1.85 million stores. 29 carts, including a loss of 190,000 carts in car dependent southern California. The Califor- There is widespread recognition both inside nia Grocer’s Association has estimated that and outside the food retail industry that cart 750,000 carts are taken from stores in Cali- loss is a direct outcome of lack of transpor- fornia, with losses about $17 million a year, tation. “Carts go AWOL because they are and $9 million a year in Southern California used as wheels for folks who don’t have alone. The cart retrieval business, though cars”, according to a Forbes article on the is- often operating as a kind of fly-by-night sue, a sentiment widely shared by cart re- operation, has nevertheless, according to trievers who are constantly seeking to iden- Forbes magazine, come to represent a $12 tify neighborhoods where the highest num- million market, partly a reflection of the high ber of abandoned carts may be located. Ac- volume and expense of cart loss.28 One in- cording to a Public Voice report on urban Homeward Bound Page 31 supermarkets, the Cleveland-based Finast pendent customer base, while avoiding the Supermarket chain reported that it loses an cost of instituting its own transit service.31 average of 300 shopping carts annually in urban locations, compared to 20 in its sub- The issue that has generated the most con- urban locations. Another transit dependent cern among food retailers is the recent in- constituency, senior citizens, are also seen terest of municipalities in impoundment as potentially responsible for cart loss prob- laws, particularly in cities with high num- lems. In the Phoenix area, with its large numbers of abandoned shopping carts. Although ber of retirement communities, for example, a few cities have targeted the taking of carts there is a high volume of shopping cart as their focus of action — e.g., the city of losses in middle class areas with majority Lawndale in southern California stipulated retiree/senior populations. 30 in a municipal ordinance that abandoned shopping carts created a “visual blight” and However, despite the significant concerns contributed to “a reduction in the value of regarding cart loss and its assumed links to properties within the community”, and that transit dependencies, no transportation- it would thus be illegal to remove them from based intervention within the food retail store premises32 — most of the ordinances sector has emerged as a preventative strat- have targeted food stores themselves. For egy to reduce or eliminate the problem. Most example, the city of Inglewood established stores create or contract with retrieval ser- an “Abandoned Shopping Cart Ordinance” vice companies to minimize their losses, al- in 1995 that sought to remove abandoned though retrieval costs have also come to rep- carts by forcing retail stores to pay a $15 resent a significant, stand-alone expense. administrative fee for each cart that the City Other factors, such as organized theft opera- had retrieved. After carts have been located tions, are also identified as major contribu- and stored at a city facility, a notice is sent tions to the problem. However, organized to the retailer, and the retailer has thirty days theft rings often represent “after-the-fact” to pick up and pay for the cart. After the 30 manifestations of the issue; that is, the cart day period has passed, the city then sells the theft operations are the mirror opposites of unclaimed carts to a private retrieval service cart retrieval services by searching for carts at a reduced cost (between $5 and $25 de- that have been abandoned by those who pending on the size and type of cart). have already used them. Where programs Though Inglewood evaluated its first year have been initiated, shopping cart loss has of operation as a money loser (more than often been institutionalized as the store- 1600 carts had been retrieved in that time, based transportation policy. For example, but the fees and sales of carts did not fully KV Mart, a 13 unit chain headquartered in offset the costs of the program, which in- Carson, in southern California, has estab- cluded primarily staff time in the collection lished a program that allows customers to and administering the program, as well as take their groceries home in carts and then storage costs, according to Inglewood staff), contracts with a private retrieval company its primary motivation for the ordinance was to locate the carts that are not brought back to eliminate the “blight and nuisance” fac- to the store. Since KV Mart estimates that tors associated with abandoned carts. The as many as 35% of its customers walk to the retail industry, however, continued to re- store, the cost of loss and retrieval payments main strongly opposed to the municipal — upwards of $300,000 annually — is ab- impoundment approach, and in 1996, the sorbed in order to maintain its transit-de- Vons company filed a law suit against the Page 32 Homeward Bound city of Inglewood challenging the city’s right side the framework of a transportation/food to impound carts.33 access approach. Whether seen as a problem of “blight” or homelessness, as many By 1995, seventeen cities in California had municipalities have defined it, or, for food enacted abandoned shopping cart ordi- retailers, an unwelcome though widely an- nances similar to Inglewood and upwards ticipated cost of business in transit depen- of thirty more cities had begun making in- dent communities, shopping cart loss has quiries about enacting similar laws. In re- emerged as the one single, consistent sub- sponse, the California Grocer’s Association stitute for transportation/food access plan- pushed legislation that would restrict cities ning. This problem of policy (or lack from enacting such ordinances, partly by thereof), promises to become more pro- limiting the impoundment/retrieval fee to tracted, given current and anticipated food $5 per cart and exempting any store that had insecurity and transit dependency indica- itself retained a cart retrieval service, includ- tors. ing their own in-house as well as contracted service. The CGA-endorsed legislation, which was also supported by many of the largest food chains in the state, was opposed by the California League of Cities and 26 different California municipalities. Though the bill passed both houses of the Legisla- ture, it was vetoed by Governor Wilson.34

The Inglewood example is noteworthy, since both city officials and food retailers engaged in extensive discussions prior to the enact- ment of the ordinance concerning possible solutions to the problem of shopping carts leaving store premises. Both store owners and city officials recognized that a primary reason for the problem was inadequate transportation to the stores and the large number of walk-in customers. Most of the discussion, however, centered on the cart retrieval process; namely, how could stores more effectively get the carts off the streets. One transportation-based program was initiated: a subsidized taxi service for food shoppers. This program, however, never succeeded, given the difficulty of “bunch- ing” up customers and creating a higher ra- tio of shoppers to rides.35

The shopping cart loss problem, despite its obvious relation to food access and transit dependency, remains a concern defined out- Homeward Bound Page 33

ENDNOTES: SECTION II

1. Farm Policies of the United States, 1790- cils: The Experience of Five Cities and One 1950: A Study of Their Origins and Devel- County,” Paper presented at the Joint Meet- opment, Murray R. Benedict, New York: ing of the Agriculture, Food, and Human Twentieth Century Fund, 1953. Values Society and the Society for the Study of Food and Society, Tucson, Arizona, June 2. United States Department of Agriculture, 11, 1994; See also “History of the Implemen- Food and Consumer Services. Conference on tation of the Toronto Food Policy Council”, Access to Food. Conference Program, Sep- Prepared for the Toronto Food Policy Coun- tember 18-19, 1995, p. 1 cil Board, March 6, 1991; Annual Report, City of Hartford, Connecticut, Advisory Com- 3. Contracted studies are cited in Public mission on Food Policy, September 1, 1993. Voice for Food and Health policy, Inner City Supermarket Task Force Meeting Summary, 9. Interview with Robert Wilson, Project Washington D.C.: Public Voice, May 1995, Team Member of the Local Food System pp. 1-2 Project, Co-Founder Knoxville Food Policy Council, March 1996. 4. “We Did It! CFS Act Passes”, Community Food Security News, Winter/Spring 1996, p. 10. Ronald Kirby et al Paratransit: Neglected 1; See also Fisher, Andrew & Robert Gottlieb, Options for Urban Mobility. Urban Institute Community Food Security: Policies for a Washington DC, n.d.; Cervero, Robert, Com- More Sustainable Food System in the Con- mercial Paratransit in the United States: Ser- text of the 1995 Farm Bill and Beyond, The vice Options, Markets, and Performance, Lewis Center for Regional Policy Studies, University of California Transportation Cen- Working Paper No. 11, University of Cali- ter, Working Paper UCTC No. 299, Berke- fornia, Los Angeles, May 1995 ley: UCTC, January 1996.

5. More than 150 proposals were forwarded 11. Kristine Williams, “ISTEA: New Direc- to the Community Food Security Coalition, tions for Transportation Land Use Law”, the leading advocate of the Community Land Use Law, July 1993, pp. 3-9; Marya Mor- Food Security Act. These proposals were ris, “New Transportation Law Benefits Plan- developed in less than two months after the ning”, PAS Memo, American Planning As- Act was passed and in advance of the ac- sociation, February 1992. tual publication of the RFP for the Act’s grants program. Memo from Andy Fisher to 12. Metropolitan Transit Authority. Applica- Community Food Security Coalition Steer- tion Package: Fiscal Year 1995-1996 through ing Committee, June 20, 1996. 1998-99 Transportation Improvement Pro- gram. Call for projects. 6. Texas CSHB 2856, 1995, p. 3. 13. Cityride Dial-a-ride Monthly Statistical 7. Presentation by Mark Winne, Executive Report, Los Angeles Department of Trans- Director, Hartford Food System, Rutgers portation, December 1995; For background University, February 7, 1996. on the origins of Dial-a-ride at the national level, see John R. Meyer and Jose A. Gomez- 8. Dahlberg, Kenneth, “Food Policy Coun- Ibanez, Autos, Transit and Cities, Cam- Page 34 Homeward Bound bridge: Harvard University Press, 1981, pp. Grocer’s Association Annual Meeting, San 73-77. Diego, September 30, 1995.

14. City Ride Users Guide, Los Angeles De- 25. Urban Initiatives Task Force Recommen- partment of Transportation, p.21 dations, p. 2

15. Draft DASH Midtown and DASH 26. See Interview with Patrick Barber, Food- Crenshaw On-Board Survey Results, Los For-Less (Merged with Ralphs), cited in Angeles Department of Transportation, n/ Seeds of Change, p.133 d 27. In the city of Lawndale in southern Cali- 16. Interview with Scott Green, May, 1996 fornia, for example, a cart retrieval service used by the three main supermarkets in that 17. Interview with Tom Connor by Linda community (Boys, Alpha Beta, and Value O’Connor, January, 1995. Plus) charges $12.50 per load, with a load varying from a minimum of 12 carts to 25 18. Supermarket Access in Cambridge, A carts. Costs of retrieval per cart, through this Report to the Cambridge City Council, Com- service, would then vary from 50 cents to munity Development Department, Cam- more than $1 per cart. Letter from William bridge, MA: CDD, December 19, 1994. Woolard, Community Development Direc- tor, City of Lawndale, to the City Council, 19. Supermarket Access in Cambridge, pp. August 28, 1995. 8-12. 28. Interview with Beth Beeman; “Cart 20. Interview with Beth Beeman, California Wars”, Damon Darlin, Forbes, October 11, Grocer’s Association, March 1996. 1993, v. 152, n.8: 137-139; “Carting Away Profits”, Jennifer Pellet, Discount 21. “Urban Initiatives Task Force Recom- Merchandizer, January 1994, v. 34, n.1:68 mendations”, Adopted by the Food Market- ing Institute Board of Directors, May 8, 1993, 29. Interview with Donald Anthony, Presi- Food Marketing Institute, Washington D.C. dent, A-State Kart Kleen Inc., 4/11/96; “Abandoned Shopping Cart Ordinance”, 22. See FMI packet of publications under the Memorandum to the Mayor and City Coun- heading “Supermarket Initiatives in cil, December 20, 1994, City of Inglewood; Underserved Communities”, Food Market- Interview with Hilda J. Kennedy, Adminis- ing Institute, Washington D.C., 1996. trative Analyst, City of Inglewood, April 5, 1996; see also, “Cart Catastrophe”, Progres- 23. Cities and Supermarkets: Case Studies sive Grocer, February 1994, p. 10; “Supermar- of Successful Collaborative Programs, The ket Puts Brake on Wayward Carts”, Sarah 1995 NLC-FMI Neighborhood Partnership Klein, Los Angeles Times, April 30, 1996; Awards, National League of Cities and the “Mike Cornejo: Corralling Stray Shopping Food Marketing Institute, Washington D.C., Carts all over Westside”, Andrew Bridges, 1995; Interview with Jan Dell, Vons Los Angeles Times, November 5, 1995; Seeds Rideshare Department, April 1995 of Change, p. 133.

24. Presentation by John Benner, California 30. No Place to Shop: Challenges and Op- Homeward Bound Page 35 portunities Facing the Development of Su- permarkets in Urban America, Washington D.C.: Public Voice for Food and Health Policy, February 1996, p. 55; Interview with Donald Anthony, 4/11/96. Anthony commented on the cart loss/transit dependency relationship this way: “Major cart loss, according to my experience, is where people don’t have cars.”

31. No Place to Shop, Ibid. p. 56

32. Ordinance No. 787-95, City of Lawndale, Adopted September 11, 1995.

33. Interview with Hilda Kennedy, May 1996; Ordinance No. 94-11, “An Ordinance of the City of Inglewood, California Amend- ing the Inglewood Municipal Code Relating to Shopping Carts, December 20, 1994; Memorandum from Darryl B. Brown to Ken Duke, Public Services Director, City of Inglewood, “Shopping Cart Retrieval Pro- gram”, March 3, 1995.

34. See Assembly Bill 182, Introduced by Assembly Member Granlund. “An Act to add Section 22435.7 to the Business and Pro- fessions Code, relating to shopping carts”. Introduced January 24, 1995; Letter from Edward Vincent, Mayor, City of Inglewood, to Governor Pete Wilson, August 1, 1995; Letter from Larry Guidi, Mayor, City of Hawthorne, to Governor Pete Wilson, July 25, 1995; Interview with Hilda Kennedy, City of Inglewood, March 25, 1996.

35. Interview with Beth Beeman, California Grocers Association, March 24, 1996 Page 36 Homeward Bound

SECTION III: EXPLORATORY PROGRAMS: CASE STUDIES OF FOOD ACCESS INITIATIVES Homeward Bound Page 37

espite the absence of any compre can-American. Income levels and vehicle hensive food access-related trans ownership are significantly lower than D portation programs initiated by countywide averages. Although the area is government agencies or through the food densely populated and there are some bus retail industry, a small number of explor- routes that cross near the store’s location, the atory programs have been developed at the neighborhood is also considered a high store or local government level. These pro- crime area and there is substantial commu- grams have been established in response to nity concern about the safety of bus stops specific concerns, primarily those that have after dark. Dial-a-Ride services are also mini- been constituent or customer-driven. This mal in the area. Section describes a number of these programs as individual case studies grouped Soon after the family-owned El Tapatio together in relation to the type of transpor- opened its store in 1993, its manager decided tation service offered or the constituencies to initiate a Customer Shuttle Service pro- served. What primarily characterizes these gram. The van service idea was a familiar programs is their ad hoc nature as well as one to store management, since it had been their lack of relationship to broader policy previously utilized at the Numero Uno mar- or industry-wide efforts. As programs often ket, another medium sized independent associated with the ability to establish “good market in South Central Los Angeles which will” in a customer service industry, they had been owned and operated by another have not been evaluated for certain key member of the family. 1 transportation or food access-related criteria, such as increased store sales, declining From its inception, the El Tapatio shuttle cart losses, or even, for some, the overall cost program established itself as a high profile, of service itself. They are presented here as customer-oriented service providing the signposts of both the opportunity and need store with a strong community/ethnic-re- for such programs, despite the difficulty of lated reputation and loyal clientele. The being able to analyze criteria (e.g., costs and shuttles offer a “store-to-home” service in benefits or customer feedback) that could be order to address the needs of such transit- used to evaluate program objectives and dependent customers as senior citizens and implementation. families with small children. There is no charge to the customer for use of the shuttle. There is, however, a $25 minimum purchase STORE INITIATED VAN SERVICES requirement which is loosely monitored by (From the Store to the Home) store personnel (e.g., by checking the number of bags per passenger). The shuttle op- El Tapatio Supermercado/Los Angeles erates 7 days a week from 7:00 AM to 9:30 PM. Located in a former tortilla factory in South Central Los Angeles, El Tapatio, an indepen- The immediate success of the program dent full service market with 18,000 square caused the store to expand its fleet of 3 vans feet and outdoor merchandise displays, runs to 5 shuttle buses with 6 drivers who work one of the more popular shuttle services staggered hours. Each shuttle bus holds be- within the food retail industry. The imme- tween 12 to 14 people. There is no set route; diate area served by the store (within a instead, passengers announce their destina- square mile) is 80% Hispanic and 10% Afri- tions when the van is full. The service seeks Page 38 Homeward Bound to maintain a 3-4 mile radius to the route, efit of the program, according to Torres, has although the program’s popularity has at- been its “goodwill” dimension. A large sign tracted customers from far greater distances. on the front of the store says, “SHOP HERE First time requests to use the service are hon- AND WE WILL TAKE YOU HOME”, a mes- ored; however, customers are alerted to the sage that directly expresses the community preferred boundaries for drop off locations. service/access link that El Tapatio manage- The service is most heavily used during ment wishes to convey.2 evening hours and van departures during these peak periods tend to be a half hour or Fine’s Community Van Service/East Los less. Angeles

The El Tapatio Customer Shuttle Service rep- Fine’s Market in the East Los Angeles neigh- resents a classic trade off between opera- borhood of Boyle Heights is a 15,000 square tional costs and multiple customer-related foot full service independent food market. benefits, many of which are not quantified. A family-owned business for fifty years with El Tapatio’s manager, Ed Torres, estimates a nearly exclusive Latino customer base, that the service costs about $4,000 per Fine’s offers a number of additional pro- month. This includes labor costs (primarily grams beyond its grocery store business, the drivers) which amount to $2,200/month, including a Friday/Saturday swap meet in as well as vehicle purchase/replacement, its parking lot. In 1990, the store initiated a maintenance and insurance. There are also “store-to-home” van service in response to significant permitting and licensing require- the store’s largely elderly clients who were ments for the operation, including the need concerned about both crime and access is- for a Class B (bus driver) license for the van sues. Though Fine’s sold bus tokens at the drivers. Competing transportation services store, given the large numbers of customers such as taxi companies have also sought to who took public transportation, the devel- undermine the program by filing complaints opment of the van program was seen as as- regarding permit or license infractions. sisting those who might not otherwise shop (or reduce their amount of purchase) at Despite the costs and operational burdens, Fine’s, including seniors without cars and the Customer Shuttle Service has become the families with children. primary marketing tool for El Tapatio in attracting customers and developing strong Currently the program operates a single, community support. Advertising the service brightly painted van which holds ten pas- in itself represents a powerful publicity ad- sengers and runs daily on a nearly continu- vantage. The use of the service also helps ous basis from 9:00 Am to 6:00 PM.. On reduce parking lot overflow, a key issue for weekends, the van runs every ten minutes a store requiring a continuing customer flow. and averages more than fifty trips a day. Reducing shopping cart loss is another Shoppers are required to purchase at least shuttle service objective. Although there has $30 worth of groceries in order to obtain their been no direct comparative analysis regard- ride, though the driver doesn’t check re- ing cart loss, store manager Torres argues ceipts. There is no charge for the ride. that there has been a relationship between the success of the shuttle program and the Van routes are not predetermined. The declining number of carts taken off the pre- driver asks for passenger destinations before mises. Ultimately, the most significant ben- leaving the parking lot and brings custom- Homeward Bound Page 39 ers directly to their doorstep and assists ognition of that role creates an intangible them with their bags if they need help. Most value for a business seeking a community routes fall within a one mile radius of the identity. 3 store. On occasion, customers, on request, are picked up to come to the store. To make that arrangement, a customer first calls the STORE INITIATED VAN SERVICES store to order the pick-up service. The store (Pick Up and Drop Off) then beeps the van driver. Once the van’s route has been set, the van driver phones Fiesta Market/Houston, Texas the customer and arranges a pick up on the van’s return to the store. Fiesta Market is a major Texas grocery chain with 33 stores; 30 in Houston, Texas, 2 in Similar to the El Tapatio program, the Fine’s Dallas, and 1 in Austin. A number of the Fi- van service is costly, estimated to run as high esta stores are located in low income or as $4,000/month. Although Fine’s has no bridge communities, and several of these special permits from the city to run the ser- serve immigrant populations (mostly, vice, it is obliged to insure the van through though not exclusively, Latino). Part of an automobile insurance company, which Fiesta’s marketing approach for these stores has become a major expense of the program. has been to recreate an environment famil- There is no special driver for the vehicle; iar to immigrant shoppers by “importing the instead the store’s regular employees are confusion and profusion of food of a Third utilized. The popularity of the program has World Market,” according to one Fiesta store grown steadily and Fine’s is considering manager.4 This strategy includes offering expanding to a second van. additional services, ranging from cashing payroll and government checks onsite, pro- Despite the costs, the Fine’s managers see viding free vaccinations, an ear piercing ser- the program as creating significant benefits. vice, and the sale of money orders and bus Although it has not emerged as the type of tokens. Among its other operations, Fiesta signature program that El Tapatio offers, the also owns an airport shuttle service. Cur- Fine’s Customer Van Service has established rently, at two of its stores, Fiesta provides a important benefits, including increased mer- van shuttle service that picks up and subse- chandise sales (although only estimated, not quently returns Fiesta shoppers to their measured), reduction of parking lot use homes. (again an estimate) and, primarily, its goodwill function. The van service is advertised The most innovative Fiesta shuttle origi- throughout the store and in distributed nated as a program conceived by an Afri- newsprint flyers which in turn represents an can-American employee of what was then a important marketing tool for the store itself. Safeway store. When the Safeway store went Customer goodwill has also expressed itself out of business, a group of its workers pur- in a number of ways, most notably during chased the store and created a new food the May 1992 civil disorder when Fine’s cus- market, known as Appletree. The van ser- tomers stopped people from breaking into vice continued and expanded under the new the store. As a community service, the van Appletree management. When Fiesta program establishes, according to store bought out Appletree, it decided to continue owner Allan Fine, a way for Fine’s to “put the van service, a decision that reflected the something back into the community”. Rec- program’s popularity. Fiesta store manage- Page 40 Homeward Bound ment also sought to restructure the program which, at its peak, (before the expansion of to tie it directly to its airport shuttle busi- the van program) had included two drivers ness. and an 18 foot trailer used almost continuously. “Lack of transportation is a significant The Fiesta service has pick up and drop off issue my customers face,” explains Fiesta destinations at a set route, with regular stops manager Tom Skelley, arguing further that at eleven different apartment complexes the program has successfully allowed Fiesta within approximately a one mile radius from to develop both a loyal customer base and a the store. The stop locations have been iden- highly visible marketing strategy with re- tified in conjunction with managers of the spect to its major constituency from the apartment complexes who in turn take re- apartment complexes. Food access in this sponsibility for posting bilingual van sched- context represents more than a transporta- ules at each building site. The van operates tion service, but the ability to identify com- seven days a week, with at least one apart- munity needs and interests and maintain a ment complex served each day and some valuable historical identity. complexes served several times during the week. Van service begins at 10AM and runs continuously until 5 PM, at about 30 minute The Spirit of Kroger Transportation intervals during the busiest periods such as Shuttle/Savannah, Georgia weekends. The vans have a 17 person capacity and groceries can be placed on the lug- In March 1993, the Kroger Company initi- gage racks. The service is free. Most custom- ated a transportation service called “The ers tend to be women and children (a sec- Spirit of Kroger Transportation Shuttle”. The ond Fiesta program about four miles away shuttle was established to pick up shoppers serves primarily senior citizens). On a given at specific sites, such as public housing units weekend day, the program might transport and senior citizen complexes, and deliver 60-70 shoppers from a single apartment them to the Kroger stores closest to each site. complex. The three drivers used for the ser- At a designated time (usually one hour af- vice are employed by Fiesta and also work ter shoppers had been dropped off at the in other capacities for the store. Fiesta’s stores), those using the service would be re- umbrella insurance plan covers the vans and turned to each of the pick up points. A few costs (and benefits) are not segregated out. of the shoppers using the service (e.g., apartment residents, those who are physically This Fiesta van service is considered a model handicapped, etc.) are brought directly to program by its store manager, and has re- their doorsteps. The driver is a Kroger em- ceived national attention (most notably a ployee (a former department head) who is National Public Radio news segment that well versed in the customer service aspect aired November 22, 1995). However, the of the program; that is, helping establish an program is also a product of the store’s own environment of Kroger service for people history, circumstances and management in- with specific transportation needs. 5 terests (the van service is store specific and not a company wide policy), including its The Spirit of Kroger shuttle operates six days origins as a Safeway/Appletree program. a week, Monday through Saturday, between There is significant walk-in traffic and cart 9AM and 7PM. There is no cost to the shop- loss has also been a major factor. Fiesta has per, and, in its first three years of operation, maintained its own cart retrieval service, five of Kroger’s ten stores in the Savannah Homeward Bound Page 41 area participated in the program. There are CONSTITUENT SERVICES 27 routes as part of the program, three of (Transportation for Senior Citizens) them repeat routes. The shuttle has a 15 person capacity and, as of April 1996, approxi- Von’s Leisure World Shuttle Service mately 200 to 220 customers used the ser- Laguna Hills, California vice each week. The shuttle’s schedule is printed in the “Penny Saver” magazine One of the primary constituencies for food which in turn has served as an important access programs are senior citizens, particu- source of positive publicity for the store larly in communities with large senior popu- chain. Kroger has not undertaken a full cost- lations and residential homes or centers, benefit analysis of the program, but has as- such as retirement communities. Among the sumed that, aside from the public relations best known retirement communities in benefits, the service has created a larger vol- Southern California (where many such ume of sales to partially offset the specific housing arrangements can be found) is the costs of the program. Cart loss issues have Leisure World complex in Laguna Hills in not figured prominently in the program’s Orange County. Leisure World houses assessment, although some of the participat- 18,000 residents in a 3.27 square mile area. ing Kroger stores have had a chronic prob- Although a number of residents own and lem with carts being taken by walk-in cus- use cars, a substantial constituency of resi- tomers. dents cannot or do not choose to use their vehicles for getting around Leisure World The primary motivation for the program had or to access neighboring services, including its origins in the public controversies asso- food stores. The closest full service food ciated with Kroger’s decision to close one market for the majority of Leisure World of its stores located in a low income com- residents is a Vons’ market, a major retailer munity where there had been considerable in the region (Vons is the second largest su- walk-in traffic, according to Ken Lane, the permarket chain in Southern California). shuttle program’s director. “We received a While there is public transportation adjacent lot of adverse publicity about the store clos- to the Leisure World complex and a shuttle ing,” Lane commented, “including com- bus service within the complex with 12 plaints that local area residents would no routes serving nearly 60,000 riders per longer be able to shop at a supermarket.” 6 month, a number of residents prefer or need By establishing the shuttle service, Kroger a door to door service for their grocery shop- hoped to counter the negative publicity and ping. By having to carry groceries from the enhance its reputation as a service-oriented Leisure World bus stop to their homes, it lim- operation in a highly competitive market. In its the amount of groceries that could be terms of that objective, Kroger management purchased.7 sees the program as an important success. Until the early 1990s, one of the more frequently used door-to-door services was the Dial-a-ride program. When Dial-a-ride canceled its services in Orange County in the fall of 1994 due to budget cuts, SuperShuttle, a transport service primarily used for airport routes, was approached by Leisure World residents to provide a replacement Page 42 Homeward Bound service for Dial-a-ride for two grocery stores, SuperShuttle resources. A new store-to- the nearby Vons store as well as an home shuttle service from Vons to Leisure Albertsons market which was at a slightly World was initiated in March 1995, just one further distance from Leisure World. Dial- month after the SuperShuttle service had a-ride had charged each customer 90 cents stopped, with an increase in service from per trip, while the SuperShuttle program two to three days a week. was established at a $2.00 charge per person. The SuperShuttle program, despite a fee The program consists of the following: resi- of $2 per passenger for the door-to-door dents are encouraged to take the public delivery, was a money loser for transportation to the store and then Vons SuperShuttle, which estimated a charge of returns customers to their doorstep, with the $4.00 per person in order to make any profit. driver frequently carrying groceries into the The program, however, in response to strong homes. Vons leases the shuttle and driver community interest, was also initiated in from SuperShuttle at a slightly discounted part as a loss-leader to establish specific hourly rate. (The general, non-discounted marketing goals (e.g., attracting seniors to hourly charter rate for SuperShuttle vans in use the airport shuttle). The Leisure World Orange County has been $40/hour — $30/ citizen group hoped to make the program hour at the time the Vons program was ini- more permanent by obtaining long term tiated). In return, SuperShuttle assumes all funding from Leisure World’s own Golden vehicle labor, insurance, and maintenance Rain Foundation. When the foundation costs and liabilities. The shuttle runs be- funding was not obtained, the citizen’s tween 10:00 AM and 4:00 PM Mondays, group started a “Shopping Shuttle Group” Thursdays, and Fridays. The service is lim- to raise the additional $2 per person. As a ited to Leisure World residents who shop at result of that effort, the program kept oper- Vons. There is no charge to the passenger, ating for another several weeks. though a number of residents tip the driver SuperShuttle, however, finally suspended when bags are carried into the home. The the service when the additional funds were store has an in-house passenger numbering no longer generated.8 and announcement system to help customers queue up for rides when they finish As soon as the shuttle service was canceled, shopping. Departures are not scheduled; Leisure World residents began mobilizing to instead, the van leaves when it is full or reestablish a shuttle program. Albertsons, nearly full, depending on the elapsed time meanwhile, contracted with another char- involved. Each run is about one hour in ter transportation company (which had length and the van holds a maximum of other Albertsons accounts) to provide a van seven passengers. There is an average of six service, though the service did not include runs a day, and the van is almost always full. door to door service. Vons then became the The average passenger count is 35-40 pas- focus of community activity, with residents sengers on Mondays, and 45-50 passengers mobilizing for a service which represented on Thursdays and Fridays. There is also as- their only venue for continued grocery shop- sistance for mobility-impaired riders.9 ping at that store. In response to the vigor- ous and well organized campaign as well The shuttle service is advertised in the local as the fear of competition represented by the paper and is seen by Vons as a useful mar- Albertsons service, Vons decided to initiate keting tool. Though Vons was pressured by its own program, based on the use of residents to continue the service, store man- Homeward Bound Page 43 agement subsequently recognized the sig- In response to this need, the Hartford Food nificant community benefits of the program, System established in 1992 a grocery deliv- even though no effort had been made to ery program for home bound seniors. The quantify such benefits as increased pur- program, formally known as the Grocery chases or reduction in car use. The program Delivery Service for Homebound Seniors instead is seen as a “community service” that (the “Service”) is largely supported through helps distinguish Vons from its competitors, small grants and provides about 150 deliv- as store manager Barry Kidd characterized eries per month. Between January 1, 1995 it. Soon after the service was reinstated, for and September 30, 1995, for example, the example, Vons received upwards of 100 to Service made 1,156 deliveries to 92 different 200 letters from Leisure World residents customers for a total grocery value of complimenting the store’s action. It has ul- $40,000, with average order size approxi- timately become a showcase for that Vons mately $35. The most frequently cited rea- outlet. 10 sons for using the service were access related (e.g., those who “could not get out” or “just got out of the hospital”, according to a Gro- Grocery Delivery Service for Homebound cery Delivery Service survey of program Seniors/Hartford, CT participants). Though the program has been small and limited in its ability to address the In 1978, the city of Hartford, Connecticut needs of homebound seniors in the Greater provided the startup resources for an inde- Hartford area, it nevertheless represents a pendent food security advocacy organiza- modest beginning, according to Hartford tion, the Hartford Food System. This orga- Food System executive director Mark nization helped sponsor a range of innova- Winne. “Seniors as a group are often left out tive food security-oriented programs, in- of the food system,” Winne argues. “This cluding a downtown farmers’ market ori- type of program helps them maintain their ented towards low income buyers, commu- independent lifestyle. In many cases it is nity gardens, local food stands, and a coop- the only way people can get affordable erative buying program. The organization food.” 12 also focused on issues of transportation and food access, noting both the lack of supermarkets in Hartford’s low income commu- PUBLIC TRANSIT PROGRAMS nities and the low vehicle ownership figures for those same communities. Many residents Bus Services/Knoxville, Tennessee in low income communities in Hartford and other cities in Connecticut had also become Use of public transportation continues to heavily dependent on public transportation represent one of the most important yet of- for food shopping; one ridership survey by ten more problematic methods of achieving Connecticut Transit found that 25% of the food access. People without cars rely on responding bus passengers indicated they busses, and, occasionally where available, used the bus specifically for trips to food public paratransit programs to reach food stores.11 These transit dependencies are par- stores not immediately accessible by foot. ticularly a concern for senior citizens who Bus routes and services, however, as previ- lack both mobility and transportation re- ously discussed, are not oriented towards sources. intra-neighborhood needs such as food shopping. However, some communities Page 44 Homeward Bound have developed programs that have sought carts) and in establishing a better commu- to influence existing municipal bus and nications link between the Food Policy transportation services to address access is- Council and the transit agency. Subse- sues. Programs initiated through the Knox- quently, the transit agency began to regu- ville, Tennessee Food Policy Council provide larly consult with the FPC regarding an important example of that effort.13 changes in bus routes with respect to food access issues. One notable example included The Knoxville Food Policy Council, one of a remapping of another bus service route to the first such Councils to be established at include stops at a shopping center and a the municipal level, initiated several bus- nearby farmers’ market which had previ- related access programs soon after it was ously not been well served by public trans- created. The most ambitious of those efforts, portation. In this case, while transit planning the Knoxville Shop and Ride Program, was came to be associated with food access developed as a direct food transit service. needs, it was facilitated by the presence of a The Food Policy Council received from the food policy and planning process. municipal transit agency a full sized bus which was retrofitted with racks and shelves for grocery bags to serve as a “grocery bus”. The Grocery Bus/Austin, Texas The bus route included both a low income housing project and a senior citizen high rise Austin, Texas’s “Grocery Bus” is perhaps the housing complex that terminated at a local only publically run bus line in the country food store. The service was partly subsidized specifically designed to take shoppers from through general bus operation funds, with a food access deficient community to super- remaining funds generated through a small markets in neighboring communities. Trav- charge for bus riders. In order for the ser- eling north-south through the low income, vice to break even, riders needed to be primarily Latino community known as the batched; though efficiency of service re- Eastside, its endpoints are two supermar- mained a continuous problem when there kets, each a few miles to the north and south were not enough riders to batch effectively. respectively of the heart of the Eastside com- The program worked best when a key vol- munity. This line provides access for 23,000 unteer helped outreach efforts to identify Eastside residents, many of whom are with- riders for the program; when that volunteer out vehicles and have been dependent on left the program, effective batching became more costly and/or inaccessible food out- even more problematic. As a result, the ser- lets. vice was terminated after only a few months. Initiated in January 1996, the Grocery Bus The Knoxville Food Policy Council was runs 7 days a week, 12 hours a day, at 30 more successful in lobbying the municipal minute intervals. Passengers are charged 50 transportation agency to extend by a few cents per ride. It was established at the re- miles regular bus service from a low income quest of the Austin/Travis County Food neighborhood to a shopping center with a Policy Council, in response to a study issued concentration of grocery stores situated in a by the Sustainable Food Center (SFC), a food middle income neighborhood. This pro- security policy and advocacy organization gram was judged a success, both in terms of described in Section I. The study, Access increased sales at the stores (including an Denied, chronicled the lack of competitively increase in sales of individual mini folding priced supermarkets on the Eastside while Homeward Bound Page 45 documenting the need for affordable trans- nity members have embraced the program portation programs to take transit depen- for its added convenience and financial ben- dent residents to outlying supermarkets. efits. Cost savings are associated with both the reduced time in getting to a store which The route was developed as a collaboration has lower prices, and, for many, the elimi- between Capital Metro (the local transit au- nation of one or more bus rides, or taxi fares. thority), the Food Policy Council, commu- In addition, the route may not prove as nity members, and the supermarkets. Kate costly as initially anticipated. While Capital Fitzgerald, executive director of the SFC and Metro has lost money and thus needed to member of the Food Policy Council, notes subsidize its other routes, preliminary indi- that it was relatively easy to convince Capi- cations suggest that the Grocery Bus might tal Metro to start up the route. “After seeing achieve the strongest financial results among the need for the route, they inventoried their all Capital Metro routes. Thus, the agency resources and determined that they could has become extremely pleased with the ini- do it.”14 Capital Metro did however require tial outcome, and has approached the Food proof of community interest and need. As Policy Council about expanding this service part of this process, the Sustainable Food into other underserved communities. Center conducted more than 200 interviews, documenting where community members Key to the success, both present and future, wanted the bus line to go, where they like of the Grocery Bus is the partnership be- to shop, and at what times they would like tween the Sustainable Food Center’s com- the bus to run. As a consequence, Capital munity connections and innovative outreach Metro decided to establish the program efforts, the resources provided by Capital based on a circular route pattern; that is, a Metro, and the interest of the supermarkets. route that remains primarily within a de- While Capital Metro paid for the printing fined community or neighborhood’s bound- of 50,000 flyers announcing the new line in aries. Shifting to such an approach reflected both Spanish and English, SFC obtained the a change in route planning for Metro. It was, volunteer services of a graphic artist to de- according to Metro’s general manager, sign the flyers, and has taken responsibility Michael Bolton, “the whole notion of hav- for distributing them. Once Capital Metro ing the bus work within the neighborhood. dedicates buses entirely to this route, the Everything doesn’t have to go down- SFC would like to have them painted with town.”15 colorful illustrations of different food items to assist in outreach to non-English speak- Fitzgerald believes that the primary reason ing and/or non-literate Eastside residents. that Capital Metro established the Grocery Finally, the two supermarkets being serviced Bus was to improve its public image, which by the route have been very supportive. One has suffered due to poor service. This strat- of these, a Fiesta Market, has noted that the egy appears to be working. In its first few Bus has made a positive difference in their weeks of operation, ridership was low. Soon business, while a second store, HEB, has after the service began to receive greater vis- expressed interest in placing an advertise- ibility within the community, however, the ment in a local paper, showcasing the im- program took off. “It was like wildfire, with proved access to the store provided by the packed busses and lots of word of mouth” Grocery Bus. Nevertheless, there are still a commented Grocery Bus driver Mary number of residents who do not know about Mitchell to the Austin Statesman..16 Commu- the new route, and continue to take other, Page 46 Homeward Bound more inconvenient bus lines, according to that are on the HOP route, particularly for Fitzgerald. Continued and innovative out- use during working hours. More generally, reach is the key to making the new bus line shopping has been identified as a primary a more permanent success.17 objective by HOP riders.

The HOP was initially funded through a $1.4 The HOP Shuttle/Boulder, Colorado million federal ISTEA grant which paid for capital costs, staff time in developing the In 1994, The City of Boulder, Colorado initi- program, and operating expenses for the ated an innovative, alternative fuels, first three months. The largest up front ex- paratransit shuttle service called the HOP pense was the purchase of the liquid pro- service. The program consisted of eight liq- pane vehicles which cost $125,000 per ve- uid propane shuttles that travelled a circu- hicle. Operating funds are now derived from lar loop connecting Downtown Boulder a public-private joint venture between the (which included a pedestrian-only open air City’s Public Works Department (which pro- mall), the University of Colorado, and an- vides 75% of the funds) and three other en- other major commercial thoroughfare which tities — the Central Area General Improve- housed a large indoor shopping mall. Six ment District, the Boulder Urban Renewal shuttles run the route at any one time, at ten Authority, and the University of Colorado, minute frequencies. The shuttles are smaller which account for the remaining 25%. While than busses and have periphery seating and identifiable service costs (estimated at 95 large windows. One goal of the program has cents per passenger or $710,000 annually, been to create a more inviting environment including capital recovery costs) are greater associated with the smaller, quieter, and than revenues derived from cash fares (25 airier vehicles, demonstrating a “different” cents per passenger, 15 cents for seniors, and way of providing transit service.18 various student passes and promotional fares), intangible benefits derived from re- Part of that difference included establishing duced drive-alone trips, reduced congestion, the shuttle service as an integral part of street and increased shopping, among others, are life, since the shuttles were low to the considered significant. ground, had a large number of windows for viewing both in and out, and had been con- The HOP, in fact, has been judged success- ceived of as pedestrian friendly (that is, not ful from its beginnings. Ridership levels an obstacle or danger to pedestrian activity). were originally forecast at 2000 riders per In addition, by designing the program day, but already achieved 4300 riders a day around the use of alternative fuel vehicles, by 1996. Those numbers are in excess of the HOP also sought to create an environ- HOP’s original perceived optimum carrying mental identity for the service. capacity of 4000 riders a day. A recent survey on municipal programs has also indi- The HOP program is advertised as a conve- cated widespread support for the concept nient way to access shopping, work, and of the shuttle service — 92.6% of survey re- recreational activities. While not specifically spondents either “strongly supported” or organized to address food shopping needs “somewhat strongly supported” shuttle pro- as such, one key aspect of the program that grams like the HOP, which represented the has been emphasized is its ability to provide highest percentage received of any of the access to a food store and a farmers’ market programs surveyed. However, the issue of Homeward Bound Page 47 access and transit dependency has remained graphics, is based on a home shopping ser- secondary to the visual and environmental vice program where orders (based on spe- attractiveness and “street life” aspects of the cific items identified through an 8,000 item program. Byerly’s catalogue) can be processed by phone (at a charge of $9.95 per order) or through fax or computer (at a charge of HOME DELIVERY AND $8.95).20 The service is available at nine of SHOPPER SERVICES the ten Byerly’s markets located in the Min- neapolis-St. Paul area, and is under consid- “Byerly’s To You” Store-to-Door Service — eration but not yet available at Byerly’s Byerly’s/Twin Cities stores in Chicago. Orders placed before noon can be delivered between 6-9PM that day. One of the more rapidly expanding trans- Orders placed after 12 noon will be deliv- portation-based food related activities in ered the next day either between 1-4 PM or recent years has been the development of 6-9 PM. Although most of the orders are ini- home shopping and food delivery services. tiated by phone, as much as one third of the These services, primarily defined as services ordering has been done through fax or com- for middle income consumers (particularly puter. Customers of the service, which was single parent or dual income households), initiated in the Spring of 1996, have included are also likely to significantly expand in con- working parents (including, for example, junction with growing computer on line ser- fathers with part time jobs), senior citizens, vices where food orders can be taken and disabled, and other (largely middle income) deliveries set. These programs depend on transit dependent constituents. In its first phone, fax, or internet connections to place several months of operation, about 200 or- orders, many of which are catalogue based. ders per week were being processed.21 19 The motivation for establishing a home de- The primary factors influencing the devel- livery service for Byerly’s management has opment of on-line services have been con- been to extend a service (and attract new venience and time savings rather than food customers) for those customers seeking time access. Food markets participating in such saving options, and for whom weekly shop- programs tend to seek out higher end de- ping has become a time constraint. Linking mographics for more expensive items. The a delivery service to a transport program, home shopping/home delivery programs, however, has not been explored. Instead, the moreover, are costly in their own right, of- delivery vehicles and labor utilized have ten several times more expensive for the been purchased through a third party con- customer than a van service or other store- tract. However, those evaluating the pro- based transport program. Yet even higher gram for Byerly’s have estimated that se- cost programs may involve food access/ niors and disabled — key transit dependent transit dependent-related participation as constituents — account for as much as one well. third of the delivery service customer base. Constituents have also inquired whether the One recent example of this type of service is program could include unpacking and put- “Byerly’s To You” Store-to-Door Service pro- ting away food items at a customer’s home. gram. The Byerly’s program, primarily Currently, there is no store-based transit pro- aimed at the chain store’s higher end demo- gram (other than the home delivery service) Page 48 Homeward Bound at any Byerly’s market, although a few se- “Groceries-to-Go” operates on the following nior citizen high rise developments have basis. A customer calls in a grocery order established their own van service, which over the phone to a Kroger employee who includes stops at Byerly’s stores. then does the “shopping” for the order. The groceries are subsequently delivered to the A more elaborate delivery service that has customer’s house the next day. Orders must become its own “food business” is the Pink be placed at least a day in advance and can Dot program in southern California which be faxed as well as phoned. Deliveries are has focused on both transportation and con- made Monday through Saturday, during venience factors for building its business. daytime and evening hours, at prearranged Initiated in 1988 at a single location, the Pink times. If a question about a particular item Dot program today consists of five locations arises during the “shopping”, or if an item with three different food stores providing is unavailable, the employee immediately the items ordered. Pink Dot items, listed in calls the customer to clarify the order or to a catalogue that is widely distributed in the ask if the unavailable item should be re- area to be serviced, includes standard brand placed by an alternative product. The cost name food items as well as bakery items, of the service is $7.50 for seniors, and $10 salads, sandwiches, and other prepared for all other customers. Payment for the gro- foods. Non-food items ranging from medi- ceries is made on delivery. Food stamps are cines to video games are also available. The also accepted. A modified “pick up” service cost of delivery is only $1.99, although the is also available at a $3 charge, where Kroger items to be ordered are priced above most employees undertake the shopping based on equivalent items at supermarkets. Orders the order, but the customer subsequently are also made through phone or computer. picks up the groceries at a specified time. The Pink Dot attraction is the delivery service itself rather than the items carried. And Several Kroger employees are used at dif- although convenience is the core marketing ferent times to staff the program, including strategy, access issues for those who are filling the approximately 20 to 30 orders that homebound or without cars has also con- are received on average each day within tributed to Pink Dot’s attraction as a deliv- approximately a five mile radius from the ery service.22 store. Most of the “Groceries-to-Go” customers are seniors. A few others are businesses, and as many as 4 orders a day come “Groceries-to-Go” — Kroger Stores/At- from low income customers who are as- lanta, Georgia sumed to not have access to a car. One Kroger employee identified 15 regular “Gro- The Kroger Stores, the largest food chain in ceries-to-Go” customers who fit this low in- the state of Georgia, established a food de- come/transit dependent profile.24 For this livery program called “Groceries-to-Go”, constituency and others, “Groceries-to-Go” which had originated in a program estab- represents Kroger’s only transportation-re- lished in conjunction with an order and de- lated program. livery service jointly owned by IBM and Sears. Though the program, as it evolved, was developed at several locations, by 1996 only one store in Atlanta continued to operate the program.23 Homeward Bound Page 49

EMPLOYEE AND COMMUNITY This division of power was most notable in PROGRAMS the situation that unfolded in the Fairpark area of Dallas, a low income, ethnically di- Multicultural Relations/Dallas-Fort Worth, verse neighborhood where, until August Texas 1995, Minyard had operated two full service food markets, sized at 16,000 and 20,000 In 1994, Minyard Stores, a food retail chain square feet, respectively. In August 1995, with 80 stores in the Dallas-Fort Worth area, Minyard closed both stores and opened in- decided to establish a new community out- stead a much larger, 51,000 square foot full reach staff role which it called the service market (equivalent to a small sized “multicultural relations coordinator” posi- supercenter). By doing so, Minyard created tion. The Minyard Stores chain, several of significant food access problems for the large whose outlets had been located in low in- walk-in trade associated with the stores that come communities, served a broad and di- had closed, particularly for one site more verse constituency of shoppers. These in- distant from the new market. A number of cluded walk-ins or those dependent on pub- community meetings ensued, which in- lic transportation systems. Those area tran- cluded discussions with the multicultural sit systems, in turn, had not been oriented relations coordinator, but the issue of a new towards food or other intra-neighborhood access-related program was never ad- services. Minyard management was also dressed. Minyard management instead interested in drawing on a more ethnically sought to change the bus routes of the Dal- diverse work force, hoping especially to hire las Area Rapid Transit agency (DART) so a larger number of Spanish speaking em- that shoppers could access the store by tak- ployees. ing only one rather than two busses. At the same time, Minyard allowed an informal Minyard’s multicultural relations coordina- “transit” service provided by an “indepen- tor position was unique for the food retail dent contractor”; that is, a retired person industry. The position’s definition was rela- who would offer a shopper a ride home for tively open-ended. It included efforts at in- a fee that was less expensive than taxi ser- creased purchasing from minority and fe- vice. male vendors; community liaison activity at different store sites; creating linkages be- Minyard had, during this process, privately tween store employees and their ethnic explored the option of developing a com- counterparts in communities; and establish- munity van service program. But store man- ing stronger ethnic representation in the agers quickly dropped the idea due to liabil- Minyard work force. While store specific is- ity concerns and the uncertain benefits and sues such as access, cart loss, or other trans- community relations issues associated with portation-related issues were not part of the such a service. Minyard’s Director of Real profile of the position, the community rela- Estate, David Hardin, explained that the area tions aspect of such an outreach position that needed to be served was a “rough could conceivably draw attention to such neighborhood”, conceivably jeopardizing issues. However, decision-making on trans- the driver of the van. The difficulty of de- portation programs at Minyard remained termining benefits in relation to costs was significantly a financial issue outside the also never resolved; for example, cart loss, multicultural relations coordinator’s sphere which was substantial, was never factored of activity. 25 in on the benefit side. Even the good will Page 50 Homeward Bound aspect of such a program was discounted on company’s relationship with the non-profit the basis that if a program were initiated but agency. A van service was subsequently de- then discontinued because of concerns re- veloped, which expanded the possibilities garding costs and/or liabilities, then com- of inner city recruitment. Between 12 and 15 munity discontent could become a trouble- employees used this reverse commute pro- some and unwelcomed factor. “It’s hard gram while it was operating. The van pro- enough to figure out the benefits,” Hardin gram was eventually folded when the candy argued, “but what happens when you take rebagging operations were sold.27 them away. We decided to let DART and the independent contractor handle the access Though the van service idea was never ex- issue. It is, after all, their business.” 26 tended to other operations, it did lead to increased attention to employee transportation needs, given the company’s emphasis Worker Transit/Chaska, Minnesota on recruiting a low wage labor force. Dis- cussions were initiated with the area trans- The issue of community responsibility and portation agency, Southwest Metropolitan transit needs associated with the food retail Transit, to extend bus service to various sector extends to questions of employee ac- Chaska business sites, as part of a more excess to food manufacturing, food packaging, tensive “reverse commute” strategy. Meet- or retail store locations. Food companies that ing employee transportation needs through depend on and/or seek to recruit workers improved bus service also became the goal (many of whom reside in low income com- of two suburban Cleveland food retail out- munities) to be employed at company sites lets (Twin Valu supercenter stores) within (several of which are located at suburban the Supervalu chain. About 40% of the two sites often distant from worker residences) stores’ employees required public transpor- also confront the possibility of needing to tation to get to work but the bus systems in address significant transportation needs. In those areas were not reliable. Store manag- 1991, Preferred Products inc., the private la- ers worked with transportation officials to bel operation of the Supervalu food store create new bus stops, bus shelters, and ar- chain in the upper Midwest, sought to ad- ranged to sell bus passes at service desks. dress this problem by establishing a van ser- An unintended benefit of the changes in bus vice program in collaboration with a non- service was improved access for shoppers, profit inner city agency for one of its loca- many of whom relied on public transporta- tions. PPI had a candy rebagging operation tion.28 Despite those benefits, Supervalu has in Chaska, Minnesota which employed not explored further a shopper-based trans- about 50 people year round. The company portation program for its various outlets. had a particular need for an additional 100 employees during its “seasonal spike” period from June to December when much of California Food Policy Advocates/San the packaging work was undertaken. Unem- Francisco, California ployment was low in the Chaska area, but significantly higher in low income commu- Still in a planning phase is California Food nities in the Minneapolis region. The com- Policy Advocates’ (CFPA) paratransit service pany at first sought to develop a taxi ser- for senior citizens in San Francisco. The six vice for a few of its “hard-to-hire” employ- month planning phase will be completed by ees who had been hired in part through the the Fall of 1996 at which time a year long Homeward Bound Page 51 demonstration project will begin. The project Safeway has expressed its eagerness in ac- will consist of connecting corporate owned commodating the seniors, many of whom and associated vans during their downtime are monolingual Chinese, through hiring period to senior housing projects in the Chinese-speaking clerks. Similarly, the Na- SOMA neighborhood for the purpose of tional Coalition on Aging, a non-profit or- food shopping at a local Safeway store. The ganization, has committed to using job train- program has multiple goals. These include ing funds to train and pay improving senior nutrition, increasing sales Safeway-employed seniors in these mentor and enhancing community relations for the positions. Hecht noted that though the do- supermarket, fostering vanpooling through nated mentoring may make the program cost reduction for the corporations as well more successful, it also could reduce the as encouraging corporate-required trip re- project’s replicability. ductions, and meeting the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) requirements for the While the stated purpose of the project is to multiple transit agencies involved. be self-sustaining beyond the first year’s demonstration project, with Safeway to op- Operating on a fixed schedule five days/ erate the service, numerous barriers exist. week, five hours a day, the van (Chevron has Senior citizens typically spend little on food. already promised the use of a vehicle) will There is not a significant amount of shop- pick up the seniors living in high rise hous- ping cart loss that can be attributed to se- ing projects (population 2,000) near down- nior citizens. To date, the seniors have ex- town San Francisco, take them to a Safeway pressed resistance to paying for the service. adjoining the Mission District, and return Like many other programs cited in this re- them home again. According to Ken Hecht, port, this program may have a high com- co-director of CFPA and project director, munity relations value rather than a high many of the residents at the senior homes monetary value from the supermarket’s per- are low-income, with a high percentage of spective. Hecht identified other barriers, in- Asian descent. The residents obtain their cluding initial reluctance to pursue the pro- food from a number of sources. Some have gram from both Safeway as well as from the their families bring in food; others go shop- seniors themselves. ping either in Chinatown or nearby supermarkets; a small percentage of the food Nevertheless, the project might have its comes from local convenience stores; while greatest chances for success through its in- others (30%) participate in the housing novative links to other public benefits and projects’ congregate meals program. 29 players. Connections with transit agencies - who also have a stake in meeting the The program hopes to extend the services project’s public policy goals of trip reduc- provided beyond those offered through the tions and access for disabled persons- as well van drop off/paratransit-type services com- as with corporations with a desire for monly associated with food stores, such as low-cost public relations efforts, bring ad- those described in this report. Concerned ditional stakeholders and resources into the about the problems associated with drop- food system. This diversification may make ping off seniors in a potentially confusing the difference between the project’s success and disorienting environment, volunteer and failure. “guides” will be made available to shepherd the seniors through the store as needed. Page 52 Homeward Bound

JOINT VENTURES 1990. It contains a 44,000 square foot super- (COMMUNITY PARTNERSHIPS) market, and 23,000 square feet of satellite shops, including a restaurant and donut New Communities Center-Pathmark Joint shop. The store has been extremely success- Venture/Newark, New Jersey ful, with the highest sales per square feet of all the Pathmark stores, and the most prof- The Pathmark store in Newark’s Central itable store per square feet in all of New Jer- Ward is located in a neighborhood reminis- sey. Its sales have exceeded management cent of a bombed-out war zone, or down- projections by over 20%, encouraging NCC town Managua, Nicaragua after the 1972 to consider its expansion, despite a lack of earthquake. Vast blocks of empty lots, available adjoining land.31 strewn with rubble, weeds, and chain link fences dot the landscape. Nearby can be seen New Communities owns all of the shopping high-rise housing projects, a vast hospital, center property, while Community Super- and a medical school. For nearly 25 years market Corporation (CSC), a joint venture this Ward had no local supermarket. Super- of NCC and Supermarkets General, owns markets avoided the neighborhood, (due in the store itself. As a landlord, NCC receives part to its troubled history as a 1960s era riot rent from CSC. Since New Communities has zone) and its extreme poverty -- 40% of the a 2/3 interest in CSC, it receives 2/3 of the population residing in census tracts adjoin- store’s profits. Supermarkets General in turn ing the store have incomes under the pov- receives a management fee, and the remain- erty line. This has occurred despite evidence ing 1/3 of the profits. In fiscal year 1993, the that the area could support a full service store generated $1.2 million in profits. market. Although incomes are low, the area is densely populated. The supermarket is only one of a series of projects that NCC operates. It is one of the New Communities Corporation (NCC), a largest CDCs in the country, and the largest community development corporation that non-profit housing developer in New Jersey. was formed following the 1967 riots, initi- It has constructed 2,500 units of affordable ated the process of developing a supermar- housing for more than 7,000 people, and ket anchored shopping center in the area. In provides its own management, mainte- 1980, NCC met with Supermarkets General nance, and security. It also has developed a Corporation (SGC), the parent company of variety of health services, including a Home Pathmark supermarkets, to discuss the pos- Health Care program, a Medical Day Care sibility of a joint venture. A few years ear- Program, and an Extended Health Care Fa- lier, SGC had completed a similar project in cility. In addition, NCC is affiliated with a joint venture with the Bedford-Stuyvesant Babyland Nursery, which operates six day Restoration Corporation. Although care centers with more than 600 children, Pathmark management was initially hesi- including a center for children with AIDS. tant about the Newark project, the Rever- Other projects include two employment cen- end William Linder, NCC’s founder, even- ters, a credit union with approximately $2 tually persuaded them to participate.30 million in assets, and a for-profit monthly newspaper.32 After a lengthy ten year process in assem- bling the land and obtaining the necessary Community participation occurs through permits, the shopping center opened in July, New Communities Programs as well as in Homeward Bound Page 53 more direct ways. The CSC board is com- service charged a per cart load ($2 + $1 per posed of community members, and meets child), but has since changed their fare monthly with Pathmark to discuss problems schedule to $5 per trip, with discounts for or issues related to the store. Board mem- seniors ($3) and for residents of NCC-owned bers have made a number of recommenda- senior housing projects ($2). The van ser- tions which have contributed to the store’s vice does not have geographic boundaries, sales. For example, Pathmark followed the nor set routes, although most trips remain Board’s suggestion to swap its proposed lob- within a five mile radius. By comparison, ster tank for a fresh fish department. one van driver estimated that $5 will buy a Pathmark also took the group’s advice to taxi ride of 1.5-2 miles. style its produce department after a farmers’ market, and include a selection of spe- A dispatcher coordinates the service, which cialty fruits and vegetables targeted towards carries an average of 400 persons per day. the area’s largely African-American and NCC varies the number of vans it operates Caribbean residents. Both recommendations according to the store’s monthly cash flow have been successful: according to store sur- charts. During the first ten days of each veys the two departments are the most month, the peak shopping period, the ser- popular in the store. vice will carry about 500 persons per day, employing all eight vans. During peak Another one of New Communities innova- times, customers may have to wait only five tions is its van service. This service was a minutes for a ride. By comparison, during natural outgrowth of a transit program that off-peak times, when typically five vans are they had operated previous to the opening in operation, the wait may be about 15-20 of the Pathmark store, which took seniors minutes. Normally, the service operates from NCC-owned housing to other stores from 9 am to 9 pm, without a set schedule. in Newark. Faithful to the needs of seniors On Sunday the service stops at 6 pm. The living in their housing projects, NCC con- service employs 13 drivers, all of whom are tinues to operate a drop-off service, which non-union, unlike the store employees, takes them to the store on a weekly basis. which, in turn, has lowered operating costs. Lynn Mertz, a planner with NCC explained this community-based approach, noting that After initiating the service during the early the store “belongs” to the seniors, who days of the store’s operation, sales per cus- helped them get it after ten years of fighting tomer increased from $8 to $18, parallel to City Hall. The seniors formed the core of an chain-wide averages. Mertz argues that it is effort to petition the Governor with 12,000 difficult to evaluate exactly what percentage signatures to condemn the abandoned of this increase is due to the van service, as buildings on the 61 lots comprising the prop- a number of other changes were made si- erty through eminent domain.33 multaneously. Unlike other stores that operate van services such as El Tapatio in Los The primary focus of NCC’s van service, Angeles, Pathmark does not advertise its however, lies in providing shoppers with a van service. Mertz asserts instead that cus- ride home after purchasing their groceries. tomers are already familiar with it, and there While the store does have an ample parking is no need to do so. lot, the majority of the store’s customer base either walk-in (an estimated 40%) or take the The built-in consumer base, comprised of bus, according to Mertz. Initially, the van seniors living in NCC owned housing as Page 54 Homeward Bound well as a number of other factors make the van service, yet has gained through either Newark Pathmark a unique store. Across increased sales volume or improved good- the street from the store is the University of will and community relations. Despite this Dentistry and Medicine of New Jersey as general inattention to the financial costs of well as a hospital which provides the store the van service, NCC pledges to continue it, with a not unsubstantial flow of students, insofar as it enjoys great popularity among visitors, and employee shoppers. Through the store’s shoppers, primarily due to the a series of actions, NCC has formulated what CDC’s commitment to serving the needs of amounts to a broadly conceived “transpor- the community. Ultimately, NCC’s van ser- tation policy”, encouraging the use of its van vice has served to reinforce the overall vi- service. First, for security reasons, it has ability of the joint venture agreement, rather fenced and walled off the property, provid- than the joint venture itself assuming re- ing only one entrance and exit to the street. sponsibility for initiating and underwriting In the middle of this narrow driveway, sits the program. a booth, occupied by a security guard. The physical constraints of the property and the presence of the guard ensure that shopping carts are not taken off the premises. Second, the management has taken steps to remove the gypsy cabs which cluttered the narrow lanes of the parking lot, and competed with NCC for van customers.

Furthermore, NCC’s vehicle pool is centralized into a separate business unit (the grocery delivery business), which operates the van service. The grocery delivery business leases the vehicles from the credit union arm of NCC which owns the vehicles. During their downtime, the vans are “borrowed”, without payment, to the parent corporation or to other programs of NCC such as its Meals on Wheels program. This arrangement acts as a de facto subsidy on the part of the grocery delivery business to the parent corporation, making it difficult to identify an overall financial accounting of the van service itself.

Not only does the grocery delivery business subsidize NCC proper, but also SGC. Through paying the full cost of the service while owning only two-thirds of the store, NCC has in fact subsidized Pathmark’s share in the operating costs of the service. Pathmark has incurred no expenses for the Homeward Bound Page 55

ENDNOTES : SECTION III

1 . Seeds of Change, p. 134 11 . The survey results are cited in Toward Food Security in Connecticut, A Report of 2 . Interview with Ed Torres, May 1995; See the City of Hartford’s Planning and Devel- also Andy Fisher & Robert Gottlieb, “Bring- opment Committee’s Ad Hoc Food Security ing Home the Broccoli: Innovative Food Committtee, Hartford, Ct., April 1996, p.15 Related Transit Programs”, Community Food Security News, Winter/Spring 1996, p. 1 12 . See, “The Grocery Delivery Service for Homebound Seniors and The Senior Farm- 3 . Interview with Allan Fine, May 1995 ers’ Market Coupon Program: Reports for 1995", Hartford Food System, 1995; “Grocery 4 . Interview with Tom Skelley, February Delivery Service Fills Need”, Mark Winne, 1996 Hartford Courant, June 28, 1993; Interview with Mark Winne, April 1996 5 . Interview with Ken Lane 4/8/1996. See also “The Kroger Co. and the City of Savan- 13 Interview with Robert Wilson, March nah, Ga.” in Cities and Supermarkets: Part- 1996 ners in Progress: Case Studies of Successful Collaborative Programs, Washington D.C.: 14 Interview with Kate Fitzgerald, May, National League of Cities and Food Market- 1996 ing Institute, 1995, p. 28 15 . “Cap Metro Adds Route for E. Austin 6 . Interview with Ken Lane, 4/8/96 Shoppers”, Debbie Hott, Austin American Statesman, January 22, 1996. 7 . Interview with Colleen Leslie (Profes- sional Community Management Inc) May 16 . Cited in Austin American Statesman, Janu- 1996; Leisure World Transportation — Bus ary 22, 1996. Ridership Totals by Month, 1996. 17 Interview with Kate Fitzgerald, May 8 . “Super Deal?”, Los Angeles Times, Orange 1996. See also Community Food Security News, County edition, December 6, 1994; “To the Winter/Spring 1996, p. 1 Rescue: Market Comes Through with Shopper’s Van”, Leisure World News, Febru- 18 . ”HOP Shuttle Service Profile”, City of ary 16, 1995. Interview with Lou Ann Boulder, Colorado, May 24, 1995 LaPorte, SuperShuttle, June 1996 19 See, for example, the new “Shopping 9 . Letter from Lou Ann LaPorte to Bob Alternatives” home page ([email protected]) Gottlieb, June 6, 1996. Interview with that lists several internet-based home deliv- Veronica Gnasso, SuperShuttle, 9/19/95; ery service programs in such communities Interview with Julie Reynolds, Vons, Janu- as Charlotte, North Carolina and ary 1995. Spartanburg, South Carolina.

10 . Interview with Barry Kidd, September 20 . “Byerly’s To You” Store Catalogue, 1996 1995. Page 56 Homeward Bound

21 . Interviews with Tracy Weesie, June 1996, nities Corporation — Joint Venture Helps and Tammy Laska, April 1996 Revitalize Newark”, FMI Issues Bulletin, Food Marketing Institute, January 1993. 22 . Interview with Darren Jordan, Pink Dot, May 1996 33 . Interview with Lynn Mertz, May 1995

23 . Lauren Lekoski, “Grocers Deliver the Goods”, Supermarket Business, vol. 44, no. 1, January 1989:43-46

24 . Interview with Rhonda Taylor, Kroger’s “Groceries-to-Go”, 4/3/1996.

25 . Interview with Gwen Yarbrough, Minyard Multicultural Relations Coordina- tor, April 1996; “Expanding the Corporate Culture”, Supermarket Business, May 1994, p. 48; “Bridging the Gap”, Progressive Grocer, August 1993, p. 12

26 . Interview with David Hardin, Minyard Stores, Director of Real Estate, 4/25/96

27 . Interview with Mike Overline, Preferred Products Inc., Director of Human Resources, 4/24/96.

28 . “Getting Them There”, Progressive Gro- cer, May 1993, p. 126

29 . Interview with Ken Hecht, California Food Policy Advocates, May 1996.

30 . See Testimony of Rev. Msgr. William J. Linder, Founder, New Communities Corpo- ration, before the U.S. House of Representa- tives Select Committee on Hunger, Septem- ber 30, 1992

31 . Interviews with Lynn Mertz, New Com- munities Corporation, May 1995, and Raymond Codey, May 1995.

32 . “Building New Communities”, Norman J. Glickman, CUP Report, Spring 1996, Vol. 7, No. 1, p.1; “Pathmark and New Commu- Homeward Bound Page 57

SECTION IV: THREE APPROACHES TO THE PROBLEM: ESTABLISHING THE FRAMEWORK FOR FOOD ACCESS

The Need for Planning Page 58 Homeward Bound

ood access programs today remain lished at varying levels. Such programs problematic for both transportation could be further extended or restructured to F agencies, local governments, and the incorporate additional aspects of each of the food retail industry. Though issues such as approaches presented here. The purpose of cost of service are often cited, the difficul- the Section then is not so much to propose ties in establishing such programs have been replicability as to explore the ability of each reinforced by the inability of government approach to help frame a food access plan- and industry to connect the issues of access ning process. These approaches, further- and transportation needs to food security more, are derived from the southern Cali- and food planning considerations. As a con- fornia region where problems of transit de- sequence, the costs of such programs almost pendence and food insecurity remain sub- invariably seem to outweigh their benefits, stantial and clearly require some form of in- underlined by the fact that many of the ben- tervention and/or planning approach to efits of a food access approach appear hard identify solutions. Thus, the question of how to quantify and are thus seen as items dis- the policy framework for such approaches tinct from traditional balance sheet consid- can be established remains paramount, an erations. Transportation planning, often issue explored below in the context of the framed at the regional (or statewide and in- evolving debate regarding food security trastate) scale, also tends to ignore the com- policy in Los Angeles. munity side of transportation as related to such services as health care or food shopping. Where community-level transporta- ESTABLISHING THE PLANNING AND tion planning occurs, it is most often associ- POLICY FRAMEWORK ated with special needs populations or other limited, constituency-driven programs. The Los Angeles Food Security and Hun- These programs are not, however, primarily ger Partnership defined by the type of access need, including, most prominently, food security consid- The lack of a planning and policy framework erations (i.e., where food markets are located regarding food security (including food ac- and how to get there). Where food access/ cess) has been seen for a number of years as transportation initiatives exist, they also a particularly compelling concern in Los tend to be incidental to a broader agency or Angeles where Seeds of Change and other industry planning process and thus do not similar studies had documented the nature provide an easily reduplicated model. and extent of food security problems in the region, including questions of food access. This Section identifies three possible ap- In 1994, a Voluntary Advisory Council on proaches with respect to food access for both Hunger (VACH), appointed by the Mayor, supermarkets and farmers’ markets or di- the City Council President, and the Commu- rect marketing outlets. These can be de- nity Development Department, was estab- scribed as the private sector approach; the lished to document conditions of hunger joint venture approach; and the non-profit and food insecurity and propose a food-re- approach. While none of these approaches lated hunger policy for the City. Authoriza- is representative of the activities of markets tion for the VACH had its roots in a 1989 or agencies at this time, possibilities of their City Council action that called for the cre- development are reflected in various ation of a nine member advisory body to projects or programs that have been estab- oversee the development, coordination and Homeward Bound Page 59 promotion of a city policy on hunger. Imple- quasi-government commission with a non- mentation of the Council action, however, profit arm, which would be capable of rais- only occurred several years later in the af- ing separate funds and stimulating pilot termath of widespread publicity surround- projects. The Partnership, in turn, would be ing the publication of the Seeds of Change guided by a board of directors consisting of report, including a Los Angeles Times edito- specified slots for food system stakeholders, rial supporting the report’s recommendation including one ex officio slot reserved for a calling for the creation of a local Food Policy transportation agency official. A third non- 1 Council. governmental entity, a research partnership between universities in the region, was also Once appointed, the VACH, recognizing the proposed to analyze issue areas and target broader, community-based concerns associ- opportunities for innovation and interven- ated with food insecurity in the region, un- tion. For the partnership concept to succeed, dertook a series of Hearings on such issues VACH members argued, it would need to as nutritional concerns, food concerns of be a central part of the regional policy and children and seniors, implications of the fed- planning process, while also stimulating and eral devolution of safety net programs, and mobilizing a non-governmental or commu- alternative strategies such as community nity response to the issues. The value of such gardens and farmers’ markets. While food mobilization had been further underlined by access was specifically highlighted during the parallel development of a Los Angeles one of the Hearings, it was also referenced Community Food Security Network, con- as a major food security indicator at several sisting of a number of food security focused of the other sessions. At the conclusion of NGOs who had been monitoring the pro- the Hearings, the VACH developed its pro- ceedings of the VACH while simultaneously posed policy document on food security and developing their own community initiatives hunger, which it issued in draft form in No- on these issues. 4 vember 1995. A final policy document, as well as an organizational plan for implemen- Although food access emerged as only one tation, was approved by the VACH in April of several issue areas under consideration 1996. Both the policy, the implementation by the VACH, it has nevertheless occupied plan, and initial funding for the approach a central place in relation to the planning were approved by the Los Angeles City aspects of the Partnership process. In that 2 Council in June 1996. context, each of the three kinds of food access initiatives explored below (private; joint The VACH proposal called for the creation venture; non-profit) involve strategic plan- of a “Food Security and Hunger Partner- ning based programs that could be stimu- ship” and adoption of a food security and lated and/or enhanced through the Partner- hunger mission statement for the City that ship framework. The private initiative relies would provide the framework for future on a more elaborated form of cost-benefit policy. The partnership concept was elabo- analysis that incorporates certain factors rated in part from an analysis of the activi- (e.g., shopping cart loss) that have been ab- ties of Food Policy Councils established in sent from such calculations. The joint ven- other communities, and discussed in Section ture proposal addresses the link between 3 II. L.A.’s “Partnership” concept sought to food access, land use considerations (e.g., draw from both the municipal/government parking lot size) and supermarket location. and non-profit models by linking a type of The non-profit program identifies the food Page 60 Homeward Bound access issues and opportunities available lize in exploring the viability of a food ac- through a grower-to-consumer direct mar- cess/transport service. 5 keting approach. Thus, the approaches presented here, similar in some respects to sev- TCA, for one, tends to be industry and even eral of the case studies described in Section facility specific. As elaborated in Section III, III, combine a food planning as well as trans- the key to any transportation service for su- portation planning process as the means by permarkets are the local dynamics that in- which such programs could be imple- fluence each particular program (e.g., neigh- mented. The existence of the Food Security borhood vehicle ownership per capita, pub- and Hunger Partnership could at the same lic transit availability, housing and residen- time initiate and/or help implement the tial densities, crime concerns, centralized policy dimensions of such programs. locations for pick-ups, permit requirements, and so forth). Within each local setting, certain key aspects of a program can be identi- PRIVATE OPPORTUNITIES: Stimulating fied, providing a broader cost accounting Greater Access to Supermarkets structure. By way of example, program costs for a supermarket store-to-home van service One of the major barriers for initiating su- may include: permarket based transportation programs has been the prevailing assumptions — and • Purchase of Vehicle narrowly construed information available — • Labor Costs for Vehicle Operation concerning the costs and benefits of such • Insurance Costs programs. Developing an approach for a • Non-Labor Operation & Maintenance private initiative, such as a van/transport Costs service for local residents in transit depen- • Permit and Operating Fees dent communities to and/or from a super- • Promotional Costs market, requires a framework that is able to incorporate factors often ignored or defined On the other side of the assessment process, as intangible or non-quantifiable in finan- the sources of program revenues and ben- cial terms. It also needs efits (both tangible and to expand the kinds of cal- intangible) may include: culations from which Ultimately, a more complete cost-benefit assessments worksheet or evaluative are derived. Those types • Additional Shopping method is needed for any pri- of calculations have often Trips from New and been associated with vari- vate venture to assess Long Term Customers ous environmental evalu- whether a food access/trans- • Customer and Com- ation techniques, particu- port program is completely munity Goodwill larly a pollution preven- or even partially viable in • Free Publicity tion-linked total cost as- terms of the presumption of • Increased Store Sales sessment (or full cost ac- from Larger Purchases strict bottom line consider- counting) approach. • Van Service Fees TCA, in turn, provides ations. • Reduced Shopping one type of framework for Cart Loss cost-benefit analysis that supermarkets could uti- When retailers evaluate Homeward Bound Page 61 new programs to determine what are con- gram could become a more straightforward sidered bottom line considerations, most as- evaluative task. Information for such evalu- sessments will attempt to quantify what is ation could include the number of new cus- readily available information, such as ve- tomers using the service; estimated sales hicle and labor costs, permitting and insur- receipts; average profit margin on sales; and ance, and revenues generated from use of increased purchases from long term custom- the service as well as any potential subsi- ers due to participation in the service. dies to mitigate start up costs. What does Finally, an evaluation of reduced cart loss not get included are the intangibles (e.g., can also be directly translated into informa- customer goodwill) as well as information tion about decreased costs, influencing any that could be quantified but is often not as- overall assessment. However, determining sociated with such a service (e.g., free pub- the full extent of such reduced costs, more- licity, increased store sales, or reduced cart over, is best addressed through the use of a loss). total cost assessment framework. For example, the costs from cart loss should not Elaborating on those examples, promotional be quantified solely in terms of the replace- costs for retailers constitute an important ment cost of the cart. In addition, the re- expense, particularly in highly competitive trieval costs of carts returned, the labor costs markets like Los Angeles, where store dif- associated with handling retrieval and re- ferentiation (by product mix, price, etc.) is placement of the carts, and the present or critical to the success of such promotion and future costs associated with fees through im- advertising. Thus, quantifying in dollar poundment laws or other regulations, need terms the publicity generated with little or to be represented. By calculating, in turn, the no cost (e.g., through scheduling informa- cost savings accruing from the reduction of tion, media coverage, community newslet- cart loss, fewer cart retrievals, lower labor ters) can have significant bearing for any cost costs, and lower fees, among other variables, evaluation matrix. all associated with a food access/transport program, a food market could, on the basis Similarly, the quantification of additional of a TCA approach, identify savings that store sales would require a type of longitu- could conceivably amount to several thou- dinal analysis that, unfortunately, has not sand dollars a year, representing a signifi- been undertaken to date, even by stores cant revenue offset.6 committed to a van service program such as those described in Section III. However, Ultimately, a more complete worksheet or several of the programs profiled here have evaluative method is needed for any private assumed but not calculated increased sales, venture to assess whether a food access/ in part due to the popularity of the program. transport program is completely or even Through anecdotal evidence and personal partially viable in terms of the presumption observation, store managers have stated of strict bottom line considerations. Beyond their opinion that there have been new store that type of calculus, the store’s community customers and additional sales on the basis identity (which itself can represent an eco- of their use of the service. By analyzing more nomic value) is likely to be significantly en- specifically customer sales figures over time hanced through any food access program. while controlling for other variables aside For supermarkets, such considerations of from the van service, the ability to quantify community (and thus customer service) will additional revenues as a result of the pro- remain paramount as long as place matters. Page 62 Homeward Bound

JOINT VENTURES: out access to a vehicle. Retailoring parking A Public/Private Partnership lot sizes to meet community demographics combined with alternative transportation Inner city locations present unique chal- programs, such as van services, can form the lenges and opportunities for the construc- cornerstone of a revised inner city supermar- tion of new supermarkets and associated ket transportation policy. In Los Angeles, for market-based transportation services. In Los example, 24% of the households in the Food Angeles, perhaps the most significant bar- Access Deficient Area (see Section 2 for more rier to building new stores in the inner city details) don’t have access to an auto, as com- is a lack of sites of adequate size. Develop- pared to only 7% in the comparably sized ers often must cobble together numerous suburban San Fernando Valley. Assuming parcels in an expensive and time-consuming that parking requirements are appropriate process. This land scarcity, however, pre- for the San Fernando Valley, such require- sents an opportunity ments may then be for supermarkets and excessive for inner municipalities to re- While large parking lot re- city areas where a vise their transporta- quirements may make sense high percentage of tion policies in accor- for communities with virtually customers are dance with the needs universal automobile owner- walk-ins or arrive by and resources of inner bus. city communities. ship and abundant land, they can be burdensome for inner Parking needs are af- Municipal planning city areas with scarce land, fected by a variety of and supermarket poor food access, and high factors, including fre- transportation policies rates of households without ac- quency and duration have largely revolved cess to a vehicle. of shopping trips, around an number of persons auto-centered ap- served by the store, proach to getting shoppers to and from and weekly and monthly shopping patterns. stores. This approach is best seen through While supermarkets serve more persons in the large parking lots that legally must ac- the inner city - 29,505 in inner city areas in company all supermarket developments. In Los Angeles, as compared to 16,629 for the the City of Los Angeles, planning regula- average in Los Angeles County — targeted tions require supermarkets to provide at areas for inner city supermarket customers least four parking spaces per thousand may be smaller, given the relatively high per- square feet of floor area. The parking lot for centage in those areas of elderly residents, a typical 40,000 square foot store occupies who often have limited mobility. Similarly, about 57% of the total lot size, while a typi- inner city consumers have been character- cal parking space itself is 333 square feet. ized as making frequent shopping trips, yet their trips may be of less duration given the While large parking lot requirements may few items purchased. Monthly shopping make sense for communities with virtually patterns also affect demand on parking. Al- universal automobile ownership and abun- though all markets have peak times such as dant land, they can be burdensome for in- weekends and evenings, purchases at inner ner city areas with scarce land, poor food city supermarkets also entail monthly cycles, access, and high rates of households with- with the first few days of each month the Homeward Bound Page 63 busiest. good (i.e., a food access/transport program) is established simultaneously with a private Community members and developers may benefit (i.e., reduced parking lot size). Such present barriers to revising parking lot regu- a partnership would also in effect reorient lations. Businesses and residents want their the supermarket’s and city’s transportation neighboring supermarket to have adequate policy toward a more realistic assessment of parking, in order to avoid overflow into their the needs and capacities of the surrounding lots and streets. Smaller supermarket park- community. As we have seen from multiple ing lots could in some cases result in adverse examples across the country, this type of effects on surrounding residents and busi- approach is best achieved when it includes nesses, especially during peak shopping a measure of community ownership and periods. Likewise, developers and super- engagement in the process. market chains also want large parking lots. They know from experience that adequate Community involvement in developing an and “easy” parking lures customers while appropriate transportation policy can be packed lots can present a serious barrier for important for a number of reasons. First, it potential customers, leading them to shop creates a mechanism by which the retailer elsewhere. can receive input on the specific circumstances of the neighborhood, rather than Decreasing parking lot requirements could assume a generic community with no dis- save supermarkets a substantial amount in tinguishing needs and resources. Commu- land acquisition, paving, landscaping, and nity organizations can educate developers maintenance. With a 20% reduction, a 40,000 and chain executives about the issues asso- square foot store could reduce its parking ciated with parking lot size relative to a lot size by 13,000 square feet. At a conserva- shuttle service for the transit dependent. tive price of eight dollars per square foot in They can also work with the surrounding the inner city, a store could save a total of community to ameliorate parking overflow $85,200 in land costs alone, without count- problems at peak times if required. ing development costs.7 In exchange for granting the parking waiver, the city could Community engagement can also prove fi- stipulate that these savings be used by the nancially beneficial to an inner city supermarket to amortize a van service. An annu- market on the basis of other kinds of public ity of $10,300 per year for fifteen years (in- good/private benefit arrangements. The vested at 8.5%) could conceivably be created partnership between New Communities to partially subsidize such a service. Supple- Corporation and Pathmark Supermarkets in mental funding could be calculated on the Newark led to a number of changes in the basis of the kinds of revenue opportunities store’s format, including the grocery deliv- described above, such as reduced shopping ery service (see section 2), that enabled it to cart loss and retrieval fees, additional busi- be one of the most profitable stores in New ness generated, and user fees. Jersey. A sense of community ownership and control over the market also can help reduce The concept of reducing parking require- costs associated with security and shrink, as ments to help establish a food access/trans- well stimulate sales and customer loyalty. port program could be most effectively Community organizations can help organize implemented through a public/private part- and conduct outreach to maximize the use nership, or joint venture, where a public and successful operation of transportation Page 64 Homeward Bound projects. Joint ventures offer significant benefits to the community (and the CDC) as well as to the Finally, as the planning process in siting a supermarket. The roles of the partners are supermarket can take years (and at times a complementary, with the CDC providing its decade), and be quite costly, the commu- community development expertise and un- nity plays a critical role in blocking or facili- derstanding of community needs, and the tating the store. Community ownership and supermarket lending industry expertise in support can help speed up the process, sav- real estate and business operations. ing the supermarket thousands of dollars. It would also be essential to advocating for The community profits in numerous ways and obtaining a waiver in parking lot size from a joint venture project. Supermarkets requirements. create jobs, provide employment training, meet community needs for goods and ser- The most common and well-developed fo- vices, and revitalize distressed neighbor- rum for community engagement in the su- hoods. Satellite shops can provide entrepre- permarket industry is through the vehicle neurial opportunities for local businesses. of a joint venture arrangement with a com- The CDC’s participation creates a sense of munity development corporation (CDC). community engagement and ownership, CDCs are private non-profit organizations encouraging community involvement. Also, involved in economic development projects the CDC’s share of the profits is reinvested in a disadvantaged neighborhood, such as into their economic development projects. child care facilities, real estate development, In this way, local dollars are recycled back job training, and affordable housing. into the community. 9

Joint ventures vary in structure according The joint venture also offers many advan- to the needs and situation of the partnership tages to the supermarket partner. With a interests, but generally fall into one of two CDC as partner, the project is likely to enjoy categories. In the first type, the CDC owns the support of community members, en- and develops the land, in partnership with hancing its potential for success. Commu- a commercial developer. This partnership nity input can help management to more organization acts as landlord, and leases the accurately fine-tune its product mix and ser- building to the supermarket. The supermar- vices, contributing to higher sales volume. ket has full responsibility for store manage- Shared ownership minimizes negative per- ment and operation, pays rent and some- ceptions of outsiders exploiting low income times a percentage of sales to the CDC. In residents by charging high prices for infe- addition, the lease may require the super- rior goods. In addition, CDCs can attract market to meet other conditions, such as grants and low-cost loans, reducing total providing job training programs, hiring project costs. 10 Aside from the Newark from the surrounding community, or selling NCC/Pathmark arrangement, several joint certain products. In the second form, the ventures related to supermarket location CDC is actually a partner and co-owner of have been established or are in the process the supermarket. The supermarket is in of formation. Two of the most prominent charge of day to day operations, and receives advocates of food retail joint ventures are a fee for this service. Profits are shared ac- the Local Initiatives Support Corporation cording to each partner’s investment pro- (LISC) and the Los Angeles-based RLA. The portion in the project. 8 Ford Foundation-sponsored LISC organiza- Homeward Bound Page 65 tion had been a significant player in the low through community surveys that the desire income housing development arena for a for greater food access, particularly access number of years but came to the conclusion to supermarkets, was identified as the single in the early 1990s that successful housing largest community need by residents of one needed to be associated with increased jobs large South Central area. Unlike LISC, how- and commercial activity in inner city areas. ever, RLA sought to identify opportunities Formally launching what it called The Re- for smaller scale markets, at the 20,000 to tail Initiative (TRI) in 1994, LISC sought to 40,000 square foot size, which would require establish a framework for joint venture in- smaller investment and a more manageable ner city commercial development, anchored joint venture type operation. 12 by a local supermarket, similar to the New- ark example. LISC hoped that the infusion While approaching the issue with a differ- of capital made possible through its limited ent set of considerations and a range of vari- parternship investment model combined ables to address, both RLA and LISC have with community participation through a nevertheless identified the joint venture ap- joint venture would prove attractive to both proach as the most effective method of se- supermarkets and communities. However, curing supermarket investment in the inner LISC found some of its proposed ventures city. While representing a breakthrough in controversial, partly a reflection of the large identifying a new type of approach, what size of the markets proposed (60,000-80,000 remains to be addressed is the access issue square feet) and the issue of competition itself, namely how can the CDC/joint ven- between small stores and the incoming (and ture facilitate a program to increase access, subsidized) proposed food market.11 above and beyond the siting of the supermarket into an inner city location where no RLA (formerly Rebuild Los Angeles) is the supermarket previously existed. By includ- organization established in the wake of the ing access in the negotiated arrangement, the 1992 civil disorders, and was created in part joint venture approach extends the commu- to identify job creating, community eco- nity development framework into the arena nomic development opportunities in the of food and transportation planning as well. areas hardest hit by the riots. Originally conceived as an organization capable of “re- building” the community solely through Non-Profit Initiatives: Bringing the Farmer private sector initiatives, the issue of super- to the Consumer and the Consumer to the market location (or relocation) figured Farmer prominently in RLA plans, influenced in part by early supermarket chain pronounce- In 1994, the Southland Farmers’ Market As- ments of interest in relocating into the inner sociation (SFMA), a trade and lobbying or- city. However, the early ambitious targets of ganization representing 19 farmers’ markets RLA quickly became casualties of the diffi- in the Los Angeles region, in partnership culties, complexities, and lack of private sec- with the UCLA Community Food Security tor support for inner city reinvestment. RLA Project, sought to explore the possibility of soon evolved into a research and service initiating and evaluating the development type organization, seeking to identify oppor- of a Community Supported Agriculture tunities for specific investment and public/ (CSA) type arrangement through the private type ventures, including for super- Gardena Farmers’ Market in southwest Los market development. It demonstrated Angeles. CSAs, as they have been developed Page 66 Homeward Bound in recent years, typically establish a contrac- Islander. A substantial majority of the cen- tual relationship between a single grower sus tracts radiating for approximately three and a group of urban residents or “share- miles from Van Ness Avenue and El holders” who agree to purchase on an an- Segundo Avenue, the site of the Gardena nual basis some or all of the crops produced Farmers’ Market, have a median income by that grower. CSAs have generally tended below the county average, including those to be characterized for their emphasis on a in Gardena itself, although several census kind of “lifestyle choice” for middle class tract areas are higher income areas. Bus ser- consumers rather than for the range of food vice for intra-neighborhood needs in security benefits, particularly for low income Gardena is limited, with the closest bus line residents, that can flow from grower-to-con- to the Van Ness and El Segundo intersec- sumer relationships. A few CSAs, such as tion stopping more than a half a mile away.14 Twinhawks Hollow Farm in Wisconsin, have linked their program with low income The Gardena Farmers’ Market, established participants by accepting food stamps as a in 1979, is one of the oldest established mar- form of payment, utilizing a subsidized kets in the Los Angeles region. Many of the price in their payment schedule, and estab- growers participating in the market have lishing other innovative relationships.13 But been involved from its origins, and derive a emphasizing the long term commitment of modest, though still significant share of their shareholders (e.g. payments on an annual revenue stream from market sales. How- basis) as a way to insulate the grower from ever, sales in recent years have been rela- the dictates of the food economy makes the tively flat, and the Farmers’ Market has not participation of low income urban residents been able to expand its customer base, par- difficult. Most importantly, from the per- ticularly in several of the surrounding low spective of this study, CSAs have not em- and middle income communities.15 This has phasized issues of location and access from occurred despite the possibility of substan- the urban side of the arrangement, thereby tial interest in the program, given the small limiting the community or neighborhood number of full service food markets (and appeal of such a program. sources of fresh produce) in those areas. Ex- pansion, however, has been limited in part Given the difficulties of low income resi- by the lack of any transportation-related pro- dents participating in farmers’ markets or gram such as a van service that could both CSAs, the UCLA/Southland Farmers’ Mar- improve access and heighten awareness of ket Association team sought to establish a the market itself, which has remained lim- pilot program that would utilize features of ited despite its lengthy history. 16 both CSAs and farmers’ markets, with access a major component of the program, in Responding to the growers’ need to expand an effort to attract both low and middle in- sales and the desire to attract a constituency come participation. It was decided that such whose participation might otherwise be lim- a project would be located in the Gardena ited due to access problems, the SFMA area bordering Southwest and South Cen- sought to explore a CSA model that could, tral Los Angeles. This area is highly diverse, at the same time, be associated with the both in terms of its income and ethnicity farmers’ market operation itself. With sup- characteristics. City of Gardena residents are port from the USDA’s Sustainable Agricul- approximately 23% African-American, 23% ture Research and Education Program and Latino, 23% Anglo, and 33% Asian/Pacific the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, Homeward Bound Page 67 the UCLA/Southland team designed a Mar- than the baseline figure, but still competi- ket Basket Subscription Program to serve as tive with supermarket prices).17 a possible model for this and other regions. A core Market Basket Program goal was to The Gardena Market Basket Program was utilize the resources of the community in launched in October 1995, with the follow- order to build sustainability, with outreach ing features: to community organizations and constituency groups essential to the process of in- • Step 1: Several of the growers who sell creasing community ownership of the at the Gardena Farmers’ Market agree to project. For example, one successful link to sell some of their harvest through the the program was the partnership established Market Basket Program, at a price that with Crystal Stairs, an organization which is 15% below farmers’ market prices. serves over 2,600 family child care providers in Southern California. Among • Step 2: Each week, the grow- other activities, Crystal Stairs ers and the Market Basket administers a program that coordinator decide, A core Market Bas- establishes dietary/nutri- based on crop quality, ket Program goal tional requirements for quantity, and the need child care providers to for diversity in the was to utilize the qualify for income sup- basket, which type of resources of the port for purchasing food produce each grower community in or- for meals. By identifying a will sell through the der to build subscription to the Market program. By combining sustainability Basket program as qualifica- the harvests of several tion, Crystal Stairs established farmers, the Market Basket is a strong incentive for provider able to offer a variety of locally participation.18 In this way, contin- grown, seasonal produce. ued outreach can be conducted through community institutions like Crystal Stairs, • Step 3: The produce, purchased in bulk, as well as schools, churches, social service is then assembled into “shares” and then agencies, and emergency food providers, distributed at drop-off points where they among others, while seeking to reduce the are picked up by participant subscribers. need for a continual Market Basket “sub- These drop off points, located in differ- scription drive.” This institutional link also ent areas of the city, are designed to re- aids in the process of identifying both those duce the distance subscribers have to in need and those who can pay more. It also travel. helps to identify specific barriers, such as access/transit dependencies, that limit par- The baseline price for a basket of produce ticipation. ($10) provides a cost savings over farmers’ market prices. Subscribers pay up to a week In the first seventeen weeks after the pro- in advance, with food stamps accepted as a gram was launched, 69 individual subscrib- form of payment. There are three share ers purchased a total of 219 baskets, includ- prices established: the baseline price, a sub- ing 39 baskets at the subsidized price. (See sidized price (30% below the baseline price) Figure 1) A far greater number of potential and a subsidizing price (at a cost 30% greater subscribers (more than 175) made inquiries Page 68 Homeward Bound

about the program from articles that were UCLA researchers have been seeking to published in the Los Angeles Times and South evaluate the community food security, food Bay Daily Breeze. Many of these respondents, access, and environmental benefits of the however, indicated an inability or unwill- Market Basket program. These benefits po- ingness to participate for a variety of factors. tentially include: a) enhancing the viability Of those factors, problems of access or trans- of local growers and evaluating whether portation figured most prominently (27% of their participation in this type of direct mar- those surveyed cited access-related reasons keting program influences their growing for non-participation). A similar concern practices, such as pesticide use; b) expand- about transportation needs was also ex- ing the availability of high quality, fresh from pressed by the nearly two dozen churches the farm, affordable produce for low and and community organizations who have middle income city residents, many of indicated an interest and/or participated in whom lack access to any kind of fresh pro- the program. Despite the intent of the produce (with the project in turn seeking to gram to provide greater access by the de- determine reasons for participation or un- velopment of “drop off points” that would willingness or inability to participate); and shorten distances for participants, a num- c) evaluating the applicability of the pro- ber of potential shareholders, such as senior gram to other locations in California. Hav- citizens, disabled, shut-ins, or those without ing identified, through this evaluation, that cars, have remained unable to participate in transportation and access-related needs rep- a program that seeks to offer significant com- resent a central, crucial factor for the munity food security benefits not otherwise program’s success, the Market Basket project obtainable. Thus, transportation and access is currently exploring methods of address- needs have emerged as the single largest ing those needs. One area of research that need for the stabilization and future expan- has been identified involves assessing the sion of the program.19 feasibility of a delivery/transportation program as an additional component of the Figure 1: Market Basket program.

A Food Delivery and Transport Service

In evaluating various food transport programs, some of which were described in Section III, one major consideration regarding such programs has been the existence of substantial “down time” when the use of the vehicle involved (most often a van) is not in operation and many of the program costs are not able to be recouped. A more cost-effective program would clearly require continuous use of the vehicle, most likely in conjunction with other programs. In terms of the Market Basket program, those wish- ing to shop at farmers’ markets but who have transportation problems represent one Homeward Bound Page 69 additional and logical use of such a trans- participants, particularly if central delivery portation service. By linking access to farm- and/or transit stops were included (e.g., ers’ markets to a transportation strategy for senior citizen homes or centers, child care the Market Basket program, that is, by com- centers or providers, large housing projects bining a Market Basket “delivery service” or commercial centers, etc.). with a farmers’ market “van service” program transporting farmers’ market shoppers Such a transport/food access system could to their homes, the “down time” problem further establish key environmental benefits could potentially be eliminated. There are (as well as identify important sources of sup- individual farmers’ markets that operate port for start-up costs) by utilizing an ultra every day of the week in the Los Angeles low emissions vehicle, similar to the Boul- Region; thus a van service could operate up der, Colorado HOP program. Though some to seven full days a week. (See Figure 2) alternative fuel vehicles are still in the demonstration stage, others are now available for Figure 2: use. A ULEV for a food access/transport program would be attractive for several rea- Monday West Hollywood sons:

Tuesday Culver City • Alternative fuel vehicles have been mar- keted for certain niche uses, such as fleet Wednesday Santa Monica; San Dimas services, or for the environmentally- Adams/Vermont aware consumer, most often identified as the middle or upper income car owner Thursday Redondo Beach who is interested in an additional, more Westwood environmentally benign vehicle for limited uses. By linking a ULEV to a pro- Friday Venice; Monrovia gram that significantly addresses the needs of low income residents, such a Saturday Gardena; Santa Monica Pico connection establishes a new and broader constituency for ULEV use. Part Sunday Encino of the purpose of the project would be to make such links explicit to demonstrate their feasibility. Such a delivery/transport service would operate most efficiently if deliveries and • ULEVs provide the most substantial pol- transport were limited to the immediate lutant reduction potential (in compari- communities surrounding the farmers’ mar- son to gasoline-powered vehicles) when ket and/or Market Basket assembly point. used for travel characterized by short This can be accomplished by establishing a distance, non-freeway driving with mul- three to four mile radius from the delivery/ tiple stops at reduced speeds. ULEV transport point, which has been the demar- buses in center city areas offer one such cation point for outreach and participation opportunity; a food transport/delivery in the Gardena Market Basket program. service could provide another important Thus the van would make frequent stops at example. short distances on each of the days it operated, maximizing the potential number of • While the program under consideration Page 70 Homeward Bound

is designed for specific uses (delivery potential critical intermediary in facilitating service for the Market Basket; transpor- and addressing those policy considerations tation service for farmers’ markets), it has (e.g., arranging for permit exemptions on the significant potential applicability for a basis of a non-profit operation). To accom- wide range of food service needs (e.g., plish the goal of food access in this and the van service for farmers’ markets or su- earlier approaches described in this Section permarkets; meals-on-wheels, etc.) and remains, ultimately, a policy and planning for overall paratransit programs for tar- as well as constituency and organizational geted constituencies (e.g., van services matter. for senior citizen centers).

In sum, this model food access program could entail developing a delivery and transport service, potentially utilizing an ultra low emissions vehicle for market basket subscription programs in Gardena and farmers’ markets throughout a region where such markets are concentrated, such as the Los Angeles region. Through such a transportation service, direct marketing opportunities can be expanded (e.g., by establishing additional Market Basket sites and increasing farmers’ market participation), made feasible in part by expanding the transit-dependent constituent base for such a program through an already existing transport/delivery service. The key to such a service is the enlargement of functions and constituencies which have the potential of reducing the cost per service provided (by maximizing vehicle use) while significantly expanding food access opportunities.

The Market Basket delivery and transport service concept is also instructive in terms of identifying the central role of the non- profit organization (in this case, the Southland Farmers’ Market Association/ UCLA team) in stimulating food access approaches. To facilitate those approaches, policy considerations also need to be addressed; for example, how to offset the potential permitting, insurance, and liability costs associated with such a venture. In Los Angeles, the development of the Food Se- curity and Hunger Partnership represents a Homeward Bound Page 71

ENDNOTES: SECTION IV

1. “Council OKs Funds for New Food 6. One estimate from a Los Angeles-based Agency”, Jodi Wilgoren, Los Angeles Times, supermarket executive placed aggregate in- June 19, 1996; “Committee Transmittal: ner city store cart losses at $67,000/year. Community Development Department Rec- Seeds of Change, p. 133 ommendations for the Voluntary Advisory Council on Hunger Proposed Policy”, 7. Development costs, such as demolition, Memorandum from Mayor Richard Riordan paving, and grading costs are estimated at to the Los Angeles City Council, January 25, $5/square foot. Land costs are estimated at 1996. $8 per sq. ft. Interview with Lisa Padilla, Associate, Zimmer Gunsul Frasca Partner- 2 . “For Hunger, More than a Handout”, ship, May 1996. Robert Gottlieb, Carolyn Olney, Elizabeth Riley, Los Angeles Times, November 24, 1994; 8. See Food Marketing Alternatives for the Hunger and Food Insecurity in Los Ange- Inner City, Community Nutrition Institute, les: Findings of the Volunteer Advisory The Consumer Division, Washington D.C.: Council on Hunger, Final Report, April 1996, CNI, 1982, pp. 12-37; Seeds of Change, p. 248 Los Angeles: Voluntary Advisory Council on Hunger, City of Los Angeles; See also Letter 9. See Jane Buckwalter, “Securing Shopping from Richard Riordan, Mayor, City of Los Centers for Inner Cities”, in Urban Land, Angeles, to Robert Farrell, Chair, Voluntary Washington D.C.: Urban Land Institute, Advisory Council on Hunger, January 25, 1987, p. 23; James J. O’Connor and Barbara 1996. “Council OKs Funds for New Food Abell, Successful Supermarkets in Low-In- Agency”, Jodi Wilgoren, Los Angeles Times, come Inner Cities, Arlington, VA: O’Connor- June 19, 1996. Abell Inc., August 1992

3. One of the authors of this paper (Robert 10. Seeds of Change, p. 249 Gottlieb) is a member of the nine member VACH; the other (Andrew Fisher) is an al- 11. Interviews with Denise Fairchild, Janu- ternate member as well as consultant. ary 1995, Ralph Lippman, October 1995; The Retail Initiative: Models for Success, Local 4. See the Mission Statement, in the Minutes Initiatives Support Corporation, New York: of the Los Angeles Community Food Secu- LISC, September 1995; “City Sites”, Progres- rity Network, June 14, 1996. sive Grocer, November 1994, p. 12

5. Deborah Savage and Allen White, “New 12. Interviews with Linda Wong, RLA, Sep- Applications of Total Cost Assessment”, Pol- tember 1995, Virginia Oaxaca, May 1995; lution Prevention Review, Winter 1994-1995, Rebuild LA (RLA): Progress Report, Los pp. 7-14; Stephan Schmidheny and Federico Angeles: RLA, March 9, 1995; Community J.L. Zorraquin, with the World Business Retail Needs Assessment: A Market Re- Council for Sustainable Development, Fi- search Report, Prepared for RLA by nancing Change: The Financial Community, ConsumerQuest, Los Angeles, May 3, 1995. Eco-Efficiency, and Sustainable Develop- ment, Cambridge: MIT Press, 1996, pp. 137- 13. Interview with Sandy Eldridge, 148 Twinhawks Hollow Farm, by Michelle Page 72 Homeward Bound

Mascarenhas, May 10, 1995

14. For a description of the background to the Market Basket project, see New Environ- mental Links: An Ultra Low Emissions Ve- hicle Food Delivery and Transport Service Connecting Farmers and Low-Income Com- munities, Prepared for U.S. EPA Region IX by the UCLA Pollution Prevention Educa- tion and Research Center, April 1996.

15. Interview with Mark Wall, Southland Farmers’ Market Association, January 1995.

16. “Survey of Gardena Farmers’ Market Growers”, March 18, 1995. Revenues generated from sales through direct marketing at farmers’ markets accounted from less than 10% to 100% of the total revenue stream of the farmers surveyed. A similar survey conducted at six farmers’ markets in April and May 1993 for the Seeds of Change study found equivalent numbers, with farmer market sales averaging approximately 50% of grower revenues. Sales at the Gardena Market have also varied over time, according to the grower’s survey, but have primarily remained flat.

17. New Environmental Links, p. 4

18. Interview with Karen Caldwell, Crystal Stairs, February 1996.

19. New Environmental Links, p.5 Homeward Bound Page 73

SECTION V: FRAMING FOOD ACCESS:

Policy and Planning Recommendations Page 74 Homeward Bound

his report has evaluated the intersec to develop such language for a reauthorized tion of transportation and food access ISTEA. T issues. While specific programs and initiatives have been established, primarily at the community or facility level, there has • USDA’s Food and Consumer Services been a notable absence of any directed plan- and Department of Transportation ning or policy framework for food access for should create an interagency task force the transit dependent, either through gov- on transportation as related to food ac- ernment agencies or by the private food re- cess. tail sector. This lack of planning and policy development represents the most substan- This task force could break ground for a tial barrier in the development and imple- more integrated policy approach on these mentation of a food access approach. Thus, issues. It could conduct research into food the recommendations that follow are prima- access and transportation on a national level, rily directed at planners and policymakers, identifying arenas for collaboration between although much of the creative activity to the two agencies, as well as administrative date in the food access arena has been stimu- action that could be taken to improve food lated by constituent groups seeking to ad- access. The task force could also assist in the dress a visible and often transparent food development and funding of food access security need. related transportation demonstration projects in targeted communities.

RECOMMENDATIONS • The USDA Farmers’ Market Task Force Federal Policy: should provide funding for demonstration programs that improve access to • Reauthorization of the Intermodal Sur- farmers’ markets in transit dependent face Transportation Efficiency Act and/or food access deficient communi- (ISTEA) should incorporate language to ties. specifically encourage funding of food access-related programs by metropoli- Farmers’ markets represent an important tan transportation organizations. access point to high quality affordable produce in communities where such access is ISTEA provides a major source of funding often lacking. As with supermarkets, access for innovative transit programs. Two of the to farmers’ markets in transit dependent obvious advocates for such an approach are communities can be problematic. The recent the Surface Transportation Policy Project, a formation of a Farmers’ Market Task Force coalition of organizations working on trans- within USDA with a mission that includes portation and urban planning issues and a direct marketing to low income communi- primary advocate of ISTEA, and the Com- ties presents an opportunity to develop in- munity Food Security Coalition, a national novative programs to help link communi- network of food security organizations that ties with these valuable food resources. helped secure passage of the Community Food Security Act. The development of an alliance between these natural allies and others could begin the political process needed Homeward Bound Page 75

Regional Policy:

Metropolitan Transportation Organizations • In Los Angeles, reallocations of transit (MTO) should take an active role in improv- funds from rail to buses, if and when ing food access-related transportation. This such a process were to occur, should should include: include funds set aside for food access- related services. • Conducting needs assessments in transit dependent neighborhoods to deter- In particular, the lawsuit described in Sec- mine transportation related food access tion II that has been brought against the deficiencies (in conjunction with mu- Metropolitan Transit Authority (MTA) un- nicipal food policy organizations, der the 1994 Civil Rights Act seeks a redis- where such organizations exist); tribution of funding from rail to bus services. If successful, any settlement agreement or MTOs operate much of the mass transit in judicial directive could specify that part of the country. Their attention to the food shop- that funding be earmarked towards estab- ping needs of transit dependent communi- lishing food access related transportation ties is vital to addressing existing food ac- programs. cess deficiencies. As a first step, MTOs should identify those communities where • Local planning agencies should con- supermarkets are inadequate and food ac- sider reducing parking lot size for new cess is hindered by a lack of appropriately supermarkets constructed in transit de- structured transportation services. In com- pendent communities, with the proviso munities where food policy organizations that the supermarket be required to exist, such as Toronto, Hartford, Knoxville, support a food access transportation Los Angeles, St Paul, and Austin, these or- program for transit dependent consum- ganizations can assist the MTO in identify- ers, made feasible in part by utilizing ing food access deficient neighborhoods, cost savings from the reduced land re- and structuring any needs assessment pro- quirements. cess. Municipal planning regulations for supermarket parking lots are designed for middle • Formulate services specific to the needs income communities, many of which have of each community, including the cre- 95% or higher per capita automobile own- ation and expansion of circulator routes ership. Such regulations in turn can inhibit such as Los Angeles’s DASH program the construction of sorely needed new su- and Austin’s Grocery Bus; permarkets in low income neighborhoods where per capita auto ownership figures are Beyond the research and evaluation process, significantly lower. Reducing lot size in ac- MTOs should develop and implement spe- cordance with the vehicle ownership rates cific services which improve food access. of the surrounding neighborhood would These services should be tailored to the enable supermarkets to be located on needs of each community. The kinds ap- smaller parcels, as well as fund services proaches that could involve services pro- which better serve the transportation needs vided by MTOs (e.g., community paratransit of the customer base. services) have been identified in Section III. Page 76 Homeward Bound

• Local planning agencies should require plans and programs be incorporated in that new supermarkets develop a spe- all of its supermarkets developed cific transportation plan tailored to through The Retail Initiative (TRI), as meet the transportation needs of the part of its financing process. surrounding community as part of the permitting process. The Local Initiative Support Corporation (described in Section IV) enjoys a unique The absence of a food access transportation opportunity to greatly strengthen transpor- policy has not been limited to the public sec- tation planning and programming as a vital tor. Most supermarkets have not formally component of inner city supermarkets articulated a transportation policy. Instead, through its financing of multiple supermar- such actions as the construction of large kets across the nation. It should direct CDCs parking lots and the cycle of removal-re- applying for TRI equity to develop transpor- trieval of shopping carts has comprised such tation plans appropriate to the needs of the a de facto policy. The creation of an explicit store’s customer base. transportation policy would force new stores to address the characteristics and needs of the communities in which they locate, rather • Communities should develop food than adopt a “cookie cutter” or “hands-off” planning/policy organizations that approach to the ways in which shoppers could facilitate food access, and, more transport their goods home. broadly, food security approaches.

The development of the Food Policy Coun- Private Policy: cil model, such as the Los Angeles Food Se- curity and Hunger Partnership, represents • Supermarkets located in transit depen- a crucial opportunity to help identify and dent communities should voluntarily implement a range of policy and planning develop transportation plans and pro- food access and food security initiatives. grams tailored to meet the needs of the Such initiatives (which, absent a Food Policy store’s customer base. Council, might not otherwise be undertaken) could be constructed at the neighbor- Many supermarkets have recognized that hood, community, or regional scale. store-based transportation programs can be excellent community relations, if not profit- These recommendations constitute what able operations when accounting for in- amounts to a preliminary assessment and creased sales and reduced costs associated development process in reconstituting and with shopping cart removal. Supermarkets ultimately integrating food access and trans- operated as a joint venture between a chain portation planning. Given the growing con- and a community development corporation cerns and political interest in the subject, (CDC) are best positioned to take the lead these recommendations can be considered in this arena, given the community relation- a modest beginning for a new type of policy ships that are embedded in the structure. and planning process. Without such an initiative, the ability to address food access for the transit dependent remains uncertain at • The Local Initiative Support Corpora- best. In the long run, without a proactive tion should require that transportation approach, lack of food access is likely to re- Homeward Bound Page 77 main a problem area deeply entrenched in the realities of food insecurity that will exist for significant numbers of communities and for their resident populations.