MEDIAEVISTIK Internationale Zeitschrift für interdisziplinâre Mittelalterforschung

Herausgegeben von Peter Dinzelbacher

Band 12 • 1999

PETER LANG Frankfurt am Main • Berlin • Bern • Bruxelles • New York • Oxford • Wien Außengemälde am Oratorio de* Disciplini in Clusone bei Bergamo

Eine der eindruckvollsten Manifestationen der ’’neuen Religion des Todes” (A. Tenenti), die die Mentalität des Spätmittelalters kennzeichnet, stellt der Triumph des Todes an der Außenwand der Kapelle der Geißlerbruderschaft von Clusone dar, datiert 1485. Über einem Totentanz ein Grab, von dem aus Skelette die Herrschaft über die Menschheit ausüben. Eines von ihnen bedient sich bereits statt des Pfeiles oder der Lanze der moder­ nen Feuerwaffe. Was immer die geistlichen oder weltlichen Mächtigen und Reichen der Erde dem Tod anbieten wollen, um verschont zu werden, alles wird verschmäht. Ein Titulus erläu­ tert:

’’Giunge la morte piena de egualeza sole ve voglio e non vostra richeza. Digna mi son de portar corona e che signoresi ogni persona.”

(Es kommt der Tod, der alles gleich macht: Nur euch will ich, nicht euren Reichtum. Würdig die Krone zu tragen bin ich und jedermann zu beherrschen.)

(Bild und Text: Peter Dinzelbacher)

Dieser Ausgabe liegt ein Prospekt des Universitätsverlags C. Winter bei. Wir bitten um freundliche Beachtung.

ISSN 2199-806X0934-7453 © Peter Lang GmbH Europäischer Verlag der Wissenschaften Frankfurt am Main 2000 Alle Rechte Vorbehalten. Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen.

Satz: Unitext, D 60489 Frankfurt am Main

Printed in Germany 12 3 4 67 Mediaevistik 12 • 1999 1

Inhalt

Aufsätze

Helmut BEIFUSS, Ein frühneuhochdeutsches Erbauungsbuch aus Bayern: Hdschr. 242 der St. P.K. Berlin______7 Hildegard BILLER, Die christliche Cato-Rezeption in lateinischer Spätantike und Frühmittelalter______41 Albrecht CLASSEN, What do they mean for uns today? Medieval Literature and Philosophy at the End of the Twentieth Century______185 Ariel GUIANCE, Iglesia e ideología de la violencia en la Castilla medieval. Crímenes e infanticidios en la legislación canónica______209 Aaron GURJEWITSCH, Menschliche Würde und soziale Struktur, Versuch der Interpretation zweier isländischer Sagas______229

Edition

F.N.M. DIEKSTRA, Die drie dachvaerden and Robert de Sorbon's De tribus dietis: An Edition of the Middle Dutch Text together with its Latin Source ___ 257

Rezensionen

Gesamtes Mittelalter

Das Mittelalter, hg. v. R. BECK (A. C la s s e n ) ______331 Genèse médiévale de l'Anthroponymie moderne, ed. P. BECK (R. N e d o m a )_ 332 Glaube und Wissen im Mittelalter / K. S c h m u c k i u.a., Cimelia Sangal- lensia / N.F. P a lm e r , Zisterzienser und ihre Bücher (P. D in z e lb a c h e r ) _ 333 H. LEYSER, Medieval Women (A. CLASSEN)______336 Medieval Queenship, ed. J. PARSONS (A. CLASSEN)______337 Medieval Iberia, ed. O. CONSTABLE (E. PITZ)______339 Storia dell'economia mondiale 1. a.c. V. CASTRONOVO (P. DINZELBA­ CHER)______340 2 Mediaevistik 12 • 1999

G. DUBY, Rural Economy and Country Life in the Medieval West (P. DIN- ZELBACHER) ______341

Jagd und höfische Kultur im Mittelalter, hg. v. W. RÖSENER (P. DENZEL- BACHER) ______341 S. TUCHEL, Kastration im Mittelalter (P. DINZELBACHER)______343

R. VANEIGEM, Il movimento del libero spirito (P. DINZELBACHER)_____ 344 The Pagan Middle Ages, ed. L. MILIS (P. DINZELBACHER)______345 Beyond the Persecuting Society, ed. J. LAURSEN, C. NEDERMAN (M. PRIETZEL)______345

The Devil, Heresy and Witchraft in the Middle Ages, ed. A. FERREIRO (P. DINZELBACHER)______347 Le mythe de la Chasse sauvage dans l’Europe médiévale, ed. Ph. WALTER (M. JONES)______348

Il grande libro dei santi, a.c. C. LEONARDI u.a. (P. DINZELBACHER)____ 350 Fremdes wahmehmen - fremdes Wahrnehmen, hg. v. W. HARMS, C. JAE­ GER (H.-U. MUSOLFF)______350 M. ZINK, The Enchantment of the Middle Ages (A. CLASSEN)______352 Orient und Okzident in der Kultur des Mittelalters (A. CLASSEN)______354 Violence against Women in Medieval Texts, ed. A. ROBERTS (A. CLAS­ SEN) ______356 D. COMPARETTI, Vergil in the Middle Ages (P. DINZELBACHER)______358

Medieval Latin, ed. F. MANTELLO, A. RIGGS (R. VOGELER)______359 E. CASTRO C ARID AD, Introduccion al teatro latino medieval (A. COLBY- HALL)______362 J. FAABORG, Les Enfants dans la littérature française du Moyen Age (H.- U. MUSOLFF)______362 A. CIPOLLA, a.c., L'immaginario nelle letterature germaniche del Medioevo (D. BREMER BUONO)______364

L. CARRUTHERS, L'anglais médiéval (R. GLEIßNER)______366 Medieval Insular Literature between the Oral and Written II, ed. H. TRI­ STRAM (B. MAIER)______368 H. KÖRNER, Grabmonumente des Mittelalters (H. WEIDENHOFFER)_____ 369 Mediaevistìk 12 • 1999 3

Women and the Book, ed. L. SMITH, J. TAYLOR (A. CLASSEN)______370 T. PÉREZ-HIGUERA, Chronos. Die Zeit in der Kunst des Mittelalters (M. BAUTZ)______373 R. MANSELLI, Scritti sul medioevo (P. DINZELBACHER)______374 Bene vivere in cummunitate, hg. v. Th. SCHARFE, Th. BEHRMANN (J. BURKARDT)______375

Frühmittelalter

The New Cambridge Medieval History II, ed. R. McKITTERICK (P. DIN­ ZELBACHER)______379 P. GABDRACHMANOV, Srednevekovye krest'äne i ich sem'i (W. ZÖLL­ NER)______380

R. COLLINS, Charlemagne (A. CLASSEN)______382 A. PADOA-SCHIOPPA, Il diritto nella storia d’Europa. Il medioevo (M. LUMINATI)______383 L. COON, Sacred Fictions. Holy Women and Hagiography in Late Antiquitiy (H. BILLER)______385

K. SCHÀFERDIEK, Schwellenzeit. Beiträge zur Geschichte des Christentums in Spätantike und Frühmittelalter (P. DINZELBACHER)______387 L. v. PADBERG, Studien zur Bonifatiusverehrung (S. HAARLANDER)____ 388

Opere di Decimo Magno Ausonio, a.c. A. PASTORINO (J.-L. CHARLET)__ 389 S. TRANTER, Clavis Metrica (M. PUTZ)______389 X. BARRALI ALTET, Frühes Mittelalter (K. BERING)______391 J. OTT, Krone und Krönung ... bis um 1200 (C. HECK)______392 G. PAMME-VOGELSANG, Die Ehe mittelalterlicher Herrscher im Bild (A. CLASSEN)______393

Hochmittelalter

P. WEIß, Frühe Siegelurkunden in Schwaben (T. SCHMIDT)______397 H. HOUBEN, Roger II. von Sizilien (U. KESSLER)______397 U. KESSLER, Richard I. Löwenherz (N. JASPERT)______399 4 Mediaevistik 12 • 1999

L. GARCIA-GUIJARRO, Papados, cruzadas y órdines militares (D. KAGAY)_ 401 Medieval Theology and the Natural Body, ed. P. BILLER, A. MINNIS (C. CASAGRANDE)______402 K. JANKRIFT, Leprose als Streiter Gottes (R. PAULER)______403 L. GRANT, Abbot Suger of St-Denis (A. KOHNLE)______404 A. PAHUD, Le cartulaire de Romainmötier (XIIe s.) (R. HÜLS)______405

Hildegard von Bingen, ed. M. McINERNEY (A. CLASSEN)______406 W. BEUTIN, Th. BÜTOW (Hg.), Europäische Mystik vom Hochmittelalter zum Barock (W. SCHEEPSMA)______407 C. BROWN, Contrary Things. Exegesis, Dialectic, and the Poetics of Didacti- cisme (A. CLASSEN)______409 D. MATEJOVSKI, Das Motiv des Wahnsinns in der mittelalterlichen Dich­ tung (B. KRAUSE)______411 Jacques de Vitry, Histoire occidentale, tr. G. DUCHET-SUCHAUX (M. DER- WICH)______417 M. GOSMAN, Le légende d'Alexandre le Grand dans la littérature du 12e s. (U. SCHÖNING)______418 J. de WEEVER, Sheba's Daughters. Whitening and Demonizing the Saracen Woman in Medieval French Epic (A. CLASSEN)______420 Vom Rechte, hg. C. HÄNDL (P. DINZELBACHER)______424

Walther von der Vogel weide, Gedichte, hg. S. RANAWAKE (K. KRANICH­ HOFBAUER)______424 Walther von der Vogelweide, Gesamtausgabe II, hg. v. G. SCHWEIKLE (A. CLASSEN)______426

E. HINTZ, Learning and Persuasion in the German Middle Ages (A. CLASSEN)_ 428 D. PESCHEL-RENTSCH, Pferdemänner. Sieben Essays über Sozialisation und ihre Wirkungen in mittelalterlicher Literatur (K. KRANICH-HOF- BAUER)______430 J. ZERNACK, Bibliographie der deutschsprachigen skandinavistischen Saga­ übersetzungen 1791-1995 (G. LANGE)______431 G. FRANK, Das Zisterzienserkloster Maulbronn / Maulbronn. Zur 850jährigen Geschichte des Zisterzienserklosters / U. KNAPP, Das Kloster Maulbronn (P. DINZELBACHER)______432 Mediaevistìk 12 • 1999 5

D. HASSIG, Medieval Bestiaries (X. MURATOVA)______434

Spätmittelalter

Handbook of European History 1400-1600, ed. Th. BRADY u.a. (P. DINZEL- BACHER)______J ______441 L. TEWES, Mittelalter im Ruhrgebiet (J. BURKARDT)______442 Schriftkultur und Landesgeschichte, hg. M. THUMSER (K. BLASCHKE)___ 443

M. W. LABARGE, A Medieval Miscellany (B. W IN S)______445

M. HOWELL, The Marriage Exchange. Property, Social Place and Gender in Cities of the Low Countries, 1300-1500 (A. CLASSEN)______447 J. BERNS, Propter communem utilitatem. Studien zur Bündnispolitik der westfälischen Städte im Spätmittelalter (A. BUSCHMANN)______448 Perugia nel Rinascimento, a.c. M. PECUGIFOP (A. AMEND-SÖCHTING) _ 450

Comité des travaux historiques, La Guerre, la violence et les gens au Moyen Age (H.H. KORTÜM)______451 C. HEIDUK u.a. Krieg und Verbrechen nach spätmittelalterlichen Chroniken (P. DINZELBACHER)______453

F. CARDINI, L'acciar de’ cavalieri (W. TERPSTRA)______454 S. LINDEN, Darke Hierogliphicks. Alchemy in English Literature from Chau­ cer to the Restoration (B. HAAGE)______455 E. CORTESE, Il Diritto Nella Storia Medievale IL II Basso Medioevo (J. RAI­ NER)______457 I frati Predicatori nel Duecento (M. DERWICH)______465 Die Kartäuser und ihre Welt (E. MÉGIER)______466 A. WINSTON-ALLEN, Stories of the Rose. The Making of the Rosary in the Middle Ages (A. CLASSEN)______467 Quellen zur Geschichte der Kölner Laienbruderschaften, hg. K. MILITZER (P. DINZELBACHER)______469 E. BRUNO, E. ALBERIONE ed., Inferno, Purgatorio, Paradiso (M. SO­ WELL)______470 R. KIECKHEFER, Forbidden Rites. A Necromancer's Manual of the 15th cent. (P. DINZELBACHER)______471 6 Mediaevistik 12 • 1999

J. VEENSTRA, Magic and Divination at the Courts of Burgundy and France (G. WAITE)______472 S. DAUB, Leonardo Brunis Rede auf Nanni Strozzi (K. LERCHNER)______474 Nicolas of Cusa, Selected Spiritual Writings, tr. H. BOND (A. CLASSEN)____476 Fauvel Studies, ed. M. BENT, A. WATHEY (M. LECCO)______478 Bestiarien im Spannungsfeld zwischen Mittelalter und Moderne, hg. G. FEBEL (P. DINZELBACHER)______482 Populäre Literatur des Spätmittelalters, hg. U. OBHOF (P. DINZELBACHER) 482 M. SCHULZ, Die Eigenbezeichnung des mittelalterlichen deutschsprachigen geistlichen Spiels (A. CLASSEN)______483 Den Duytschen Cathoen, ed. A. van BUUREN u.a. (A. BERTELOOT)______485 Of Shrifte and Penance. The Middle English Prose Translation of "Le Manuel des Péchés”, ed. K. BITTERLING (C. HOUSWITSCHKA)______486 A. LYNCH, Malory’s Book of Arms (A. CRÉPIN)______488 Muslih ad-Din sa'di, Der Rosengarten, tr. K. GRAF, D. BELLMANN (A. CLASSEN)______489 J. TRIPPS, Das handelnde Bildwerk in der Gotik (P. DINZELBACHER)____ _490 J. FRIEDMAN, J. WEGMANN, Medieval Iconography (P. DINZELBA­ CHER) ______492 The Iconography of Hell, ed. C. DAVIDSON, T. SEILER / The Iconography of Heaven, ed. C. DAVIDSON (P. DINZELBACHER)______493

J. JANSSEN, M. MEUWESE, Maerlant, Spiegel Historiael (P. DINZELBA­ CHER)______494 S. McKENDRICK, The History of Alexander the Great (A. CLASSEN)______494 10.3726/83990_185

Mediaevistik 12 • 1999 185

Albrecht Classen

What do they mean for us today? Medieval Lite­ rature and Philosophy at the Ende of the Twentieth Century. Boethius, Abelard, John of Salisbury, and Christine de Pizan

The anxiety level among the general public in face of the approaching end of our mil­ lennium is noticeably increasing year by year and gradually affects both the lay audience and even scholarship. The apocalypse might be approaching, as some argue, whereas others simply worry about the proper measuring of time in computers which are not set for the new number for the year 2000. Concurrently, but not greeted and discussed with the same dramatic fanfare, the fourth industrial revolution and the emergence of an entirely computerized world have radically transformed everyday life in many respects.1 Significantly, in face of the rapid transformation of our present the past suddenly seems to attract increasing popularity both in Europe and North America. In particular, the Middle Ages both as an academic study area and as a playful fantasy world have gained astonishing interest inside of academia and out­ side. Medievalism both as a field of research and as theatrical practice such as in the case of the Society for Creative Anachronism2 represents a vigorously flourishing discipline and has opened many new perspectives toward an interdisciplinary and interchronological approach to the past and the present.3 Leslie J. Workman rightly claims: "Over the past twenty years, medievalism has achieved academic recognition and taken a modest place alongside nationalism, classicism, romanticism, socialism, and similar terms," and insists that this discipline has gained considerable scholarly status since the early 1970s.4 Moreover, he believes that the reason for rhe new inte­ rest in the Middle Ages might well be that because we are approaching the end of the

1 Jürgen Mittelstraß, "Leonardo-Welt - Aspekt einer Epochenschwelle", Gert Kaiser, Dirk Matejovksi, Jutta Fedrowitz, eds., Kultur und Technik im 21. Jahrhundert. Schrif­ tenreihe des Wissenschaftszentrums Nordrhein-Westfalen , 1 (Frankfurt am Main-New York: Campus, 1993), 16-34. 2 The Society has been publishing since 1986 a journal under the title Tournaments Illu­ minated (Milpitas, CA: Society for Creative Anachronism). 3 See, for example, Medievalism in Europe II. Ed. by Leslie J. Workman, Kathleen Ver- duin. Studies in Medievalism VIII (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1997). 4 Leslie J. Workman, "Modern Medievalism in England und America", Mittelalter- Rezeption V. Gesammelte Vorträge des V. Salzburger Symposions (Burg Kaprun, 1990), ed. Ulrich Müller und Kathleen Verduin. Göppinger Arbeiten zur Germanistik, 630 (Göppingen: Kümmerle, 1996), 1-23, here 1. 186 Mediaevistik 12 • 1999

second millennium entering an age free of many of the previous political and ideolo­ gical structures and frameworks, we are in need of a new reference system which, in part, the medieval world seems to offer: "if we are indeed entering upon a New Age, we shall certainly need medievalism, the understanding of the past age, as never before."5 Quoting Jawaharlal Nehru from a paper he gave at a congress of the Ceylon Association for the Advancement of Science on October 15, 1962, Workman underscores the need to recover, once again, the access to spirituality as it was pre­ valent in the Middle Ages: "Politics and religion are obsolete; the time has come for science and spirituality."6 Considering the current state of research and the enormous outpouring of scholarly and fictional publications dealing with the Middle Ages, it would be safe to claim that the "Future of the Middle Ages" promises to be in good hands and will enjoy considerable public support both in Europe and in North America, not to men­ tion many other parts of the world where interest in that past age is also burgeoning.7 Paul Zumthor, Norman F. Cantor, Joachim Bumke, and Michel Zink, among others, have cogently demonstraated the extensive fascination which the Middle Ages as a culture and as a historical period can exert on us today.8 Certainly, we would easily fall into a neo-romantic trap if we closed our eyes to the dark sides of the Middle Ages, to the violence, famine, diseases, poverty, and widespread ignorance. It was, to be sure, not an ideal world, not a time to which we might want to return today to escape the hardships of our own time. Deep-seated xenophobia, religious hysteria, rampant racism, and brutal mistreatment of the poor and weak disturbingly mar the allegedly beautiful picture of a seemingly ideal medieval idyll.9 Nevertheless, the Middle Ages "were the formation of our world, ... a period of ascent rather than of decline, ... with the withering of the pagan classic civilization came the first budding of a new culture that was to develop into our modern civilization."10 Georges Duby expressed it in even more optimistic terms: "This period of general relaxation and constant renaissance saw a greater openness to remote or forgotten cultures: Islam, Byzantium, ancient Rome ...A t the same time, the increasingly rapid circulation of

5 Workman, 21. 6 Workman, 21. 7 William D. Paden, "Scholars at a Perilous Ford", The Future o f the Middle Ages. Medieval Literature in the 1990s (Gainesville-Tallahassee-et al.: The University Press of Florida, 1994), 3-31. 8 Paul Zumthor, Speaking of the Middle Ages, trans. Sarah White (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1986); Joachim Bumke, Höfische Kultur, Literatur und Gesell­ schaft im hohen Mittelalter (Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1985); Norman F. Cantor, Inventing the Middle Ages (New York: William Morrow, 1991); Michael Zink, The Enchantment of the Middle Ages, trans. by Jane Marie Todd (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998). 9 Bumke, Höfische Kultur, 1-9-12; Michel Mollat, Die Armen im Mittelalter. Trans, from the French by Ursula Irsigler (Munich: Beck, 1987). 10 Morris Bishop, The Middle Ages (New York: American Heritage Press, 1970), 2. Mediaevistik 12 • 1999 187 men, ideas, and fashions tendet to diminish regional distinctions and spread uniform standards of behavior throughout the West."11 Friedrich Heer once remarked: "In the twelfth, and to a large extent still in the early thirteenth century, Europe had the characteristics of an open society. The frontiers ... were still open, even fluid. There were open frontiers on Europe's eastern borders."12 Given the extent to which modem opinions about the Middle Ages vary, and given the degree to which both scholars and non-academics examine, discuss, and learn about that age, it seems a reasonable approach to raise also some philosophical, spiritual questions, especially as two areas of medieval life seem to dominate modem public opinion and cast a much too large shadow on many other areas, that is, histo­ rical events and chivalry.13 Umberto Eco's famous novel The Name of the Rose (1980), both in its textual version and as a film (1986), points in the right direction as its true fascination does not rest with the criminal investigations, the accusations of homosexuality, the inquisition, but with the library and its infinite sources of know­ ledge, hidden away and yet accessible for those inquisitive minds who were able to decipher the secrets and forge a path to the inner core of this labyrinthine chamber.14 Not surprisingly, the labyrinth itself represented one of the most important mythical and enigmatic symbols used both by the medieval church and scholasticism.15 Simi­ larly, Adolf Muschg pursued, with his recent novel Der Rote Ritter (1993), a com­ parable literary path away from medieval chivalry and King Arthur's court to the magic of reading the Grail and its divine message.16 In other words, increasingly new questions about the Middle Ages and our understanding of that culture are raised which find intriguing responses in medieval texts and art objects and which invite us to investigate further the profound impact of that time period on our own world and

11 Georges Duby, ed., A History Private Life. Vol. II. Revelations of the Medieval World. Arthur Goldhammer, Trans. (Cambridge, MA,-London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1988), xii. 12 Friedrich Heer, The Medieval World. Europe 1100-1350. Trans, from the German by Janet Sondheimer (New York-Toronto: The New American Library, 1962), 17. 13 A typical example for this trend toward popularization of the Middle Ages from a historical point ov view would be Streifzüge durch das Mittelalter. Ein historisches Lesebuch. 4th ed. Beck'sche Reihe, 380 (Munich: Beck, 1994), and: Das Mittelalter. Ein Lesebuch zur deutschen Geschichte 800-1500. Beck'sche Reihe, 1235 (Munich: Beck, 1997). Similar examples from the British, French, and Italian book market could be cited in large numbers. 14 Lektüren, Aufsätze zu Umberto Ecos 'Der Name der Rose', ed. Hans-Jürgen Bachorski, GAG, 432 (Göppingen: Kümmerle, 1985); Horst Fuhrmann, Überall ist Mittelalter. Von der Gegenwart einer vergangenen Zeit (Munich: Beck, 1996), 227-243. 15 Penelope Reed Doob, The Idea of the Labyrinth from Classical Antiquity through the Middle Ages (Ithaca-London: Cornell University Press, 1990). 16 Adolf Muschg, Der Rote Ritter. Eine Geschichte von Parzival (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1993); see my study: "Seinskonstitution im Leseakt. Adolf Muschgs Der Rote Ritter als Antwort auf eine mittelalterliche These", Etudes Germaniques 51, 2 (1996): 307-327. 188 Mediaevistik 12 • 1999

thinking today. Horst Wenzel suggests, for instance, that the insights resulting from the modern debate concerning communication and transfer of information intri- guingly illuminate essential aspects of medieval culture dominated by "perfor­ mance".17 The history of mentality has successfully demonstrated that the term "Middle Ages" in fact proves to be a misleading concept as it insinuates distance, rupture, and difference, whereas many fundamental mental aspects of human life continue to be the same as in the past, even though the historical, ideological, and religious context and the general frame of mind have changed radically over the centuries. 1 o Obviously, neither scholarship nor the public need to be convinced that the Euro­ pean Middle Ages represent a fascinating time period which deserves our full atten­ tion. When asked, however, what the relevance of medieval studies might be, if not for exclusively aesthetic, literary or theological reasons, comprehensive responses are often not readily available.19 We as medievalists generally seem to know why we work in this field, but how would we convince the critic, the radical modernist, the financial powers, the university administration, etc.? Eugene Vance, for example, explained the purpose of his examination of medieval sign theory (Mervelous Signals) both with historical and with linguistic arguments:

I do so with the hope that both medieval theories of language and the responses that poets made to these theories will seem pertinent to the theoretical concerns of our own time. There is scarcely a term, practice, or concept in contemporary theory that does not have some rich antecedent in medieval thought, and I believe more firmly than ever that familiarity with the older culture can help us better to "think" the new.20

17 Gespräche - Boten - Briefe. Körpergedächtnis und Schriftgedächtnis im Mittelalter. Ed. Horst Wenzel together with Peter Göhler and Werner Röcke. Philologische Studien und Quellen, 143 (Berlin: Schmidt, 1997), 9-21; see also 'Aufführung' und 'Schrift' in Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit. Ed. Jan-Dirk Müller. Germanistische Symposien, Berichtsbände. XVII (Stuttgart-Weimar: Metzler, 1996). 18 Wilfried Hartmann, ed., Mittelalter. Annäherungen an eine fremde Zeit. Schriftenreihe der Universität Regensburg, Neue Folge, 19 (Regensburg: Universitätsverlag Regens­ burg, 1993); Europäische Mentalitätsgeschichte. Hauptthemen in Einzeldarstellungen, ed. Peter Dinzelbacher. Kröners Taschenausgabe, 469 (Stuttgart: Kroner, 1993); Modernes Mittelalter. Neue Bilder einer populären Epoche. Ed. Joachim Heinzle (Frankfurt am Main: Insel, 1994). 19 See the interesting attempt by Stephen G. Nichols, "The New Medievalism: Tradition and Discontinuity in Medieval Culture", The New Medievalism. Ed. by Marina S. Brownlee, Kevin Brownlee, and Stephen G. Nichols. Parallax (Baltimore-London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991), 1-26. 20 Eugene Vance, Mervelous Signals. Poetics and Sign Theory in the Middle Ages. Regents Studies in Medieval Culture (Lincoln-London: University of Nebraska Press, 1986), xii. Mediaevistik 12 • 1999 189

The attraction exerted by the Middle Ages, as Hans Robert Jauss has claimed, rests in its aesthetic pleasure, the alterity of its life system, and "the model character of medieval texts."21 Those who are deeply involved in medieval literature or theo­ logy would have no difficulties to agree, whereas the real challenge would be to build a bridge to those outside of our field. This is the major purpose of this paper, even on the danger of preaching to the converted, because many voices from the Middle Ages remain unheard and are muted because their texts fall in categories which many of us do not study on a regular basis, if ever. It is one thing to examine that age from a purely historical perspective, and another thing to search for a comprehensive under­ standing in philosophical terms, meaning to trace the origins of our modern world and to examine the potential relevance of its cultural products for our own time.22 Many problems continue to plague our own discipline, however. Romanists do not know much about medieval German heroic poetry, Anglicists might be familiar with Boccaccio and Petrarch as potential sources of influence on Geoffrey Chaucer, but would most be dumbfounded if asked about Spanish mysticism, etc.23 Germanist might be interested in the French-German relations during the Middle Ages, but they have mostly ignored the Italian-German or Spanish-German connections.24 Due to our academic compartmentalization, the vast spectrum of medieval philosophy and literature is pitifully divided and fragmented, although a few major scholars such as Ernst Robert Curtius (1948) already made valiant efforts to remedy this situation.25 In other words, comparative and interdisciplinary studies are still not pursued with the same kind of rigor as in other fields.26 We need not underscore the far-reaching importance of classical literature from Greek and Roman antiquity for the development of medieval literature, as the latter

21 Hans Robert Jauss, "The Alterity and Modernity of Medieval Literature", New Lite­ rary History 10, 2 (1979): 181-229, here 182. 22 Albrecht Classen, "Modernität des Mittelalters? Zu Walther von der Vogel weide, Gott­ fried von Straßburg und Freidank", Part One, Germanic Notes and Reviews 29, 1 (1998): 3-17; Part Two, 29, 2 (1998): 1-11. 23 Piero Boitani, Chaucer and Boccaccio. Medium Aevum Monographs, New Ser., 8 (Oxford: Society for the Study of Mediaeval Languages and Literature, 1977). 24 Joachim Bumke, Die romanisch-deutschen Literaturbeziehungen im Mittelalter. Ein Überblick (Heidelberg: Winter, 1967). 25 Ernst Robert Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages. Trans, from the German by Willard R. Trask. Bollingen Series. XXXVI (Princeton: Princeton Univer­ sity Press, 1990); see also interdisciplinary studies such as Mary J. Carruthers, The Book of Memory. A Study of Memory in Medieval Culture. Cambridge Studies in Medieval Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Jane Chance, Medieval Mythography. From Roman North Africa to the School of Chartres, A.D. 433-1177 (Gainesville-Tallahassee-et aL: University Press of Florida, 1994). 26 Hendrik Birus, "Mediävistische Komparatistik - 'unmöglich, aber dankbar'?", Mediä- vistische Komparatistik. Festschrift für Franz Josef Worstbrock zum 60. Geburtstag. Ed. Wolfgang Harms and Jan-Dirk Müller (Stuttgart-Leipzig: Hirzel, 1997), 13-28. 190 Mediaevistik 12 • 1999 was, to a large extent, the natural outgrowth of the former, even though many autochthonic and native elements, materials, and ideas made medieval literature very different from antique literature.27 Nevertheless, one of the most important philoso­ phers from late antiquity, Boethius, whose influence on medieval and early modern literature was profound and extensive,28 is, at it seems, incorporated in medieval lite­ rature and culture classes only occasionally and does not play the significant role in studies on the literary history of that time period which he actually deserves.29 Scholars pay lip service to him only, I suppose, because he does not properly belong to medieval German, or Spanish, or French literature, and does not address specifi­ cally art historical questions. Nevertheless, his ideas deeply permeated both German and Spanish, both French and English poets, and he was in the mind of many medie­ val artists and theologians as well.30 William T.H. Jackson commented in his swee­ ping survey of medieval literature that "the works of Boethius were probably of grea­ ter significance than those of any other classical author except Vergil."31 Surpri­ singly, however, Jackson then ignores Boethius throughout his entire study, except for mentioning Notker Labeo's commentaries (49). Middle English scholarship, perhaps more than any other academic branch within the humanities, took note of Boethius, but then this finds its explanation in the fact that Geoffrey Chaucer translat­ ed the Consolatio Philosophiae into the vernacular.32 Derek Brewer states the obvious, though this observation still would have to be heeded by many medievalists: the Consolation of Philosophy "is a book which has refreshed innumberable minds even down to our own day."33 In most specialized studies, however, Boethius' impact on medieval literature is reduced to his observa­ tions on the constellations of stars and the relationship between man and the highest

27 See the wonderful exploration of barbarian cultures and oral culture at the crossroad between antiquity and the Middle Ages by Michael Richter, The Formation of the Medieval West. Studies in the Oral Culture o f the Barbarians (Dublin: St. Martin's Press, 1994). 28 Howard Rollin Patch, The Tradition of Boethius. A Study of His Importance in Medie­ val Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1935). 29 F.P. Pickering, Augustinus oder Boethius? Geschichtsschreibung und epische Dich­ tung im Mittelalter und in der Neuzeit. Philologische Studien und Quellen, 39 (Berlin: E. Schmidt, 1967). 30 Pierre Courcelle, La Consolation de Philosophie dans la tradition littéraire. Antécé­ dents et Postérité de Boèce (Paris: Etudes Augustiniennes, 1967). 31 W.T.H. Jackson, The Literature o f the Middle Ages (New York-London: Columbia University Press, 1960), 11. 32 See for example Medieval Literature. Chaucer and the Alliterative Tradition. Vol. I. Part One. Ed. by Boris Ford. With an Anthology of Medieval Poems and Drama (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1982). 33 Derek Brewer, "Medieval European Literature", Medieval Literature: The European Inheritance. Vol. I. Part Two. Ed. by Boris Ford (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1983), 41-81, here 49. Mediaevistik 12 • 1999 191

good, God.34 In others studies his Consolation is only seen in light of medieval schoo­ ling and teaching, hence its importance is reduced to a textbook like many others used at medieval Cathedral schools.35 Here I will make an attempt to highlight just some of Boethius's primary concepts without dealing with the entire learned treatise.36 In the first place, I want to demonstrate that Boethius as a philosopher powerfully succeeded to make a valid claim and to argue convincingly in support of his philoso­ phy. Secondly, many of his observations were of profound nature and address central issues of human life. Thirdly, and this is the most important point, Boethius' Conso- latio Philosophiae influenced the entire intellectual world of the Middle Ages not simply by accident. Instead, in his treatise he developed ideas about human existence which were of fundamental relevance then and, not surprisingly, still are of relevance today. The prime experience which the author discusses in his treatise is that of im­ prisonment both in the concrete, physical term of the word and in an allegorical sense. The historical circumstances of Boethius' experience do not need to be discus­ sed here in detail, suffice to note that he bitterly complains about the injustice done to him and therefore attempts to reach a new understanding of human imprisonment on a philosophical level. In other words, Boethius transforms the material prison to an epistemological, as philosophy, in her allegorical appearance, teaches him the prin­ ciples of Platonic ideas, indicating that we as human beings are mostly blind and do not comprehend the workings of destiny, fortune, fate, and the stars: "Nam quoniam tui oblivione confunderis, et exsulem te et exspoliatum propriis bonis esse doluisti."37 ("It is because you are confused by loss of memory that you wept and claimed you had been banished and robbed of all your possessions").38 Philosophy explains to him that it would be a grave error to lament the loss of our material possessions because we, as human beings, are not really their proprietors and were simply awarded tem­ porary control by Fortune. Fortune, however, operates as a constantly moving wheel and assigns bad luck and good luck to everyone as it just happens without making any particular distinctions. There is no constancy, as Boethius learns, and hence no guarantee for anything in this world except that inconstancy is its principle. Conse­ quently - and this sounds very much like a Buddhistic teaching in medieval terms -

34 See, for example, Arthur Groos, Romancing the Grail. Genre, Science, and Quest in Wolfram's Parzival (Ithaca-London: Cornell University Press, 1995), 66, 181. 35 See, for example, C. Stephen Jaeger, The Envy of Angels. Cathedral Schools and Social Ideals in Medieval Europe, 950-1200. The Middle Ages Series (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994), 173 ff. 36 I have previously explored the meaning of Boethius' treatise in a separate article forth­ coming in Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch. 37 Anicivs Manlivs Severin vs Boethivs, Philosophiae Consolationis Libri Qvinqve. Ed. Karl Büchner. Dritte, erneuerte Auflage (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1977), 19. 38 Boethius, The Consolation of Philosophy. Translated with an Introduction by V.E. Watts (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1960/1986), 51; all English translation will be quoted from this edition. 192 Mediaevistik 12 • 1999

Philosophy's advice is: "gaudia pelle, / pelle timorem / spemque fugato / nec dolor adsit. / Nubila mens est / vinctaque frenis, / haec ubi regnant" (29) ("Rid yourself / Of joy and fear, / Put hope to flight, / And banish grief. / The mind is clouded / And bound in chains / Where these hold sway" [53]). Who would be in a position to refute the advice that "Opes, honores ceteraque talium mei sunt iuris, dominam famulae cognoscunt, mecum veniunt, me abeunte discedunt ... Haec nostra vis est, hunc continuum ludum ludimus: rotam volubili orbe versamus, infima summis, summa infimis mutare gaudeamus" (23) ("Wealth, honours and the like are all under (Fortune's) jurisdiction ... When I come, they come with me, and when I go, they leave as well ... Inconstancy is my very essence; it is the game I never cease to play as I turn my wheel in it ever changing circle" [57]). Realizing this inconstancy or "mutability" represents the first essential step forward in the intellectual healing process. Several possibilities always present themselves in face of misfortune. Either we can hope that the wheel will turn sometime again in the future, and hence lift us up anew to the previous happy place in life, or we can reflect backwards and take into account all the fortunes which we once enjoyed: "An nume- rum modumque tuae felicitatis oblitus es?" (24) ("Have you forgotten how fortunate you have been in many ways" [59]). Moreover, Philosophy points out that man’s destiny is by necessity vacillating, and that nobody enjoys life without ever expe­ riencing pain and suffering: "Quis est enim tam compositae felicitatis, ut non aliqua ex parte cum status sui qualitate rixetur?" (27) ("No man is so completely happy that something somewhere does not clash with his condition. It is the nature of human affairs to be fraught with anxiety" [62]). Trusting Fortune to provide secure hap­ piness would be like trusting quicksand and will always lead to self-deception: "quin ad beatitudinem percipiendam fortuna instabilitas aspirare non possit" [28]) ("Fortune by her very mutability can't hope to lead to happiness" (63). There are many aspects in human life which seem to promise stability and hap­ piness, but Boethius, in his argument with Philosophy, deconstructs all of them one by one showing that neither gold nor political power, neither fame nor honor amount to anything in face of Fortune. We learn, for instance, "Ita cum pessimos plerumque dignitatibus fungi dubium non sit, illud etiam liquet natura sui bona non esse, quae se pessimis haerere patiantur. Quod quidem de cunctis fortunae muneribus dignius exi­ stiman potest, quae ad improbissimum quemque uberiora perveniunt" (34) ("There is no doubt, then, that for the most part it is evil men who hold the offices, and it is therefore clear that these are not intrinsically good, since they admit of being as­ sociated with evil men. And the same may be properly concluded in the case of all fortune's gifts, since they fall in greater abundance on all the most wicked people" [71]). In a highly dialectic fashion, though leading to the purest form of intellectual enlightenment, Philosophy eventually demonstrates that bad fortune represents a value in itself unmatched by all other ideals of human existence. Surprisingly, she claims, "ilia enim semper specie felicitatis, cum videtur blanda, mentitur, haec semper vera est, cum se instabilem mutatione demonstrat. Illa fallit, haec instruit, ilia Mediaevistik 12 • 1999 193

mendacium specie bonorum mentes fruentium ligat, haec cognitione fragilis felicita- tis absolvit" (38 f.) ("bad fortune is always truthful because by changing she shows her true fickleness. Good fortune deceives, but bad fortune enlightens. With her display of specious riches good fortune enslaves the minds of those who enjoy her, while bad fortune gives men release through the recognition of how fragile a thing happiness is" [76]). The discussion about the relationship of friendship and fortune seems to be one of the most appealing passages in Boethius Consolatio, as here a timeless problem for all people of all ages is addressed and dealt with. Who are your true friends? Whom can you trust among all your acquaintances? It does not matter whether Boethius formulated his thoughts only for his contemporaries or for posterity, his idea of friendship represents such a fundamental truth that it proves to be highly relevant for modern readers as well39: "An hoc inter minima aestimandum putas, quod amicorum tibi fidelium mentes haec aspera, haec horribilis fortuna detexit, haec tibi certos soda- lium vultus ambiguosque secrevit, discedens suos abstulit, tuos reliquit?" (39) ("She has shown you the friends whose smiles were true smiles, and those whose smiles were false; in deserting you Fortune has taken her friends with her and left those who are really yours" (76). In fact, as Philosophy rightly points out, "Nunc amissas opes querere: quod pretiosissimum divitiarum genus est, amicos invenisti" (39) ("So you are weeping over lost riches when you have really found the most precious of all riches - friends who are true friends" [77]). The following sections deals, once again, with individual forms of alleged hap­ piness which then are dismantled and proven to be an illusion. Subsequently Boe­ thius has Philosophy explain the essential nature of goodness which is intimately linked with unity and wholeness, and this then leads to a complex discussion of the universe and its ultimate creator, God. All individual beings strive for absolute hap­ piness and can only find it in their reunification with the absolute good, or God. The logical conclusion of this entire section takes us to the realization that all beings are directed through their instinct to aim for goodness as the only and ultimate source of happiness.40 Even if all these explanations seem to be understandable and intrinsically logical, they do not yet address a vexing problem which troubles the prisoner Boethius and so

39 Reginald Hyatte, The Arts of Friendship. The Idealization of Friendship in Medieval and Early Renaissance Literature (Leiden-New York-Cologne: Brill, 1994); Meine in Gott geliebte Freundin: Freundschaftsdokumente aus klösterlichen und humanisti­ schen Schreibschriften, ed. Gabriela Signori. Religion in der Geschichte, 4 (Bielefeld: Verlag für Regionalgeschichte, 1995); in Middle High German literature the best example for the concept of friendship might well be Konrad von Würzburg's Engel­ hardt. Ed. Paul Gereke. 2., newly rev. ed. by Ingo Reiffenstein. Altdeutsche Text­ bibliothek, 17 (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1963). 40 Michael Haren, Medieval Thought. The Western Intellectual Tradition from Antiquity to the Thirteenth Century. Second ed. (Toronto-Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1992), 66 ff. 194 Mediaevistik 12 • 1999

also every other person suffering from injustice, violence, and mistreatment at the hands of evil people. If the urge toward goodness is an instinct planted in all living things, then the question remains why evil exists at all and why it is even tolerated by an omnipotent God: "nam imperante florenteque nequitia virtus non solum praemiis caret, verum etiam sceleratorum pedibus subiecta calcatur et in locum facinorum sup- plicia luit" (71) ("When wickedness rules and flourishes, not only does virtue go unrewarded, it is even trodden underfoot by the wicked and punished in the place of crime" [116]). It is this point in Boethius' argument which emerges as the most difficult and yet also most illuminating passage. Significantly, however, a careful reading demon­ strates that the answer provided by Philosophy is fairly simple and straightforward, and hence acceptable by almost anybody willing to pay attention to logical discourse. As a premise for the explanation the allegorical figure states: "Sed summum bonum, quod aeque malis bonisque propositum boni quidem naturali officio virtutum petunt, mali vero variam per cupiditatem, quod adipiscendi boni naturale officium non est" (74) ("the supreme good is the goal of good men and bad alike, and the good seek it by means of a natural activity - the exercise of their virtues - while the bad strive to acquire the very same thing by means of their various desires, which isn't a natural method of obtaining the good" [120]). Those who are evil prove to be enormously weak as they are not able even to follow their own basic instinct which would take them toward goodness, "sed circa ipsam rerum summam verticemque deficiunt nec in eo miseris contingit effectus, quod solum dies noctesque moliuntur; in qua re bonorum vires eminent" (75) ("The quest in which they fail is the quest for the highest and most important of all things, and success is denied these wretched men in the very pursuit they toil at night and day to the exclusion of all else, the same pursuit in which the strenght of the good stands out" [121]). In other words, the evil lack in self-control and are victims of vice. The more evil deeds they commit, the more they fall back from goodness and hence from their naturally given path towards ultimate happiness. Even if the evil people seemingly achieve their goal of acquiring wealth and power, in truth they are deceived and take the opposite direction: "improbos vero exercere quidem, quod libeat, quod vero desiderent, explere non posse" (76) ("the wicked busy themselves with what gives pleasure without being able to achieve their real objective" [123]). Consequently, as Philosophy teaches, "cum cupita perfecerint, quam si ea, quae cupiunt, implere non possint" (80) ("the wicked are less happy if they achieve their desires than if they are unable to do what they want" [127]). The last section of Boethius' treatise exclusively deals with issues such as free­ dom of will, destiny, fate, and divine foreknowledge, and takes us into a metaphy­ sical dimension which was difficult for most readers both then and today to follow. The principles of the Consolatio, however, are already clearly marked and for now do not need further elaboration. Considering the conclusion, we may, once again, allow Boethius to speak for himself and to highlight the essential message which reverberates loud and clear throughout the centuries and poignantly addresses the Mediaevistik 12 • 1999 195

basic needs for our society as well: ’’Aversamini igitur vitia, colite virtutes, ad rectas spes animum sublevate, humiles preces in excelsa porrigite. Magna vobis est, si dis- simulare non vultis, necessitas indicta probitatis, cum ante oculos agitis iudicis cuncta cernentis" (113) ("Avoid vice, therefore, and cultivate virtue; lift up your mind to the right kind of hope, and put forth humble prayers on high. A great neces­ sity is laid upon you, if you will be honest with yourself, a great necessity to be good, since you live in the sight of a judge who sees all things" [169]). It would be difficult, if not redundant, to add anything to this statement, but it seems necessary to reiterate and explain the previous claim regarding the impact which Boethius' ideas promise to have on our modern world as well in greater detail. In the first place, although the Consolatio Philosophiae was written in late antiquity or early Middle Ages, it deeply influenced the entire medieval period, and as such forms an essential part of its literature. Boethius served under the Ostrogothic king Theoderic, hence he lived already after the dissolution of the Western Roman Empire and thus could be counted among the intellectual pillars of the early Middle Ages.41 Ultimately, however, his treatise appealed both to medieval people and also carries profound meaning for us today because the search for true happiness is endemic to all human beings, and the experience of suffering, misery, pain, and misfortune is shared by mankind. Boethius does not promise at all to take away the negative sides of our lives, but he offers insights in both the good and the bad aspects which are based on a universal concept and which can be understood by all readers at all times.42 In fact, I would claim, Boethius achieved an understanding of human misfortune, happiness, goodness, and evil which is unparalleled in modern times, and yet we all experience the same or similar problems and are faced with the very question which he raised in the first part of his Consolatio. In response to Philosophy's inquiry about what misery has struck him and what he is actually complaining about, Boethius states: "Nam deteriora velle nostri fuerit fortasse defectus, posse contra innocentiam quae sceleratus quisque conceperit, inspectante deo monstri simile est" (13) ("It may be part of human weakness to have evil wishes, but it is nothing short of monstrous that God should look on while every criminal is allowed to achieve his purpose against the innocent" [44]). It should be evident by now that Boethius, indeed, is able to clear up his own misconception and illuminate his readers - both medieval and modern - about the truth of fortune and goodness. The study of the Middle Ages is not a simple exercise for historical or literary purposes, instead it promises, as our examination of Boethius' treatise has demon­ strated, epistemological insights of great relevance even today. The reason for this curious phenomenon might well be that the origin of modem enlightenment can be

41 Richter, The Formation, 25. 42 Margaret T. Gibson, Boethius, his Life, Thought and Influence (Oxford: Blackwell, 1981); Ann W. Astell, Job, Boethius, and Epic Truth (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994). 196 Mediaevistik 12 • 1999 traced much further back than commonly assumed. Perhaps Kurt Flasch and the other contributors to a volume provocatively entitled Das Licht der Vernunft: die Anfänge der Aufklärung im Mittelalter (The Light of Reason: the Origin of Enlightenment in the Middle Ages), overinterpreted the key word or stretched its meaning. But as Boe­ thius has shown us, the Middle Ages were not a barbarian culture, were not void of rationality and reason, and many of its important thinkers laid the foundation for our own modern world.43 Certainly, this is a trivial, almost banal statement for most medievalists, but it promises to serve as a powerful political argument in the defense of our field both within academia and outside. Next let us turn to a highly influential political theoretician, John of Salisbury (1115-1180) whose political arguments can appeal to modem readers as well. He studied at Paris and Chartres between 1130 and 1140, and assumed an administrative post at the papal court from 1145 to 1153. Since 1154 he served as secretary to Theo­ bald and Thomas Becket, archbishops of Canterbury. After Becket's murder John left England for good and became bishop of Chartres in 1176. In his famous Policraticus or De Nugis Curialium (On the Frivolities of Courtiers) he developed a political theory of the Church and the State as an organism of social and political pluralism and as the guarantor of liberty against royal tyranny.44 Although John does not know anything about democracy, a concept entirely alien to the Middle Ages, his views about the nature of a true prince deserve to be studied in detail because here we encounter a political concept which addresses fundamental issues of human society and points to a direction relevant for all political interaction.45 John differentiates carefully between a tyrant and a prince in that the latter obeys the laws and sees himself as accountable to the people. The political concept outlined in the Policraticus is based on the idea of a "commonwealth" shared by all members of society, although the author also attributes to the prince the cumulative power

43 Das Licht der Vernunft. Die Anfänge der Aufklärung im Mittelalter. Ed. Kurt Flasch and Udo Reinhold Jeck (Munich: Beck, 1997); see also Alexander Murray, Reason and Society in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978); Alain de Libera, La philosophie médiévale (Paris: 1993); the very opposite is argued by Michael H. Stone, Healing the Mind: a History of Psychiatry from Antiquity to the Present (New York- London: W.W. Norton, 1997). 44 Ioannis Saresberiensis Episcopi Camotensis Policratici sive De Nvgis Cvrialivm et vestigiis philosophorvm libri VIII, ed. Clemens C.I. Webb (Oxford: Clarendon, 1909; rpt. New York: Amo Press, 1979); John of Salisbury, Policraticus. Of the Frivolities of Courtiers and the Footprints of Philosophers. Ed. and Trans, by Cary J. Nederman. Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought (Cambridge-New York-et al: Cambridge University Press, 1990). See also Hans Liebeschütz, Medieval Humanism in the Life and Writings of John of Salisbury (1950). 45 Carl J. Nederman, "Knowledge, Virtue and the Path to Wisdom: the Unexamined Ari- stotelism of John of Salisbury's Metalogicon'", Mediaeval Studies 51 (1989): 268-86; Max Kemer, Johannes von Salisbury und die logische Struktur seines Policraticus (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1977). Mediaevistik 12 • 1999 197

because he rules over his subjects and dannot be dethroned: "Tot ergo et tantis priu- legiis apex principalis extollitur et splendescit, quot et quanta sibi ipse necessaria cre- didit" (IV, 1, 513b, 235) ("The prince is raised to the apex and becomes illustrious, therefore, as a result of his many and great privileges which are as numerous and extensive as are thought to be necessary for him" [28]). John assumes, as was typical for the Middle Ages, that society was structured by a hierarchical system dominated by the prince who represents the divine power on earth. Consequently, of course, for John God proves to be the ultimate source of all power, as man is his creation. The divine power, however, is tantamount to a divine justice, or law, which is to be fol­ lowed by all people irrespective of their social class and rank. In other words, John of Salisbury promoted, already during his time, the essential idea of equity and justice which can be enacted by means of rationality and a strong sense of moderation in every aspect of life: "Publicae ergo utilitatis minister et aequitatis seruus est princeps, et in eo personam publicam gerit, quod omnium iniurias et dampna sed et crimina omnia aequitate media punit" (IV, 2, 515b, 238) ("The prince is therefore the minister of the public utility and the servant of equity, and in him the public persona is borne since he punishes all injuries and wrongs, and also all crimes, with moderate equity" [31]).46 All people are bound to obey the law, which also involves the prince who has the obligation to shield and protect his subjects from injustice and danger. The prince receives, symbolically speaking, his sword from the Church and assumes his admini­ strative responsibilities as a military defender and judge without abusing these powers vested in him (IV, 2, 515a, 238; 31). In this sense the prince turns into a "minister est sacerdotum", carrying out his duties on behalf of God for the ultimate good of his people (IV, 3, 516a, 239; 32). John underscores the extreme importance of the written law for the prince because "non debet esse iuris ignarus et, licet multis priuilegiis gaudeat, nec militiae praetextu legem Domini permittitur ignorare" (IV, 6, 522c, 250 f.) ("he is not permit­ ted to be ignorant of the laws of God on the pretext of the martial spirit" (41). In case of his illiteracy "eundem agi litteratorum consiliis, ut ei res recte procedat, necesse est" (IV, 6, 524d, 254) ("then it is necessary that he receive the counsel of those who are literate, in order that his affairs proceed properly" (44), but the true prince, ideal in his thinking, performance, and values, primarily pursues wisdom, avoids foolish­ ness, and rules justly (IV, 6, 525b, 255 f.; 45). Among other virtues, the prince is sup­ posed to care for all parts of the body politic, he "senem moribus esse oportet et qui moderatiora sequatur consilia, et uicem gerere medicorum qui morbos curant nunc ex inanitione in obpletis, nunc refectione in uacuis, et dolorem sedant nunc cauterio, nunc fomentis" (IV, 8, 529c, 262 f.) ("must be of a moral character of one of advan­

46 C. Stephen Jaeger, The Envy of Angels, 307, underscores John’s view toward philo­ sophy and its teaching of moderation as follows: "Nothing is either civil or in accord with duty unless Philosophy has paved the way for it, and it is important that her ideas become realized in practice ..." 198 Mediaevistik 12 • 1999

ced years and should follow the counsel of those who are moderate, and perform the duties of the physician who cures disease sometimes by starvation of the overfed, sometimes by refreshment of the malnourished, and who sedates pain sometimes by cauterising tissue, sometimes by poultice" (50). Surprisingly, John of Salisbury does not insist on an absolute and vehement pur­ suance of virtues, instead admonishes the ruler to steer toward the middle ground and to avoid excess: "excessus omnis in culpa; bonarumque rerum consuetudo nimia pessima est" (IV, 9, 53 Id, 266) ("an excess of goodness and of habitually good deeds is very evil" [53]). Similarly, he warns against exaggerated types of humility because it leads to new forms of pride (IV, 9, 53 Id, 267; 54). The prince's path is difficult and narrow, but John emphasizes repeatedly that true virtue avoids extremes and aspires moderation - a fundamental medieval value and also an ideal which likewise speaks to modern man.47 On the one hand John sings a song of praise of the ideal ruler, on the other, however, he warns the princes that continuity of the rule within one family is no guarantee to upkeep this ideal: "Et quo reges fuerint clariores, eo citius, si aduersus Deum intumuerint, conculcatur semen eorum" (IV, 12, 537b, 276) ("the more glorious the kings are, the sooner their seed is stamped out if they rise up against God" [61]). From a highly pessimistic point of view the author warns against the illusion that a good prince would be able to establish a long-lasting dynasty. As in the case of the Roman Caesars, practically "Rarus eorum aut nullus filium reliquit here- dem, et omnes in breui post uaria pericula et caedes sui et suorum plurimas diuersis mortibus et fere ignominiosis quasi in momento deleti sunt et descendentes ad inferos successores habuerunt aut hostes aut ignotos" (IV, 12, 537c, 276) ("none of them bequeathed their inheritance to their sons, and, in brief, after their various perils and murders of many family members, all were eradicated as if in an instant by diverse and usually ignominious deaths" [62]). Despite his many good recommendations and eulogies on good princes, the political reality appears to have been different, both in antiquity and at John's time, and, as we may deduce, so in our own time. The realist in him observes that power easily tempts the leader to do harm to others, to abuse them: "Cum uero noces, accedis ad iniuriam. Cum nocentes non impedis, iniustitiae famularis" (IV, 12, 537d, 277) ("When you do harm, you assent to injury. When you do not impede the doing of harm, you are a servant of injustice" [62]). Consequently John also outlines actions to be taken in case of a tyrannical prince: "regum gloria transferetur, si iniusti iniuriosi contumeliosi inuenti fuerint aut dolosi" (IV, 12, 538b, 278) ("the glory of kings is to be transferred if they are found to be unjust, injurious, abusive or deceitful" (62 f.). Without having a real political process at their disposal, the king's subjects should work towards the improvement of the

47 Otfrid Ehrismann, Ehre und Mut, Aventure und Minne. Höfische Wortgeschichten aus dem Mittelalter. Unter Mitarbeit von Albrecht Classen, Winder McConnell, et al (Munich: Beck, 1995), 128-136. Mediaevistik 12 • 1999 199

government if the situation requires this from them. Immediate impeachment is not called for, but soft cajoling and advise. Only in extreme cases, when injustice has been firmly rooted, would a replacement become necessary (V, 6, 549c et d, 299 f.; 70). From a theoretical position, then, John of Salisbury projects detailed plans for how to control a king and to ensure his proper behavior as the head of the state. After all, God instituted the role of the prince "ad iniurias propulsandas" (V, 6, 551b, 302) ("for the repelling of injury" [72]), i.e., for proper governance of all people in a just system. When a ruler, however, turns out to be useless or incapable, he will be removed either forcefully or through their own wrongdoing: "Aut enim per gladium transeunt, aut stultitia consumuntur" (V, 6, 554a, 307) ("For either they pass away by the sword or they are consumed by folly" [75]). Quite unexpectedly for a medieval writer, John also discusses the value of liberty as if he were a modern defender of democracy and not a medieval bishop. He defines, however, liberty to a large extent in terms of virtue: "summum bonum in uita constat esse uirtutem et quae sola graue et odiosum seruitutis excutit iugum, pro uirtutute, quae singularis uiuendi causa est, moriendum, si neccesitas ingruit, philosophi censuerunt" (2. Buch, VII, 25, 705c, 218) ("because virtue is agreed to be the greatest good in life and that which alone banishes the heavy and hateful yoke of servility, philosophers strongly advise that, if assailed by necessity, one is to die for virtue, which is the sole reason for living" [175 f.]). Consequently, John also emphasizes freedom of speech as a crucial premise for liberty: "Liberum ergo fuit et semper licitum libertati parcendo personis dicere de uitiis; quoniam et ius est quo licet ueras expromere uoces etiam seruis aduersus dominos, dum uera loquuntur ... Tunc ergo, non impetrata uenia, quae ipso iure competit, linguas acuunt" (VII, 25, 710b, 224 f.) ("man is to be free and it is always permitted to a free man to speak to persons about restraining their vices. Thus, there is even a legal right according to which it is permitted to express the truth in speech" [180]). Finally, to illuminate his essential points also from the opposite angle, John discusses the differences between a tyrant and a prince, examining the typical behavior of a tyrant.48 Whereas the prince rules by the laws, the tyrant "uiolenta dominatione populum premit, sicut qui legibus regit princeps est" (VIII, 17, 777d, 345) ("oppresses the people by violent domination, just as the prince is one who rules by the laws" (190). Tyranny takes its origin in injustice and inequality and conse­ quently this political evil needs to be rooted out. Moreover, tyranny proves to be not only a form of political governance, but can also be discovered among private people "id uirium quod habent in uetitum efferunt" (VIII, 17, 778b, 346) ("in so far as the powers which they possesss promote prohibited goals" [191]). Tyrannical thinking and behavior is directed against the honorable and just because "omnia posse uolunt,

48 C.J. Nederman, trans. and ed., xxiv, comments: for John a tyrant is a person "who weds the ambitious desire to curtail the liberty of others with the power to accomplish his goal." 200 Mediaevistik 12 • 1999

contempnentes quid potentiam antecedat hanc et sequatur" (VIII, 17, 778d, 347) ("they wish to have power over everything, disdaining what precedes and follows this power" [192]). True to his own absolute ideals, John of Salisbury admits that even priests can turn into tyrants "id tota agentes ambitione et omnibus artibus eius, ut sub praetextu officii suam possint tirannidem exercere" (VIII, 17, 779c, 348) ("who are driven by all their ambition and all their talents so that they can be tyrants under the pretext of exercising their duties" (193). Ultimately, although tyrants are also considered to be God's ministers, their sub­ jects should not tolerate them and either remove them from office, if possible, or - in extreme cases - proceed to tyrannicide: "semper tiranno licuit adulari, licuit eum decipere et honestum fuit occidere, si tamen aliter coherceri non poterat" (VIII, 788d, 364) ("it has always been permitted to flatter tyrants, it has been permitted to deceive them and it has been honourable to kill them if they could not be otherwise re­ strained" [205]). Likewise, "Vt autem et ab alia constet historia iustum esse publicos occidi tirannos et populum ad Dei obsequium liberari" (VIII, 795a, 376) ("It is also accepted ... that it is just for public tyrants to be killed and the people to be liberated for obedience to God" [207]). John of Salisbury neither calls for a general uprise against the mighty, nor does he project a change of the laws or the social structures of his time. Instead, he insists on the absolute primacy of the law and on the requirement for the prince to pursue virtue, as he explains in an earlier section of his treatise: "Quia de iuris auctoritate principis pendet auctoritas; et reuera maius imperio est, summittere legibus principatum" (1. Buch, IV, 1, 514c, 237) ("Because the authority of the prince is determined by the authority of right, and truly submission to the laws of princes is greater than the imperial title" [29]). This makes the entire Policraticus to a profoundly religious, but also secular text as its major thrust is aimed at worldly governance within a religious framework. This is best summarized in the title to Chapter six in Book IV: "Quod debet legem Dei habere prae mente et oculis semper, et peritus esse in litteris, et litteratorum agi consiliis" (IV, 6, 522c, 250) ("That the ruler must have the law of God always before his mind and eyes, and he is to be pro­ ficient in letters, and he is to receive counsel form men of letters" [41 ]).49 No doubt, John of Salisbury's thinking was deeply influenced by medieval humanism of the Chartrean school, but humanism it was after all.50 Even though God proves to be the ultimate reference point for John's political theory, he nevertheless places great emphasis on the individual and his personal liberty. Freedom and justice rank high in this value system, whereas tyranny and injustice are sharply criticized

49 C.J. Nederman, trans. and ed., xxii, describes the ideal prince as a leader who pursues the "common good" and establishes a "just society on earth". 50 C. Stephen Jaeger, Medieval Humanism in Gottfried von Strassburg's Tristan und Isolde. Germanische Bibliothek. 2. Abt.: Untersuchungen und Texte. 3. Reihe: Unter­ suchungen und Einzeldarstellungen (Heidelberg: Winter, 1977); see also Ivan Illich, In the Vineyard o f the Text. A Commentary to Hugh's Didascalicon (Chicago-London: The University of Chicago Press, 1993). Mediaevistik 12 • 1999 201

and condemned as vices and grave dangers for peace and prosperity.51 The observa­ tions do not imply that the Policraticus would be comparable with modem political treatises on democracy and liberty. To be sure, John of Salisbury did not lay the foundation for the modern, postfeudal world, and yet, his discussions reveal a fundamental aspect of medieval humanism which directly releates it to critical issues relevant for modern readers both in the East and the West living either under dicta­ torship or in democratic systems. We would search in vain for concrete suggestions in John's treatise for how to remedy ill-fated politics, remove evil politicians, or reduce public debts. The Poli­ craticus is not a guidebook for young leaders eager to assume government posts, and it is not a reference work for how to assume power in concrete terms, hence not comparable with Niccolo Macchiavells’s The Prince (1513). Instead, here we are confronted with a critical voice which appeals to people's common sense, under­ scores the necessity to pursue virtue both in private and in public, and outlines basic strategies how to realize peace and happiness for all people within a social com­ munity. Particularly because of the fundamental, timeless approach taken by John, his Policraticus emerges as a powerful document with significant messages about ideal rulers and how to realize the best of all possible political systems. In Cary Nederman's words, "true to his philosophical devotion to moderation, he was satis­ fied neither with the fanatical spiritualism of the hierocratic mind-set nor with an equally extreme authoritarianism ... rooted in the literal interpretation of the king as imago D ei.1,51 We certainly would have to translate many of his teachings to make them meaningful for our own world, but surprisingly this translation process would be pos­ sible quite easily. In other words, John of Salisbury achieved a monumental task in composing his treatise. Not only did he address his contemporary political and philo­ sophical audience, he also addressed many readers from many different cultures and periods concerned about the well-being of their government and individual leaders insofar as the Policraticus outlines fundamental principles of fairness, equality, justice, and peace in the interaction of people, in communicating with each other, and so of all social groups.53

51 Gordon Leff, Medieval Thought. St. Augustine to Ockham (London: The Merlin Press, 1959), 126; Jan van Laarhoven, "Though Shalt Not Slay A Tyrant! The So-Called Theory of John of Salisbury", The World of John of Salisbury. Ed. by Michael Wilks. Studies in Church History, Subsidia, 3 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1984), 319-341. Laarhoven rightly criticizes John of Salisbury for having failed to develop a political theory in the modern sense of the word, but he, in turn, fails to discredit the Policraticus as a powerful political and philosophical treatise on essential issues of human society. 52 C.J. Nederman, "Priests, Kings, and Tyrants. Spiritual and Temporal Power in John of Salisbury's 'Policraticus'", Speculum 66, 3 (1991); 572-90, here 589. 53 Cary J. Nederman, "Priests, Kings, and Tyrants", 1991. 202 Mediaevistik 12 • 1999

Finally, modern feminist issues also can be dealt with by means of considering statements voiced in the Middle Ages. Christine de Pizan (ca. 1365-ca. 1430), well- known today for her outspoken defense of women against ancient-old misogyny, does not only address contemporary women, but also examines the timeless question regarding the relationship of the sexes. Christine's writings have recently attracted so much interest among scholarship and the lay audience that no further introduction would be required here.54 This has not always been the case, however, as literary histories until very recently tended to ignore this powerful writer. "The slighting of Christine is symptomatic of that very disregard meted to women of ability that Chri­ stine herself censured in her days.”55 Nevertheless, her rediscovery by modern scholarship has led to an avalanche of new explorations of women's issues in the Middle Ages. Joan M. Ferrante emphasizes, for instance, reflecting on the various writers to be presented in her book, that "the women discussed here might be seen as feminists by virtue of the life they led or the works they produced, though they are not necessarily feminist in all their opinions."56 Christine's observations respond, of course, directly to charges leveled against women during the Middle Ages, but both through her sharp and sophisticated criticism of those stereotypes and through turning into a model case herself for women of all ages her texts suddenly emerge as relevant documents for the women's movement both then and today.57 We would be well advised, however, to steer clear of ideological feminism which paints only a black picture of the Middle Ages or idealizes the conditions for medie­ val women.58 For instance, Jane Chance claimed that "women who authored texts in the Middle Ages generally were not provided with the same educational opportu­ nités", but she does not seem to have considered the case of Christine de Pizan.59 Furthermore, Chance believes, as many other feminists have done, that most me­ dieval women writers "wrote in the margins, oppressed and diminished by social and religious institutions at various times and in various places",60 again ignoring the stu­

54 Charity Cannon Willard, Christine de Pizan. Her Life and Works (New York: Persea Books, 1984); her texts will be quoted from: The Writings o f Christine de Pizan. Selected and ed. by Charity Cannon Willard (New York: Persea Books, 1994). 55 The Writings o f Medieval Women. An Anthology. Second Ed., translations and intro­ ductions by Marcelle Thiebaux. The Garland Library of Medieval Literature (New York-London: Garland, 1994), 413. 56 Joan M. Ferrante, To the Glory o f Her Sex. Women's Roles in the Composition of M edieval Texts. Women of Letters (Bloomington-Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1997), 9, see also her lengthy examination of Christine's work on pp. 204-213. 57 Woman Defamed and Woman Defended. An Anthology of Medieval Texts. Ed. by Alcuin Blamires with Karen Pratt and C.W. Marx (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992). 58 Albrecht Classen, Peter Dinzelbacher, "Weltliche Literatur von Frauen des Mittelal­ ters", Mediaevistik 8 (1995): 55-73. 59 Jane Chance, "Introduction", Gender and Text in the Later Middle Ages. Ed. by Jane Chance (Gainesville-Tallahassee-et al.: University Press of Florida, 1996), 5. 60 Chance, "Introduction", 8. Mediaevistik 12 • 1999 203 pendous statements by Christine, although later in her discussion Chance refers to her as well: "Because the discourse of authorities has defamed women, Christine has been reduced to silence, is speechless, reified and dehumanized."61 Both the rich manuscript tradition and the strong support of Christine by various and high-ranking patrons contradict Chance's claim.62 Undoubtedly, Christine's voice clearly reminds us that women's lot in the Middle Ages was far from being ideal, but her texts also indicate that the seemingly bleak conditions for women, being suppressed, muted, and marginalized by patriarchy, might not reflect the whole truth. In order to understand Christine's messages and to gain insight in her biography, let us consider her Livre de la Mutación de Fortune (Book of the Mutation of Fortune") as a representative piece for her entire work and thinking.63 Here as well as in the case of Boethius and John of Salisbury, I hope to demonstrate that this medieval writer continues to be of highest importance also for us today as she addresses critical issues both for women and men and outlines a con­ crete agenda for women of her time how to structure their own lives in a meaningful way, which, mutatis mutandi, directly applies to modern issues as well. After having explored the impact of fortune on all people's lives - quite similar to the ideas expressed by Boethius -, Christine turns to her own existence and outlines the various hardships, challenges, successes, and efforts which she had experienced. She quickly discards the material value of "Honneur, chevance et le contraire" ("honor, wealth, and property" [78]) because they destroy true happiness (80-82). A philosophical approach to life would require that one accepts the good with the evil (100; 98) and follows the Bible's teachings. Virtue and friendship represent some of the most important values and must be pursued even if suffering and pain seem to take hold "Et mainte contraire sepmaine, / Travail penible et anuyeux" (116 f.) ("It does not happen overnight / so don‘t be angry with your plight; / you may suffer for weeks and years", 114). Christine's purpose, however, is not so much to extrapolate Boethius' teachings, but rather to explain "Qui de femelle devins masle / Par Fortune, Qu'ainsy le voult; / Si me mua et corps et voult / En homme naturel parfaict" (142-146) ("How I, a woman, became a man / By a flick of Fortune's hand / How she changed my body's form / To the perfect masculine norm" (142-145). Although born as a woman, she emphasizes her transformation to a man in the sense that she took charge of her life and established existence within the courtly world because a number of strikes of

61 "Introduction", 15. The historical condition seems to have been quite different, howe­ ver, see M. Thiébaux, ed., The Writings, 413. 62 See, for example, Bärbel Ziihlke, Christine de Pizan in Text und Bild. Zur Selbstdar­ stellung einer frühhumanistischen Intellektuellen. Ergebnisse der Frauenforschung, 36 (Stuttgart-Weimar: Metzler, 1994), 19-30. Zühlke notes, 28: "Erst seit 1550 geriet die Autorin mehr oder weniger in Vergessenheit." 63 Christine, de Pisan, Le livre de la mutacion de fortune, ed. Suzanne Solente. Publica­ tions de la Société des anciens textes français (Paris: A. & J. Picard, 1959). 204 Mediaevistik 12 • 1999

fortune effected her deeply. Her father, a well-trained scientist, had been heavily disappointed about the birth of a baby girl instead of a son. Nevertheless, Christine enjoyed the tremendous opportunity to grow up treated equally and fairly. "Lors n'avoit cure ne soing, / Ne il ne m'en estoit besoing, / Fors de jouer, selon 1'usage, / Avec les enfens de mon aage, / Mais, pour ce que fille fu nee, / Ce n'estoit pas chose ordenee / Que en riens deusse amander" (409-415) ("And I thus grew up without fear / Of the injustice all too near: / Among infant playmates equality / Reigns, whereas adult polity, / Riddled with prejudice, reacts / In the interest of male contracts" (406- 09). As soon as she grew out of her infancy, however, she realized the injustice done to women and felt the strong prejudice affecting them all. Christine was fortunate, though, because she received a solid education (469-474). Using an allegorical image, she points out that she received from her mother a crown studded with jewels which all represented either a virtue or character. These are: serenity, sagacity, perspicacity, reason, discretion, consideration, retentiveness or memory, and discre­ tion. Most important, though, proved to be her own intellect which awoke just in time to overcome the allegedly weakness of her sex: "D'enfence estoie sepparee / Ja, quant ainsi je fus paree; / Si pris a devenir acointe / De raison, dont je fus plus cointe; / Par mon chappel oz l'acointence / Et celle qui les nices tence, / A qui de m'enseigner tarda, / De maintes folours me garda" (763-700) ("Just as I was becoming used / To womanhood, tho’ a bit confused, / Reason set about her ways / To educate my maturing days", 768-771). Despite her feeling of inferiority and weakness, education, reason, rationality, and other virtues lifted Christine up and provided her with the necessary strength to assume control of her life, particularly after she lost her husband and had to take care of her children without his help. Resorting to a ship imagery, Christine describes the sudden change of her life as follows: "Et, comme nostre nef alast / Aux vagues de la mer, frapast / Contre une roche moult grant cas; / Je m'esveillay et fu le cas / Tel qu'incontinent et sanz doubte / Transmuee me senti toute. / Mes membres senti trop plus fors" (1331-1337) ("Finally, with one mighty crash, / Our ship against the rocks was smashed, / Awakening med. I felt all strange: / My body undergoing change / All over I felt transmutated: / No longer weak and subjugated", 1332-1336). The shipwreck represents the sudden loss of all of her pre­ vious security and stability, which forced her to assume responsibility and take charge of her own life: "Quant ainsi la vi periller, / Moy meismes a appareiller / La pris; a clous et a mortel / Rejoing les ais et fort martel / Mousse vais cueillant sus les roches / Es fentes la fiche, a grans troches" (1375-1380) ("When I'd seen this devasta­ tion, / 1 prepared for reparation. / Hammer in hand, with mortar and nails, / 1 rejoined the planks; then where snails / Dwell, under rocks, I gathered moss / To cover leaks, ... " 1375-1381). Moreover, Christine proclaims that she "Brief et court, bien me soz ayder / De quan qu'il fault a nef conduire / Se si tost nel sos par moy duire / Y appris, si qu'en fu bon maiste" (1384-1388) ("For I learned to pilot, to prevail / Over oceans at my command" (1385 f.) as she then turned into a man's role. Nevertheless, she concludes with a wish that she would be able "Estre femme, com je souloie" (1399) Mediaevistik 12 • 1999 205

("To return as woman and be heard" (1397) because she requests acceptance of women in their individuality and gender identity. The subsequent discussions turn to political, ideological, and religious questions, but Christine eventually fully agrees with the insights which Boethius had formulated in his treatise and which she is now able to apply to her own life. Material things, worldly happiness, and short-lived fortune are to be disdained and replaced with peace and tranquility (23630) which lead to an inner joy (23636). Obviously, this woman writer not only conveys a powerful message for her female readers, but she also transcends the gender limitations and addresses more fundamental concerns effecting all people at all times, that is, the deceptiveness of good fortune and the mutability of human existence. Many more passages in Christine's extensive work could be cited and explored in detail to demonstrate the breadth of her intellectual visions and her profound under­ standing of women's issues. Both her Livre de la Cité des Dames (Book of the City of Ladies) and her Livre du Trésor de la Cités des Dames (The Treasury of the City of Ladies) are famous among medievalists and modem feminists alike. Especially her autobiographical poems appeal to the modem reader because of their surprisingly realistic outlook and accurate perception of life. In her Lavision-Christine we come across a woman diligently working and studying and struggling to survive in a dangerous world. She repeatedly emphasizes the importance of education and strongly recommends her audience to help their own children to acquire knowledge: "oh, children and youths! If only you knew what good is to be found in the delight of knowledge, and the evil and ugliness in ignorance - if only you knew better, you would not complain about the labor of studying."64 She also underscores the many blessings which many people enjoy through birth into a noble family, through their parents and children, and hrough their physical and intellectual well-being (22). Christine cannot be called a "feminist" in the modern sense of the word, but she critically dealt with critical issues relevant for women both then and today. She also approached key aspects of all people's lives, their submission under fortune, and the instability of human existence. Through her discourse Christine illuminates her rea­ ders about a philosophical understanding of life and addresses, in a surprisingly modern manner, fundamental concerns of education, wisdom, and knowledge. It would be difficult to refute that Christine deserves to be heard even today as she had important messages to convey. Modern readers might of course object to this approach and demand modern ans­ wers for modern problems. Feminism, then, would not profit from a study of medie­ val women's writing, which hence would have to be discarded in favor of twentieth-

64 Christine's Vision, 16; here quoted from the translation from ex-Phillipps Ms. 128 by Christine M. Reno, in: The Writings of Christine de Pizan. For an older edition, see Lavision-Christine, ed. Sister Mary Louis Towner. Studies in Romance Languages and Literatures, 6 (rpt. of the 1932 ed.; New York: AMS Press, 1969). 206 Mediaevistik 12 • 1999

century literature. The opposite, however, is the case as medieval studies allow for "a historical and material feminism grounded in the differences of the past as well as the uncertainties of the present.”65 In other words, to extrapolate from this statement, the interpretation of Christine's texts has led us to an understanding of principal women's issues both then and today. Her problems and challenges, though shaped and contex- tualized by her own time and culture, continue to vex modern women and require ever new responses. This is not to say that the various medieval voices, among them Christine's, must be acknowledged as guides towards our future. Nevertheless, both Christine de Pizan and Boethius, and so also John of Salisbury and many other medieval thinkers and writers, contributed to an ancient discourse with their own observations and conclu­ sions. This discourse had already gained in virulence in the Middle Ages despite the general impression of a hierarchical, patriarchal society which seems to have muted alternative voices, especially those of women. Feminist research certainly "energizes the discipline, animating it to the benefit of its many practitioners ..., it can project a nonhierarchical model of theory and praxis."66 Similarly, Boethius still speaks to us, in fact seems to lead us out of a modern dilemma because we increasingly lose the traditional faith in a divine entity and yet experience the devastating effects of fortune. And John of Salisbury addressed, inspired by political conflicts raging during his time, questions about fair and just government which easily prove their relevance for our own Western world today where democracy dominates and yet has led many people to a strong sense of disillu­ sionment. Paul Zumthor called the Middle Ages the "soil from which spring its deep biological and psychic roots." The modern audience senses that the Middle Ages are "a 'before' that is nearer at hand, less orderly, more primitive, one in which modern regional cultural movements hope to discover a vein that antedates the great stan­ dardization."67 This general observation might well withstand critical scrutiny, but it would be much better buttressed with references to the validity of Boethius' claims regarding human life and its being subjected to the workings of fortune. In fact, if we ever need to defend our discipline, and this is the basic issue of this paper, we only need to refer to this sixth-century philosopher, to twelfth-century John of Salisbury, and to late- medieval Christine de Pizan, among many other writers, who provide important, if not essential insights in the intricacies of human life. This approach does not intend to blur the obvious differences between the modern world and the Middle Ages.

65 E. Jane Bums, Sarah Kay, Roberta L. Krueger, and Helen Solterer, "Feminism and the Discipline of Old French Studies: Une Bele Disjointure", Medievalism and the Moder­ nist Temper. Ed. by R. Howard Bloch and Stephen G. Nichols (Baltimore-London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 225-266, here 231. 66 E. Jane Bums, et al., "Feminism”, 250. 67 Paul Zumthor, Speaking o f the Middle Ages, 11. Mediaevistik 12 • 1999 207

Instead, this approach opens connections between two different cultures and allows fundamental ideas developed in one age to be transferred to the other. Our critical analysis of medieval sources transforms this past world in a radical and yet refreshing manner to a model case which illuminates previous strategies, concepts, and ideas applied to human problems and conflicts. Likewise, those insights developed by medieval thinkers and transferred to our modern world promise to have an impact on us as well since they represent fundamental ideas and perceptions with which peren­ nial challenges for mankind can be met. All three voices discussed so far have proven that they pursued highly rational arguments in exploring essential aspects of human life. They were, however, not "enlightened" in the sense of eighteenth-century enlightenment. Nevertheless, as also Peter Abelard (1079-1142/44) demonstrates, rational discourse, reason, and intellec­ tual enterprises were considered relevant means of finding truth even at medieval cathedral schools and at universities.68 In the preface to his Dialogus inter Philoso- phum, Judaeum et Christianum (Dialogue Between a Philosopher, a Jew and a Chri­ stian (1136-1139) the Philosopher explains the reasons for his examination of which world religion would be the proper one: "quoniam id summum est philosophorum, rationibus veritatem investigare et in omnibus non opinionem hominum, sed rationis sequi ducatum"69 ("For it's the philosophers' job to investigate the truth by means of reasons, and in all things to follow not people's opinion but reason's lead"70). Promp­ ted by his initial attempt to compare the "diversas etiam fidei sectas" (645) ("different religious faiths", 59), he decided "quod consentaneum magis sit rationi" (645) ("to follow the one that is more in agreement with reason", 59). The actual debate focuses on the proper interpretation of the Old and the New Testament and produces some surprising results, the details of which cannot be sum­ marized here. It needs to be stressed, however, that Abelard allows the Jew to defend his religion in a highly logical, though not fully convincing manner, whereas the Christian, in the end, proves to be the winner. The reasons for this outcome are not simply that Abelard was a Christian and lived in a radically Christian society, but

68 See the recent discussions of this phenomenon by Simon Demmelhuber, "Vom Phan­ tom der Empirie und empirischen Phantomen. Überlegungen zur mittelhochdeutschen Legende von Sankt Brandan", Fremdes wahrnehmen - fremdes Wahrnehmen. Studien zur Geschichte der Wahrnehmung und zur Begegnung von Kulturen in Mittelalter und früher Neuzeit. Ed. Wolfgang Harms and C. Stephen Jaeger, together with Alexandra Stein (Stuttgart-Leipzig: Hirzel, 1997), 49-71, here 64-66; see also Joachim Venne­ busch, "Roger Bacon", Exempla histórica. Epochen der Weltgeschichte in Biogra­ phien. Vol. 17: Mittelalter. Wissenschaftler und Forscher, ed. Kurt Fassman (Frank­ furt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuchverlag, 1984), 111 -124. 69 Petrus Abaelardus, Opera, ed. Victor Cousin, adjuvante Carolo Jourdain. Tomus posterior (Rpt of the edition Paris 1859; Hildesheim-New York: Georg Olms, 1970), 644. 70 Peter Abelard, Ethical Writings. Trans, by Paul Vincent Spade. With an Introduction by Marilyn McCord Adams (Indianapolis-Cambridge: Hacket Publishing, 1995), 59. 208 Mediaevistik 12 • 1999

because he let the Christian defend his faith by way of reason which convinces the Philosopher: "Unde maxime vestra, id est Christiana, praedicatio commendatur, quod eos ad fidem convertere potuit, qui rationibus plurimum nitebantur et abundabant, omnium videlicet liberalium artium studiis imbuti, rationibus armati" (670) ("Thus your [that is, Christian] preaching is highly praised because it was able to convert those people to the faith who most relied on and abounded in reason, those who were trained in the studies of the liberal arts and armed with reason", 94). Moreover, the dabate between the Philosopher and the Christian centers on virtue, morality, good­ ness, and justice as expressions of the true faith. At one point the Philosopher emphasizes: "Justitia itaque virtus est, communi utilitate servata, suam cuique tribu- ens dignitatem, haec est ea virtus qua volumus unumquemque habere id quo dignus est, si hoc commune non inferat damnum" (686) ("Justice then is the virtue that bestows on everyone his due while preserving the common benefit - that is, that virtue whereby we want everyone to have what he's worth of, if this doesn't imply any common injury", 113). We could easily identify many other similarities in Abelard's thinking with Boe­ thius' and John of Salisbury's, but suffice it here to conclude with the observation that this Dialogue conveys an image of the Middle Ages which could easily be character­ ized as somewhat 'modern*. In fact, many of our present concerns and problems are still the same as those of Abelard's or Boethius' times, and in this sense we are clearly justified to argue that we need to listen to those medieval voices as well if we want to find solutions for us today. In this respect, Christine's radical self-analysis and femi­ nist critique cannot only be viewed from a historical perspective, but also as a mes­ sage from the past for the present. In other words, with these four writers and philosophers in mind we would be well prepared to face any criticism against Medieval Studies, and we would be in a solid position to explain what the relevance of the Middle Ages are for us today. The meaning of that age and culture was more than theatrical pomp in knightly garb, more than the mystical and enigmatic, and also more than the aesthetic pleasure pro­ duced by the artistic alterity. Both the medieval philosopher and politician, both the poet and the musician, both the artist and the scientist require our attention - they all have had much to say. In this sense, they provided the intellectual background for our present and future culture, as probably all medievalists would agree. But this is not to reiterate an old truism, instead the purpose of our discussion was to reemphasize the overall significance of the medieval world especially for us today in political, herme­ neutical, literary, aesthetic, and ethical terms.

Prof. Dr. A. Classen Mod. Lang. Build. 571 University USA 85721 Tucson AZ